The Mentality That Holds Nigeria Back

Until Nigerians change their mentality, the dream of producing a reasonable, selfless, and visionary leader for Africa will remain far-fetched. The greatest obstacle to Nigeria’s progress is not just corruption or bad governance it is the deeply rooted mindset of division and selfishness that dominates the hearts of its people.

In Nigeria, tribal loyalty often outweighs national interest. People identify more with their ethnic groups Hausa, Igbo, Yoruba, and others than with the nation itself. When elections come, competence and integrity are rarely the criteria for leadership; instead, the focus shifts to “our own person,” regardless of merit or vision. This tribal mentality has made unity impossible and progress a distant dream.

True nation-building requires a collective consciousness a sense of belonging that transcends tribal lines. But in Nigeria, each tribe wants to dominate, each group wants to rule, and each region fights for its share of the “national cake.” As a result, the country remains trapped in a cycle of mistrust, inequality, and underdevelopment.

Until Nigerians rise above ethnic sentiments and embrace a national identity built on justice, equality, and patriotism, they will continue to recycle the same kind of leaders greedy, divisive, and unpatriotic. The change Nigeria needs will not come from the top; it must begin in the minds of the people. Only when Nigerians see themselves first as Nigerians before any tribe can the nation produce leaders worthy of leading Africa toward greatness.

#Africa #Nigeria #World

PRESS RELEASE : DHQ NEVER MENTIONED ANY COUP ATTEMPT

PRESS RELEASE : DHQ NEVER MENTIONED ANY COUP ATTEMPT 

(1).  The attention of the Defence Headquarters (DHQ) has been drawn to a false and misleading report by an online publication insinuating that the cancellation of activities marking Nigeria’s 65th Independence Anniversary was linked to an alleged attempted military coup. The report also made spurious references to the recent DHQ press release announcing the arrest of sixteen officers currently under investigation for professional misconduct.

(2).  The Armed Forces of Nigeria (AFN) wishes to categorically state that the claims by the said publication are entirely false, malicious, and intended to cause unnecessary tension and distrust among the populace. The decision regarding the cancellellation of 65th independence anniversary parade  was  to allow Mr President attend a strategic bilateral meeting outside the country and for members of the AFN to sustain the momentum on the fight against terrorism, insurgency and banditry.

(3).  Furthermore, the DHQ wishes to reassure Nigerians that the ongoing investigation involving the sixteen officers is a routine internal process aimed at ensuring discipline and professionalism is maintained within the ranks. An investigative panel has been duly constituted, and its findings would be made public.

(4).  The DHQ calls on all peace loving citizens to continue to provide necessary support to the security agents. The FG, the legislature and the judiciary are working closely for the safety, development and well being of the nation. Democracy is forever. 

(5).  The DHQ urges members of the public to disregard the falsehood being circulated by the purveyors of misinformation and enemies of our nation. The Armed Forces of Nigeria remains firmly loyal to the Constitution and the Federal government under the leadership of the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR.

Signed:

TUKUR GUSAU

Brigadier General

Director Defence Information, Abuja

18 October 2025

THE UNPARDONABLE MISTAKES IN THE PARDONS

There were indications on Thursday that some names on the presidential pardon list approved by the Council of State, as presented by the Attorney-General of the Federation, Prince Lateef Fagbemi (SAN), may be dropped.

The development comes amid growing public outcry over the inclusion of certain high-profile and violent offenders among those pardoned by President Bola Tinubu.

The presidential pardon, usually granted to mark national occasions, was also meant to decongest prisons and promote reconciliation.

The presidential statement noted that the decision followed recommendations by the Presidential Advisory Committee on the Prerogative of Mercy, chaired by the Attorney-General.

It added that the list of beneficiaries was divided into six categories: Those granted pardon, posthumous pardon (including the Ogoni Nine), victims of the Ogoni Nine honoured, presidential clemency (clemency beneficiaries), inmates recommended for reduced terms of imprisonment, and inmates on death row whose sentences were commuted to life imprisonment.

However, the latest episode has reignited debate over the transparency and integrity of Nigeria’s pardon process.

On Thursday, Fagbemi (SAN), however, clarified that the Presidential Prerogative of Mercy recently announced by the President was still under review and had not been finalised.

Controversy has continued to trail the inclusion of some names, with anti-graft and security agencies, including the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission and the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency, reportedly moving to halt the release of some individuals on the list.

Fagbemi, at the Council of State meeting convened on October 9, 2025, had listed illegal miners, white-collar convicts, drug offenders, foreigners, Maj Gen Mamman Vatsa, Prof Magaji Garba, Ken Saro-Wiwa and the Ogoni Eight, as well as capital offenders such as Maryam Sanda, among the 175 convicts and former convicts who received presidential pardon.

The full list was released in a statement from the Presidency on Saturday, October 11, 2025.

While some names of Politically-Exposed Persons on the list, like Herbert Macaulay, Farouk Lawan, among others, did not raise dust, the inclusion of certain individuals linked to violent crimes and security breaches sparked outrage.

One of the names was Maryam Sanda, who was convicted in 2017 for stabbing her husband, Bilyaminu Bello, to death.

While some members of Bello’s family rejected the pardon for Maryam, the father, Alhaji Bello Isa, alongside Maryam’s father, Alhaji Garba Sanda, addressed a press conference to accept the presidential pardon.

The President also pardoned Major S. Alabi Akubo, who was sentenced to life imprisonment for illegal possession of prohibited firearms, among others and one Kelvin Prosper Oniarah, whose kidnapping terror spanned Delta, Edo, Rivers, Abia, Benue, and Oyo states, with detention camps in Warri and Kokori (Delta), Ugbokolo (Benue), Benin City (Edo), and Aba (Abia).

The names of those convicted for killing security agents, illicit drug couriers, and others tried for money laundering, among other offences, were queried on the list.

The uproar has reportedly prompted a review of the clemency process, with the Presidency considering dropping controversial names that generated public criticisms.

Security Agencies Kick:

A presidential aide with knowledge of the matter, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorised to comment on the matter, said the EFCC, Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission, NDLEA and lead security agencies had raised strong objections to the list, insisting that some of the names were “smuggled in” and not part of those recommended by the presidential committee that screened applicants for clemency.

He said anti-graft agencies warned that releasing some of the convicts could undermine the ongoing fight against corruption and organised crime.

He said a top security source disclosed that some of the proposed beneficiaries “can never be released,” particularly those convicted of killing security operatives or engaging in kidnapping and other capital offences.

“The list was too wide, and some of the names did not pass the necessary security vetting.

“The EFCC, NDLEA, and other security agencies have insisted that the list must be pruned down. Not all the names came from the committee that reviewed the cases,” the presidential aide said.

Officials also familiar with the matter said the final list would likely exclude those whose release could pose security risks or undermine confidence in the justice system.

“The list will be trimmed to reflect only those who genuinely deserve the President’s mercy. Those whose inclusion created controversy will be expunged,” a senior official, who also spoke on condition of anonymity, told The PUNCH on Thursday.

Another official in one of the security agencies said, “Some low-level officers at the level of the committee smuggled in some names. Obviously, the President is unaware of some of the names on that list.

“They have now sent the list to NDLEA and other security agencies for review. Some of the names on the list did not meet the criteria. Some low-level officers bypassed the criteria.

“In fact, some of the cases are still fresh. The good thing is that they are still in custody; they have not been released.”

An official of one of the anti-graft agencies also spoke under the condition of anonymity.

He told The PUNCH, “I am aware the ICPC and the police are not comfortable with the list because the names of some convicts who are not supposed to be on that list are there.”

When reached for comments by The PUNCH, officials of the agencies were not ready to speak on the matter officially.

List For Review:

On Thursday, Fagbemi (SAN) stated that the Presidential Prerogative of Mercy recently announced by the President was still under review and had not been finalised.

In a statement in Abuja, the minister clarified that no inmate approved for clemency under the recent exercise had been released from custody.

According to Fagbemi, “The process remains at the final administrative stage, which includes a standard review to ensure that all names and recommendations fully comply with established legal and procedural requirements before any instrument of release is issued.”

He further explained that after the approval by the Council of State, the next step in the process was the issuance of the formal instrument implementing the President’s decision for each beneficiary.

“This stage affords an opportunity for a final review of the list for remedial purposes, if necessary, before the instrument is forwarded to the Controller-General of Corrections for necessary action.

“This verification process is part of the standard protocol and reflects the government’s commitment to transparency and due diligence,” the AGF said.

Fagbemi appreciated the public’s vigilance and constructive feedback, describing it as a sign of Nigerians’ deep concern for justice and good governance.

“There is no delay in the process; it is simply following the law to the letter to ensure that only those duly qualified benefit from the President’s mercy. As soon as all legal and procedural checks are concluded, the public will be duly informed. The rule of law does not rush; it ensures fairness.”

FACTS ABOUT THE 1993 TINUBU $460,000 FORFEITURE CASE (U.S.)

IS TINUBU A DRUG BARON AS CLAIMED BY OPPOSITION? FACT vs PROPAGANDA

•No Arrest or Indictment: Bola Ahmed Tinubu was never arrested or charged for drug offenses in the United States. He served as a Senator in 1992 and led MKO Abiola’s Lagos West campaign in 1993, during the same period.

•Nature of the Case: It was an 'in rem' (civil forfeiture) case; the funds, not Tinubu himself, were investigated. The U.S. government targeted accounts linked to associates suspected of drug trafficking, not Tinubu directly.

•Investigating Agency: The lead investigator was Kevin Moss, a U.S. IRS Special Agent, not the DEA. IRS cases deal with tax violations, not narcotics prosecution.

•Outcome:

•Tinubu forfeited $460,000 linked to tax irregularities.

•Over $1 million was refunded to him; a rare outcome inconsistent with drug convictions.

•The DEA was not involved, confirming no narcotics charges.

•U.S. Government Actions:

•No extradition request was ever sent to Nigeria.

•In 1993, the U.S. granted Tinubu a multiple-entry visa/asylum status; impossible if he were under drug indictment.

•Verification

•Gani Fawehinmi’s suit against Tinubu in Nigeria was dismissed.

•The PDP-led Federal Government (2003–2007) petitioned the U.S. on the same issue; Washington officially cleared Tinubu.

Summary:

Bola Ahmed Tinubu was never arrested, indicted, or convicted for drug trafficking in the U.S. The $460,000 forfeiture stemmed from IRS tax issues, not drugs. Reviving the case today is purely political propaganda, not fact.

So you believe the U.S. seized about $1.95 million from accounts linked to drugs, then forfeited only $460,000 and returned over $1.5 million to that same person?

You either too stupid to understand how the U.S. justice system works, or Tinubu is somehow bigger than the United States of America.

BRIGADIER BENJAMIN ADEKUNLE

In August, 1977, that's three years after he left the Nigerian Army, Brigadier Benjamin Adekunle, told Muyiwa Adetiba, a journalist: 

"I had been labelled as a legalised murde3er by the society called Nigerians.

Right now, I will do any job that will lead to the saving of souls of fellow Nigerians. Not that I regrët my period as a soldier, or my kill!ng days as some people would like to refer to it. But there are certain times when you need to do some reassessments. To be a soldier can be a cūrse in that you are branded. People look at you as if there is no good in you, as if you are just a bløød-thirsty cãnnibāl."

Some have argued that Benjamin Adekunle's success in Eastern Nigeria during the battle to keep the country as one was partly because he once served as Aide-de-Camp to the Governor of the Eastern Region, Sir Akanu Ibiam, in 1962. They argue that he might have mastered the terrain before he was deployed to the battlefield. Others say he only showed his passion as a soldier. He was just 31 when the wãr started.

Born in Kaduna, Nigeria; his father was from Ogbomoso, Oyo State. He completed secondary education at Government College, Okene and enlisted in the Nigerian Army in 1958 and commissioned as 2nd Lieutenant on 15 December 1960.

During the Civil Wãr (1967-1970), he led the amphibious assāūlt on Bonny Island in July 1967 (sometimes called the 'Bonny landing'), one of the early successes for Federal førces. 

- He commanded Operation Tiger Claw, captūring the important Biafran port of Calabar.

- Under his command, the 3rd Marine Commando Division (which he renamed to underscore its amphibious/riverside operations) achieved many victories in riverine and coastal areas: taking control of places like Escravos, Burutu, Urhonigbe, Owa, Aladima, Bomadi, Patani, Youngtown, Koko, Sapele, Ajagbodudu, Warri, Ughelli, Orerokpe, Umutu, Itagba Uno.

- His forces’ operations were strategic in cutting off Biafra’s supply routes via coast and riverine areas, helping to isolate Biafra. 

In 1972, he was promoted to Brigadier and was put in charge of decongesting the Lagos ports, a significant logistical/economic task, and succeeded in reducing congestion. He retired from the Nigerian Army on 20 August, 1974. He was 38 then.

He said in the interview with Adetiba: "I wanted to do 22 years in the Army. I only did 14."

He passed away on September 13, 2014 at age 78.

Credit: Ethnic African Stories

‎OGBIDI OKOJIE: THE UNYEILDING UMRELLA OF UROMI

In the heart of Uromi kingdom, in what is now Edo State, Nigeria, the year 1857 witnessed the extraordinary birth of a child destined to defy empires. Ogbidi Okojie entered the world in his seventh month of gestation, a premature arrival that foreshadowed a life that would never conform to ordinary expectations. Born into the royal Okojie dynasty, he was the 14th in line to the Uromi throne, a position that would eventually place him at the center of one of colonial Africa's most determined resistances against British expansion.

‎From his earliest days, Ogbidi was immersed in the traditions and responsibilities of monarchical leadership. As an African monarch, he developed an unwavering belief in his divine right to wield absolute power over his subjects, who in turn looked to their king for protection, guidance, and justice. This reciprocal relationship between ruler and ruled would form the foundation of his worldview—a worldview that would inevitably clash with the advancing British colonial system that sought to subjugate independent African kingdoms under the Crown's authority.

‎By the end of the nineteenth century, the British colonial machine was steadily advancing across Nigeria. After the Royal Niger Company transferred its territories to the British government in 1900, colonial authorities began expanding and strengthening their control, systematically unseating traditional rulers who refused to acknowledge British supremacy. The British had already deployed brutal force to subjugate the Benin Kingdom in 1897, where they spent thirteen days conquering, burning, and looting the ancient city before exiling Oba Ovonramwen to Calabar.

‎Emboldened by their success in Benin, the British turned their attention to the Esan kingdoms, expecting similar quick victories. What they encountered instead was a resistance that would surprise them with its tenacity and strategic sophistication. The Esan people, particularly those of Uromi kingdom, were prepared to defend their sovereignty with everything at their disposal.

‎On March 16, 1901, the British invasion of Uromi began in earnest. The colonial forces arrived with overwhelming military superiority—over 200 troops armed with 100 cannons and numerous modern shotguns. Against this formidable force, Prince Okojie (who had not yet been formally crowned king) could only muster fighters equipped with Dane guns, bows, arrows, and spears. Despite this dramatic disadvantage in weaponry, the Uromi resistance would prove unexpectedly formidable.

‎The British expected a swift victory similar to their Benin campaign, but instead found themselves mired in a protracted guerrilla war that would last six month. Prince Okojie demonstrated remarkable military leadership, leveraging his forces' knowledge of the terrain and employing hit-and-run tactics that frustrated the British expeditionary force. Despite inflicting heavy collateral damage on Uromi villages and farms, the British could not break the spirit of resistance.

‎The resilience of the Uromi fighters under Okojie's command was so surprising that British forces eventually shifted strategy. Rather than continuing direct engagement with the elusive guerrilla forces, they focused on capturing leadership figures. They first seized King Okolo, Ogbidi's father and the reigning Onojie of Uromi, on March 20, 190. When the king died in captivity eight days later, the British expected the resistance to collapse. Instead, unaware of his father's death, Prince Okojie continued to lead and inspire the resistance with even greater determination.

‎Frustrated by their inability to quell the resistance through conventional military means, the British employed psychological warfare and deception. They widely publicized the capture of King Okolo (concealing his death), hoping to demoralize the Uromi fighters. When this only partially succeeded, they proposed a truce meeting, promising the release of King Okolo if Prince Okojie would attend personally.

‎Seeing an opportunity to free his father, Okojie agreed to the meeting. This decision would prove fateful. Upon his arrival at the designated place, he was immediately arrested by British forces. The promised release of his father was revealed to be a ruse—King Okolo had already been dead for weeks. Okojie was tried on charges of inciting his people against British rule and, on April 30, 1901, was exiled to Calabar.

‎In Calabar, Okojie joined other exiled monarchs who had resisted British expansion, including Oba Ovonramwen of Benin. This gathering of deposed kings created a unique community of resistance leaders who shared experiences and strategies, further solidifying Okojie's antipathy toward colonial rule. Despite the hardship of exile, he maintained his royal dignity and continued to regard himself as the legitimate ruler of Uromi.

‎Remarkably, Okojie's exile lasted less than a year. The British, recognizing his enduring influence among his people, decided to return him to Uromi in 1901 under their system of indirect rule. After performing the necessary funeral rites for his father, he was officially crowned the 14th Onojie of Uromi in 1900 (though some sources indicate the coronation occurred upon his return in 1901).

‎The British appointed Okojie as President of the colonial-created Native Court, tasking him with administratively assisting the District Officer in overseeing Uromi territory. Superficially, he appeared to cooperate with colonial authorities between 1901 and 1917. During this period, Uromi showed increased primary school enrollment, higher revenue generation from court fines and taxes, and greater participation in colonial activities.

‎However, this outward compliance masked a sophisticated strategy of passive resistance. Okojie continued to exert his traditional authority alongside his colonial duties, governing his subjects as his ancestors had done and maintaining royal privileges. He established his court at Ubiaja as the Divisional Supreme Judge, hearing criminal cases from across the region. This dual governance allowed him to preserve Uromi's traditional structures while ostensibly cooperating with colonial authorities.  

‎Okojie's subtle resistance eventually provoked British authorities again. In 1918 he was exiled for the second time this time to Benin City. His presence there unsettled Oba Eweka II, the reigning Benin monarch who operated under British supervision. The cultural precedent of having two monarchs in one city—one reigning under colonial authority and another maintaining traditional legitimacy—created tension that undermined British authority.

‎During his second exile, Okojie wrote repeated petitions to British authorities, insisting he was needed back in Uromi to provide leadership for his people. In 1922, he even wrote to the Lieutenant-Governor of the Southern Provinces, offering to return as a private citizen if necessary. This request was denied, with the British instead suggesting that more of his wives be sent to join him in exile—a attempt to normalize his permanent removal from Uromi.

‎Refusing to accept his exile, Okojie made a dramatic escape in 1926, traveling back to Uromi himself. His return was celebrated by his subjects, but British authorities quickly recaptured and transferred him to Ibadan, further from his homeland. Throughout these years of exile, the people of Uromi continued to regard Okojie as their legitimate ruler, adhering to the Esan cultural principle that a properly crowned king remains king regardless of location.

‎Okojie was finally released in 1931 and returned to Uromi to resume his kingship. Despite his years in exile, he returned with undiminished authority and immediately began consolidating his power and developing his kingdom. He built schools to support higher learning and constructed roads connecting Uromi to Ilushi, Agbor, and Ehor, facilitating trade and mobility. He served as the supreme judge for criminal cases across the region, hearing murder trials at Agbede, Esan, Kukuruku (now Auchi), and Ologhodo (now Agbor).

‎Okojie's aspiration for African independence manifested not only in his own resistance but also through his descendants. His grandson, Chief Anthony Enahoro, would initiate the self-government motion in the Western House of Assembly in 1953—a crucial step toward Nigerian independence, which was achieved on October 1, 1960. Other distinguished grandchildren include Peter Enahoro, the renowned pan-African journalist; Cardinal Anthony Okogie, the first Esan Cardinal; and Dr. Robert Okojie, a NASA scientist.

‎When Ogbidi Okojie died on February 3, 1944, he left behind an extraordinary legacy. He was survived by over sixty wives, forty concubines, and innumerable children and grandchildren. His people remembered him as "Ogbidi the Uromi umbrella" and "the white son of Olokun"—titles that reflected their reverence for his protective leadership and mystical attributes. Folk traditions attributed to him the ability to transform into a girl, lion, or leopard at will, and to command the rain to fall and the air to stand still.

‎Ogbidi Okojie's resistance against British colonial rule represents a significant chapter in the history of anti-colonial movements in Africa. His story is particularly remarkable for its demonstration of how traditional rulers could employ both military and non-military strategies to oppose foreign domination. Where direct confrontation proved impossible, Okojie adapted with passive resistance and cultural preservation, always maintaining his people's sense of autonomy and self-determination.

‎The duration and sophistication of Uromi's resistance against the British—lasting up to six months against overwhelming military superiority—distinguishes it from many other colonial conflicts in the region. This resistance was made possible by Okojie's strategic leadership, his fighters' knowledge of the terrain, and the widespread support from the Uromi people who refused to surrender their sovereignty without extraordinary effort.

‎Today, Ogbidi Okojie remains a powerful symbol of dignity and resistance in Esanland and beyond. His descendants continue to honor his legacy across various fields—from politics to science to journalism—demonstrating how the spirit of resistance can transform into nation-building and cultural advancement. The story of his life serves as a testament to the fact that even when military victory is impossible, the preservation of cultural identity and dignity through strategic resistance constitutes a form of victory in itself.

‎"He is still remembered by his people as Ogbidi the Uromi umbrella, the white son of Olokun, Okun the greatest native doctor that ever lived and ruled the native people of Uromi..."

#BlackHistory ‎#Africa #Nigeria #World

YORUBA: A NATION OF 27+ TRIBES, ONE ANCESTRAL ROOT

A nation isn’t just about borders. It’s about shared language, culture, ancestry, values, and memory. The Yoruba Nation—descended from the ancient city of Ilé-Ifẹ̀, the spiritual and cultural cradle of the Yoruba civilization—is one of the most historically unified nations in Africa.

Despite modern efforts by some to redraw identity lines for political or social gain, genealogy, culture, oral traditions, and historical migration records affirm the Yoruba ancestry of all its subgroups—including those across modern-day Nigeria, Benin, and Togo.

The Yoruba Nation comprises 26+ tribes, each distinct yet united in culture, language dialects, spiritual systems, and ancestry:

🔸 Yoruba-Ife

🔸 Yoruba-Oyo

🔸 Yoruba-Ijesa

🔸 Yoruba-Egba

🔸 Yoruba-Ijebu

🔸 Yoruba-Awori

🔸 Yoruba-Yewa

🔸 Yoruba-Remo

🔸 Yoruba-Akure

🔸 Yoruba-Ondo

🔸 Yoruba-Ikale

🔸 Yoruba-Ilaje

🔸 Yoruba-Owo

🔸 Yoruba-Akoko

🔸 Yoruba-Ibarapa

🔸 Yoruba-Igbomina

🔸 Yoruba-Ekiti

🔸 Yoruba-Oworo

🔸 Yoruba-Owe

🔸 Yoruba-Onko

🔸 Yoruba-Ohori (Benin Republic)

🔸 Yoruba-Ana or Ife (Togo)

🔸 Yoruba-Itsekiri (of mixed Yoruba-Bini heritage)

YORUBA IN KOGI STATE – THE ÒKÙN PEOPLE

Often overlooked in broader Yoruba discourse, the Òkùn Yorùbá of Kogi West are undeniably Yoruba by origin, language, and culture.

They include:

🔹 Ọ̀wọ̀rò

🔹 Òwè

🔹 Ìgbómìnà (in Yagba and Mopa-Amuro)

🔹 Ìjùmú

🔹 Bùnú

🔹 Ẹ̀gbá Ọ̀kùn

Major Yoruba Cities as Tribal Melting Pots:

▪️ Lagos – Awori, Egba, Remo, Ijebu, Yewa

▪️ Ibadan – Oyo, Egba, Ijebu, Remo

▪️ Ilorin – Oyo, Igbomina, Ekiti, Oworo, Owe

Madam Elekia Aishat Giwa: The Mother Behind the Legacy of Dele Giwa

Madam Elekia Aishat Giwa was the mother of the late Nigerian journalist, Dele Giwa, one of the most influential media figures in Nigeria’s history. Her life reflects resilience, faith, and quiet strength — the story of a woman who bore the weight of both motherhood and tragedy with grace.

Early Life and Background

Madam Elekia Aishat Giwa, affectionately known as Mama Giwa, hailed from Edo State, Nigeria. While much of her early life remains undocumented, she was known to have lived a modest and disciplined life centered on her family and faith. She raised her children with strong moral values, emphasizing education, hard work, and integrity — qualities that her son, Dele Giwa, would later embody in his groundbreaking career as a journalist.

Family and Motherhood

Madam Giwa was best known as the mother of Sumonu Oladele “Dele” Giwa, the co-founder and first Editor-in-Chief of Newswatch Magazine, Nigeria’s first newsmagazine-style publication. Dele Giwa was a fearless journalist and a symbol of press freedom in Nigeria until his untimely death in 1986 by a parcel bomb — the first of its kind in the country’s history.

The tragic death of her son brought immense grief to Madam Giwa, yet she remained a picture of quiet dignity, never losing faith despite the painful circumstances surrounding his death. Her strength became a quiet testament to the resilience of Nigerian mothers who bore the cost of national struggles for justice and truth.

Support and Compassion from Gani Fawehinmi

Following Dele Giwa’s assassination, the renowned human rights lawyer Chief Gani Fawehinmi (SAN) took it upon himself to support Madam Giwa financially. Out of compassion and respect for her son’s legacy, Fawehinmi provided her with a monthly allowance for 23 years — a gesture that continued until his own death in 2009.

This act of solidarity reflected the deep camaraderie and mutual respect shared between her late son and Gani Fawehinmi, who fought tirelessly for justice in Dele Giwa’s murder case.

Later Life and Death

Madam Elekia Aishat Giwa lived a long and humble life, staying largely out of the public eye in her later years. She passed away peacefully in January 2013, at the age of 87. Her death marked the end of a quiet but significant chapter in Nigeria’s journalistic history — that of a mother whose son changed the landscape of Nigerian journalism through courage and truth.

Legacy

Though not a public figure herself, Madam Elekia Giwa’s legacy endures through her son’s work and the continued recognition of his contributions to Nigerian media. Her story reminds Nigerians of the unseen figures behind public heroes — the parents who nurture greatness, often in silence and sacrifice.

Her name, though softly spoken in history, remains tied to one of Nigeria’s most defining journalistic legacies.

Sources

(1). Vanguard Nigeria — “Mother of Dele Giwa Dies at 87” (January 2013)

(2). The Guardian Nigeria — “Gani Fawehinmi’s Support for Dele Giwa’s Mother Remembered” (2009)

(3). Newswatch Magazine Archives — Tribute to Dele Giwa (1986–2013)

Felicia Adebola Adeyoyin: The Woman Who Gave Nigeria Its National Pledge

Felicia Adebola Adeyoyin (November 6, 1938 – May 1, 2021) was a distinguished Nigerian professor, educationist, and princess from the Iji ruling house of Saki, Oyo State. She holds a special place in Nigeria’s history as the author of the Nigerian National Pledge, one of the country’s most enduring symbols of patriotism and unity.

Early Life and Education

Born in 1938, Felicia Adebola Adeyoyin hailed from a royal Yoruba family in Saki, Oyo State. From an early age, she demonstrated a strong passion for education and civic responsibility. This passion guided her lifelong dedication to teaching, scholarship, and national development.

Career and Academic Achievements

Adeyoyin built a remarkable academic career and rose to become a professor of education at the University of Lagos. Her work focused on national values, education policy, and youth development — subjects that reflected her deep belief in the power of education to shape both individual and national identity.

Throughout her years in academia, she was respected not only for her intellectual rigor but also for her commitment to inspiring moral and civic responsibility among young Nigerians.

The Birth of the Nigerian National Pledge

In 1976, during the military administration of General Olusegun Obasanjo, Adeyoyin wrote a short composition expressing loyalty and devotion to Nigeria. Initially published in the Daily Times newspaper, her piece caught national attention for its emotional depth and patriotic message.

Recognizing its significance, General Obasanjo formally adopted the composition as Nigeria’s National Pledge on September 7, 1976. Since then, it has been recited daily by schoolchildren, public servants, and citizens at official ceremonies across the country.

The National Pledge reads:

> I pledge to Nigeria, my country,

To be faithful, loyal and honest,

To serve Nigeria with all my strength,

To defend her unity,

And uphold her honour and glory.

So help me God.

This simple yet powerful oath has become a cornerstone of Nigeria’s civic culture — a call to integrity, service, and unity that continues to resonate with generations of Nigerians.

Legacy and Passing

Until her passing on May 1, 2021, Professor Felicia Adeyoyin remained a symbol of intellectual excellence and patriotic spirit. Beyond her role as the author of the pledge, she contributed immensely to education and the moral reorientation of young Nigerians.

Her life and work reflect the vision of a nation bound not by tribe or religion but by shared values and common purpose.

Conclusion

Felicia Adebola Adeyoyin’s legacy lives on each time the National Pledge is recited. In just a few lines, she captured the ideals of nationhood, responsibility, and unity — ideals that remain as relevant today as they were in 1976.

Through her words, she gave Nigerians a timeless reminder: patriotism begins in the heart and is expressed through action.

Source:

National Archives of Nigeria – Records on National Symbols

Daily Times (1976): Publication of the original pledge text

Igbo-Ora - Nigeria’s “Twins Capital” Where Culture, Genetics, and Mystery Converge

Igbo-Ora, a town in Oyo State, Nigeria, has earned global recognition as the “Twins Capital of the World,” boasting a twin birth rate of 45–50 per 1,000 births, nearly four times the national average. Located in the fertile Ibarapa region, the town’s identity is inseparable from its unusually high number of twin births, which are celebrated as both a biological marvel and a cultural blessing. With a population exceeding 200,000, Igbo-Ora demonstrates how science, tradition, and local lifestyle intersect to create a unique societal phenomenon that continues to intrigue researchers, tourists, and cultural enthusiasts alike.

Scientists attribute the town’s twin phenomenon primarily to genetics. Studies suggest a hereditary predisposition in the Yoruba population, amplified by intra-community marriages that perpetuate the so-called “twin gene.” Nearly all twins in Igbo-Ora are fraternal twins, meaning they result from the fertilization of two separate eggs, a pattern linked to familial traits rather than random chance. While diet and environment may play supporting roles, locals often point to staple foods like okra leaf soup (Ilasa) and cassava-based amala, medical experts caution that there is no conclusive evidence linking these foods to higher twin rates. The reality is likely complex, blending genetic, nutritional, and possibly epigenetic factors.

Culturally, twins in Igbo-Ora are celebrated. In Yoruba tradition, twins Taiwo (first-born) and Kehinde (second-born) symbolize duality, prosperity, and spiritual balance. The town’s families celebrate twins through naming rituals, art (ere Ibeji carvings), and community ceremonies that elevate twins as carriers of good fortune. Unlike other regions where twins were once stigmatized, Igbo-Ora has embraced them, creating a social fabric in which twin births confer prestige and communal identity. This reverence extends to maternal support networks and specialized healthcare, which have reduced twin infant mortality rates dramatically.

The International Festival of Twins, launched in 2018, epitomizes Igbo-Ora’s global appeal. Each October, thousands of twins converge for parades, cultural performances, talent shows, and attempts at Guinness World Records for the largest twin gatherings. The 2025 festival, themed “Double Blessings, United Heritage,” drew international participants and dignitaries, including the Alaafin of Oyo, who reinforced the royal endorsement of twin veneration. Beyond cultural display, the festival also fuels local economic growth by attracting tourists and boosting craft and hospitality sales, highlighting the town’s ability to monetize its uniqueness.

Yet, Igbo-Ora faces challenges common to rural Nigerian communities. Youth migration, climate-related farming disruptions, and limited infrastructure test its resilience. Healthcare access outside twin-specific initiatives remains uneven, while local roads and utilities often fall short of urban standards. Nevertheless, the community continues to harness its twin phenomenon for social cohesion, healthcare innovation, and cultural diplomacy, including proposals for a dedicated Twins Museum and UNESCO heritage recognition.

At the end of the day, Igbo-Ora is an intriguing blend of nature, nurture, and culture. Its extraordinary twin birth rate is more than a statistic, it is a window into Yoruba spiritual beliefs, community resilience, and scientific curiosity. Visitors witness a society where biology meets ritual, and where each twin is a living emblem of identity, fortune, and continuity. For researchers, the town’s genetic and lifestyle patterns offer rich study potential, while for the world, Igbo-Ora remains a celebration of life’s remarkable unpredictability. Ẹ ku ìlera fún ìlú ìbejì - health to the land of twins.

A Comprehensive Political History of Kano (c.1000–1807 CE)

The Hausa city of Kano stands among the oldest and best documented capitals in West Africa. Its political evolution spans nearly a millennium, during which it transformed from a cluster of agrarian hilltop settlements into one of Africa’s foremost urban centers of commerce, scholarship, and Islamic governance. Throughout this long history, Kano’s fortunes were shaped by its interactions with neighboring polities first the empires of Mali, Songhai, and Kanem-Bornu, and later the Sokoto Caliphate and British colonial administration. Despite the oscillations of power and subordination, Kano maintained a distinct political and cultural identity that positioned it as the preeminent Hausa city-state of the central Sudan.

The origins of Kano can be traced to the nucleated agro-pastoral communities that emerged west of Lake Chad around the turn of the First millennium. Archaeological surveys of Dalla Hill and its environs suggest continuous occupation since from 4th century, during which early Chadic-speaking settlers began organizing into stratified societies with prominent people like Dala,kanau, panisau and Later Barbushe. Oral traditions, later codified in the Kano Chronicle, link the foundation of Kano Royal system to the  figure Bagauda, who is regarded as the progenitor of the Bagauda dynasty that ruled Kano for nearly eight centuries. Subsequent rulers such as Warisi and Gijimasu expanded Kano’s political influence through warfare and diplomacy, consolidating control over surrounding communities such as Gaya, Rano, and Dutse. By the twelfth century, these Hausa polities had begun constructing walled urban centers a feature that marked the transition from village confederations to organized states. The earliest defensive walls of Kano, encircling Dalla Hill, symbolized the emergence of a distinct Hausa political identity.

During the following centuries, Kano expanded under rulers such as Yusa and Naguji, who extended its borders toward Katsina and Santolo. Successive rulers, including Guguwa and Shekarau, contended with internal aristocratic factions collectively known as the Samagi hereditary nobles who wielded considerable power. The political reforms of Tsamiya in the early fourteenth century sought to curb the authority of these traditional elites by establishing royal appointees whose power derived directly from the king. This era also witnessed the gradual introduction of Islam, likely through trans-Saharan trade networks linking Hausaland with the Mali Empire. The first explicitly Muslim ruler, Usumanu Zamnagawa, established early Islamic offices and introduced scholars from the western Sudan, marking the beginning of Kano’s dual identity as both a traditional Hausa and Islamic polity.

The reign of Yaji I in the mid-fourteenth century represents the decisive moment in Kano’s Islamization. Yaji welcomed Wangarawa scholars from Mali, appointed officials such as the Imam, Alkali, and Ladan, and introduced Islamic law alongside pre-Islamic institutions. He subdued the remaining non-Muslim centers like Santolo and extended Kano’s authority southward into the Kworarafa territories. His successors expanded the administrative apparatus and incorporated Maguzawa groups into the state, though tensions persisted between the emerging Muslim bureaucracy and older non-Muslim elites. Under rulers such as Umaru and Dawuda, Kano’s intellectual life deepened through contact with Bornu and Mali. The arrival of the exiled Bornu prince Othman Kalnama introduced new administrative ideas, while the reign of Abdullahi Burja saw Kano’s first recorded diplomatic relations to Bornu. Burja’s establishment of the Karabka Market and promotion of long-distance commerce integrated Kano into the trans-Saharan trade networks linking Hausaland with North Africa.

The accession of Muhammad Rumfa in the mid-fifteenth century ushered in Kano’s golden age. Rumfa implemented far-reaching administrative, economic, and religious reforms that transformed Kano into the leading city of the Hausa world. He created a Council of Nine, institutionalized collective governance, and founded the Kurmi Market, which became the commercial heart of Hausaland and a major trans-Saharan hub. Architecturally, Rumfa expanded the city walls, built grand palaces such as Gidan Rumfa, and introduced royal regalia and court rituals modeled after Kanem-Bornu and Songhai. His engagement with the Maghribi jurist Muhammad al-Maghili around 1493 marked a high point in Kano’s Islamic intellectual life. Al-Maghili’s treatise The Obligations of Princes provided a theoretical framework for Rumfa’s reforms and gave his kingship religious legitimacy. Under Rumfa, Kano’s industries especially textiles,leatherwork, and metalcraft flourished, while its scholars gained continental prominence.

Rumfa’s successors inherited both his prosperity and his challenges. Abdullahi and Kisoke faced threats from Katsina, Zaria, and the expansionist Songhai Empire under Askia Muhammad. Though briefly subjugated by Kanta of Kebbi, Kano regained independence by the mid-sixteenth century. Its growing fame attracted scholars from Timbuktu, Bornu, and the Maghreb, solidifying its place as a center of learning. By the late sixteenth century, observers such as Leo Africanus and later European geographers described Kano as one of Africa’s three greatest cities alongside Fez and Cairo. Its economy, based on textile production and trans-Saharan trade, supported an elaborate bureaucracy and a sophisticated urban culture.

The seventeenth century, however, brought increasing instability. Internal factionalism and incessant wars with other kingdoms especially the Jukun weakened the kingdom. Rulers such as Muhammad Shashere, Muhammad Zaki, and Muhammad Kutumbi alternated between reform and repression, while economic pressures forced new taxation and administrative restructuring. Kutumbi’s introduction of taxes on herdsmen  reflected both innovation and desperation as the state sought to sustain itself.

The eighteenth century witnessed the slow erosion of royal authority. Sharefa and Kumbari try  to fund wars and fortifications, that resulted in provoking popular discontent and economic migration. Later rulers, including Yaji II and Babba Zaki, alternated between weak and centralized regimes. Babba Zaki temporarily restored order, expanding Kano’s territories and organizing a guard of musketeers, but his achievements could not halt the kingdom’s decline.

By the late eighteenth century, Muhammadu Alwali II ascended the throne amid economic turmoil,ideological unrest and the weakening of royal control coincided with the growing influence of Fulani clerics inspired by the reformist movement of Usman dan Fodio. The ensuing jihad engulfed Hausaland between 1804 and 1807, culminating in the defeat of Alwali’s forces at the Battle of Dan Yaya. The king fled first to Zaria, then to Burumburum, where he was finally overrun by the Fulbe general Muhammad Bakatsine. His surviving son, Umaru, escaped to Damagaram and later helped found the city of Maradi—a refuge for exiled Hausa royalty.

Following Kano’s conquest, the ancient office of Sarki was abolished and replaced by that of Emir under the Sokoto Caliphate. The first emir, Suleimanu, ruled under the authority of the caliphate, and his successor Ibrahim Dabo restored elements of the Hausa administrative order, reintroducing tribute systems and stabilizing the economy. Though Kano’s sovereignty had ended, it remained a major intellectual and commercial center under the Sokoto system and, later, British colonial rule.

The long history of Kano epitomizes the dynamism of precolonial African statecraft. From its emergence as a walled hilltop community to its transformation into an Islamic emirate, Kano’s endurance derived from adaptive governance, commercial sophistication, and religious integration. Successive rulers from Bagauda to Rumfa to Alwali negotiated the balance between tradition and reform, autonomy and imperial influence. Its trajectory demonstrates that African urbanism and political complexity were never peripheral but central to the continent’s historical development. The survival of Kano’s institutions and identity across empires underscores its place as a resilient symbol of Hausa civilization and one of West Africa’s longest continuous traditions of urban governance.

#Africa #Nigeria #Kano #World

CHIEF OBAFEMI AWOLOWO & CHIEF HUBERT OGUNNDE

A Historic Handshake: Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Chief Hubert Ogunde After the “Yoruba Ronu” Command Performance (1966)

This historic photograph captures two towering figures in Nigerian history — Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Chief Hubert Ogunde — shaking hands on September 28, 1966, after a command performance of Ogunde’s politically charged play “Yoruba Ronu” at the British Council Hall in Ibadan. The moment symbolizes a meeting of intellect, art, and leadership at a time of deep political and cultural transformation in Nigeria.

Chief Obafemi Awolowo, standing on the left, was one of Nigeria’s foremost nationalists and political thinkers. Born in 1909 in Ikenne, Ogun State, Awolowo emerged as a visionary leader who shaped modern governance in Western Nigeria. As the first Premier of the Western Region (1954–1960), he introduced revolutionary policies in education, healthcare, and rural development, most notably launching the Free Primary Education program — the first of its kind in Africa. Later, during the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970), he served as Federal Commissioner for Finance and Vice President of the Federal Executive Council, guiding national fiscal policies during a critical era.

On the right stands Chief Hubert Ogunde (1916–1990), widely celebrated as the Father of Nigerian Theatre. Ogunde was a dramatist, actor, composer, and cultural reformer whose plays blended music, dance, and dialogue to address colonial oppression, corruption, and social justice. In 1945, he founded the Ogunde Theatre, Nigeria’s first professional theatrical company, which toured extensively across West Africa. His 1964 play “Yoruba Ronu” (“Yoruba Think”) was both a cultural masterpiece and a political statement — urging unity and self-reflection among the Yoruba people amid postcolonial political rivalries.

The handshake between Awolowo and Ogunde carried deep symbolic meaning. Yoruba Ronu had been banned by the Western Region government two years earlier due to its perceived political undertones, but by 1966, the performance was reinstated. Awolowo’s congratulatory handshake represented reconciliation and mutual respect between political leadership and artistic expression.

This encounter remains an iconic moment in Nigeria’s cultural and political history — a reminder of how art and politics intertwined to shape national consciousness during the post-independence years.

Sources:

National Archives of Nigeria, Ibadan Photo Collection (1966)

Obafemi Awolowo: The Political Moses by Wale Adebanwi (2014)

Hubert Ogunde: The Making of the Nigerian Theatre by Ebun Clark (1979)

The Guardian Nigeria Archives (1966 Reprint Feature on “Yoruba Ronu”)

Chief Olusegun Osoba

Full name: Olusegun Osoba

Date of Birth: 15 July 1939

Place of Birth: Abeokuta, Ogun State, Nigeria

Occupation: Journalist, Politician

Title: Aremo of Egba Land

Notable Positions: Governor of Ogun State (1992–1993; 1999–2003)

Early Life and Education

Chief Olusegun Osoba was born into the Osoba family of Egba heritage in Abeokuta, the capital of Ogun State, Nigeria. He attended African Church Grammar School in Abeokuta, where he showed early interest in writing and public affairs.

He later pursued higher education in journalism, both in Nigeria and abroad, undergoing professional training with various international institutions including the Thomson Foundation in Cardiff, Wales. His exposure to global media practices influenced his professional standards and editorial style.

Journalism Career

Osoba’s journalism career began in the early 1960s, when he joined the Daily Times of Nigeria, one of the most influential newspapers in West Africa at the time. He quickly rose through the ranks due to his dedication, sharp reporting, and leadership qualities.

He became Editor of the Daily Times at a relatively young age, a position that established his reputation as one of Nigeria’s leading journalists.

Later, he served as Managing Director of the Daily Times Group, guiding the paper through a period of high circulation and influence.

Osoba was known for his investigative reporting, particularly on political and governance issues, which earned him both respect and recognition in Nigeria’s media landscape.

He was also active internationally, becoming a member of the International Press Institute (IPI) and serving on various media councils and professional bodies.

Entry into Politics

With his strong background in media and public engagement, Osoba transitioned into politics during Nigeria’s turbulent march toward democracy in the early 1990s.

In 1992, under the political arrangement of the Nigerian Third Republic, he was elected Governor of Ogun State on the platform of the Social Democratic Party (SDP). His administration was, however, short-lived following the military coup of November 1993 that brought General Sani Abacha to power, leading to the dissolution of democratic structures.

Return to Office (1999–2003)

When Nigeria returned to democratic rule in 1999, Chief Osoba was again elected Governor of Ogun State, this time under the Alliance for Democracy (AD), one of the dominant parties in the southwest region.

During his second tenure, he focused on:

Infrastructure development, particularly roads and urban renewal in Abeokuta and other major towns.

Education reform, including rehabilitation of schools and teacher motivation programs.

Media and cultural promotion, reflecting his lifelong commitment to information and enlightenment.

Despite these efforts, he lost his re-election bid in 2003 to Gbenga Daniel of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

Later Life and Legacy

After leaving office, Chief Osoba remained active in Nigerian politics and media advocacy. He became one of the founding leaders of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2013, which later became Nigeria’s ruling party.

He has been recognized nationally and internationally for his contributions to journalism, democracy, and governance. As the Aremo of Egbaland, he continues to play a significant role in cultural and traditional affairs within Ogun State.

Honours and Recognition

National Honour: Commander of the Order of the Niger (CON)

Professional Awards: Fellow, Nigerian Guild of Editors (NGE)

Traditional Title: Aremo of Egbaland (a senior chieftaincy title signifying high honor among the Egba people)

Summary

Chief Olusegun Osoba stands as a symbol of Nigeria’s media excellence and democratic resilience. His dual legacy — as a pioneering journalist and twice-elected governor — reflects a lifelong dedication to public service, freedom of expression, and the development of Ogun State.

In Defence of Truth: Setting the Record Straight on Aare Gani Adams and Chief Sunday Adeyemi (Igboho)

I see nothing wrong in the actions or comments of Chief Sunday Adeyemi, popularly known as Igboho, because he came out with his propaganda at the right time  and propaganda, when properly used, can be a strategic tool in confronting the enemies of our people. However, there must always be a limit to propaganda.

Anyone who decides to propagate or lead a cause must be prepared to fight to the end, not turn into a runaway soldier like Igboho. As the Yoruba saying goes, “Májà má sá là ń mọ akínkanjú l’ójú ogun  we recognize true warriors on the battlefield, not those who retreat. If everyone were to Maja masa (fight and flee) like Sunday Igboho, who would finish the war?

That being said, I do not want to believe or accept that Chief Sunday Adeyemi is the main person behind those bloggers attacking or ridiculing Iba Gani Abiodun Ige Adams, the 15th Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland, on social media. I believe Sunday Igboho genuinely loves the Yoruba people just as much as the Aare Ona Kakanfo does. The real culprits are those bloggers who constantly post rubbish on their monetized pages just to earn money, without conscience or integrity.

I am more inclined to believe that those bloggers are being sponsored  either by politicians, haters of the Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland, or even by Fulani elements who despise his commitment to Yoruba liberation.

Let the record show that Chief Sunday Adeyemi did not initially disrespect his boss, Aare Gani Adams, until those haters and political manipulators got involved and pushed him into conflict. In fact, Sunday Igboho once stated publicly that Aare Gani Adams was aware of his activities, and Aare never denied him. Despite the fact that Aare knew nothing about his social media propaganda, Sunday Adeyemi visited him and prostrated for support. Aare accepted him, gave his blessings, and reminded him that he (Aare) had been fighting for the Oodua Republic and regional self-determination long before Igboho started.

Now, to those claiming that Sunday Igboho is fighting for the Yoruba people while Aare Gani Adams has done nothing, I ask:

Where was Sunday Adeyemi when Aare Gani Adams sent OPC operatives to confront the killer Fulanis in Igangan and across Oke-Ogun, leading to the arrest of their leader, Wakilu and others, who was handed over to the police? He was busy with Rally seeking for popularity and talkative on social media.

Where was Sunday Adeyemi when Fulanis were fighting Yorubas in Shasha, Ibadan, Oyo State, and OPC intervened, restoring peace without noise or video coverage?

Where was Sunday Igboho when Fulani terrorists were killing and kidnapping people across Osun, Oyo, Ekiti, and Ondo States? It was Aare Gani Adams who ordered OPC to work in partnership with Amotekun and the police a move that brought about the 90% peace we currently enjoy in the Southwest today.

When OPC joined local security and the police in raiding Fulani kidnappers’ hideouts, many were arrested, while others fled. Sunday Igboho arrived there later with cameras and propaganda, claiming credit for what he did not do. Fortunately, the Area Commander of Police confirmed publicly that the operation was carried out by the Police, OPC, and local security forces.

When OPC arrested Wakilu, the notorious killer and others in Igangan, and handed him over to the police, instead of the police commending them, they detained the OPC members, charged them to court, and kept them in correctional custody for four months. Aare Gani Adams personally spent millions of naira to secure their release, yet none of these so-called activists or bloggers came out to protest or support Aare for defending Yoruba interests.

During operations in Ondo and Osun States to defend Yorubaland, Aare Gani Adams lost several brave OPC members before they could overpower the attackers. Yet, none of the commentators or bloggers who now insult Aare showed sympathy or acknowledged the sacrifices of these fallen heroes.

When the Badoo cult and Fulani killers attacked Lagos and its environs, the then Commissioner of Police, Edgal Imohimi, contacted Aare Gani Adams for support. OPC under Aare’s command helped overpower and arrest the culprits, who were handed over to the police yet Aare did not make noise about it or seek public praise.

If you expect the Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland to come on social media dramatizing every move like Sunday Adeyemi, then you have made a great mistake. Fighting Fulani kidnappers is far below the stature of the Aare Ona Kakanfo himself  he has capable men under him to handle such matters. The Aare is called to lead in times of war, not to engage in small street battles.

Even in Kwara State, when Fulani attackers struck in Oke-Ode, the police arrested them with the support of Kwara OPC  despite the fact that the state government has refused to recognize or empower OPC. Kwara State authorities even went as far as employing Fulani men as security agents to fight other Fulani killers, yet they expect positive results. Ironically, many in Ilorin oppose OPC because of their traditional sacrifices (ebo) for the land’s protection. Now, those same people are crying for help from the same Elebo they once despised.

I am therefore advising those nonsensical and idiotic individuals behind the social media attacks against Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland to stop their rubbish immediately. If they truly love the Yoruba race, they should allow Aare Gani Adams to continue his noble work.

Boko Haram, herdsmen terrorists and violent Fulani militants have become active political actors. Anyone who tries to confront them outside the authority of the government risks arrest or death. Do the bloggers and commentators on social media really believe the Nigerian Army or Police lack the equipment or ability to fight? The truth is that effective action depends on political will. We are not living in an era when Alasfin can simply order Aare Ona kakanfo a war meaningful, sustained security operations require clear government commitment, resources, and coordination.

Chief Sunday Adeyemi remains a boy to Aare Gani Adams and he never denied that. Even his late boss and mentor, the former Oyo State OPC Coordinator Akala, who once served under Aare as a coordinator in Ibadan, never disrespected the Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland during his lifetime.

ÀWỌN JAGUNJAGUN KÌÍ RO ẸJỌ́ ÀRÒNÙ.

THE REAL WARLORDS DON'T TALK ANYHOW, ÀYÀFI ÈYÍ TÓBÁ Ń FI ẸNU J'AGUN.

Prince Amb. (Dr.) Adedipe Dauda Ewenla

Akinjagunla Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland

Technician Surveyor | Real Estate Investor | Security Expert

(NIS, INS, PSU, DIL, B.Sc, B-Tech, MSc)

Àwọn Olúbàdàn Tó Ti Jẹ Sẹ́yìn

(1). Lágelú (1820).

(2). Baálẹ̀ Máyẹ̀ Okùnadé (1820-1826)

(3). Baálẹ̀ Oluyendun Labosinde (1826-1830).

(4). Baale Lákanlẹ̀ (1830-1835).

(5). Basorun Olúyọ̀lé Ojaba (1835-1850).

(6). Baale Oderinlo Opeagbe Idiomo/Kure (1850-1851).

(7). Baale Oyesile Olugbode Ita Baale (1851-1864).

(8). Ba’ale Ibikunle (1864-1865).

(9). Basorun Ogumola Mapo (1865-1867).

(10). Balogun Beyioku Akere Onitamperin (1867-1870).

(11). Baale Orowusi (Awarun) Kobomoje (1870-1871).

(12). Aare Oladoke Latoosa Oke-Are (1871-1885).

(13). Balogun Ajayi Osungbekun Kobmoje (1885-1893).

(14). Baate Fijabi 1 (Omo Babalola) Oritamerin (1893-1895).

(15). Baale Osuntoki Olusun Agbeni (1895-1897).

(16). Badorun Fajimi (Yerombi) Oranyan (1897-1902).

(17). Baale Mosaderin Sunlehinmi Oranyan (1902-1904).

(18). Baale Dada Opadare Mapo (1904-1907).

(19). Basorun Sumonu Apanpa Isale-Osi (1907-1910).

(20). Baale Akintayo Awanibaku Elenpe Bere, Aboke (1910-1912).

(21). Baale Irefin (Omo Ogundeyi) Oke Ofa Babasale (1912-1914).

(22). Baale Shitu (Omo Are Latosa) Oke Are (1914-1925).

(23). Baale Oyewole Aiyejenku Omo Foko Oke Foko (1925-1930).

(24). Olubadan Okunola Abaasi Alesinloye Isale Ijebu (1930-1946).

(25). Olubadan Fagbinrin Akere II Oritamerin (1946).

(26). Olubadan Oyetunde I Eleta (1946).

(27). Olubadan Akintunde Bioku Oleyo, Oranyan (1947-1948).

(28). Olubadan Fijabi II Oritamerin (1948-1952).

(29). Olubadan Memudu Alli Iwo Gbenla (1952).

(30). Olubadan Igbintade Apete Oke Ofa (1952-1955)

(31). Oba Isaac Babalola Akinyele Alafara (1955-1964).

(32). Oba Yesufu Kobiowu Oranyan (1964)

(33). Oba Salawu Akanbi Aminu Adeoyo (1965-1971).

(34). Oba Shittu Akintola Oyetunde II Eleta (1971-1976)

(35). Oba Gbadamosi Akanbi Adebimpe Odinjo (1976-1977).

(36). Oba Daniel Tayo Akinbiyi Elekuro (1977-1982).

(37). Oba Yesufu Oloyede Asanike IdiAro (1983-1993)

(38). Oba Emmanuel Adegboyega Operinde Isale Ijebu (1993-1999).

(39). Oba Yinusa B. Ogundipe Arapasowu I Oranyan (1999-2007).

(40). Oba Samuel Odulana Olugade I (2007-2016).

(41). Oba Saliu Akanmu Adetunji (2016-2022)

(42). Oba Lekan Balogun (2022-2024)

(43). Oba Owolabi Olakulehin (2024-2025)

(44). Ọba Ràṣídì Ládọjà ni Ọba Kẹrìnlélógójì tí yóò gorí àpèré àwọn bàbá ńlá wọn.

PLANNED TERRORISM AT DANGOTE REFINERY

I hear some neo-terrorists want to invade the Dangote Refinery to stop the supply of gas to it. I invite them to check out the definition of 'terrorism' in the  Terrorism (Prevention and Prohibition) Act.

The Nigerian government must protect legitimate private businesses from the 'entitlement mentality' of many Nigerian workers' unions. Many of them don't know what it takes to build a country through its public service or incubate businesses like the Dangote Refinery. Yet, when employed, they form unions to redefine the conditions of service and subtly exercise lordship over what they didn't build or own.

The Nigerian working class cannot excuse itself from its present malaise. We share a collective failure of what Nigeria has become, whether through our actions or inaction.

Therefore, we have a collective task to make Nigeria greater or better than we met it. One way to achieve Nigeria's greatness is by practising a work ethic based on dedication to service and a reward mechanism based on merit and established values.

As a Nigerian worker, if you don't like an employer's conditions of service, don't even apply to be employed by them in the first place. It is not until after you have willingly applied for a job and have been employed that you plan to form or join a particular union to redefine or dictate the terms of your job.

In a country blessed with natural crude oil oil yet its citizens' daily life was marked with endless queues at petrol stations because its many failed refineries which gulp billions of Naira in annual maintenance yet they remain decrepit, without products and have become cesspit of corruption, Aliko Dangote a Nigerian business man had a seemingly impossible dream of giving greater value to Nigeria's crude oil by setting up one of the largest petroleum refineries in the world. The Dangote of a guy boasted that his refinery, when it took off, would make petroleum products available in every part of Nigeria and crash their prices from the maddening effects of the removal of petroleum subsidies, which have seen the price of PMS rising to N1,500 per litre in some places across Nigeria.

Aliko Dangote's dream of cheap and available fuel came true faster than many thought. Shortly after the Dangote Refinery started production, the price of PMS was cut to N820, an estimated 55 per cent reduction in price.

The success of the Dangote Refinery benefits all Nigerians. If some like, let them begrudge Aliko Dangote and his partners for getting richer or attempting to build a monopoly, as they did to cement supply. If such critics really think so, let them attempt to get the other refineries in Nigeria to work or start their own refineries if they can.

Now that the Dangote Refinery is benefiting Nigerians and bringing them pride, those who are masters of reaping where they did not sow are attempting to impose on it the template that has grounded all the other government-owned (NNPCL) refineries, starting by insisting on forming unions.

Granted, any group of employees numbering 50 or more has the right to apply to the Registrar of Trade Unions to form their workers' union. If those workers become aggrieved that their employer is unwilling to accept the formation of their union, they should approach the National Industrial Court of Nigeria (NICN) to seek redress. They also have the right to protest to their employer. What is, however, unacceptable is when members of other trade unions in the oil and gas sector, like PENGASSAN, NUPENG, etc, now choose to apply force or threat to shut down gas supply to the Dangote Refinery unless it acquiesces to their demands. That would amount to terrorism. The perpetrators of such should be treated as criminals by the Nigerian state.

Based on the excuse that the government and administrations in Nigeria don't understand workers' language except through strike action, trade unions in Nigeria have, in the past, unwittingly appealed to the use of unreasonable force by unilaterally declaring industrial actions, which have caused Nigerians untold hardship, suffering, and death. Trade union leaders must become law-abiding or be severely punished according to the law.

It should be reiterated that successful modern states have been built on the sacrifices of their leaders and citizens.

Like the modern followers of the Lord Jesus Christ and their leaders who have refused to follow His example of sacrifice and care less about His will but have chosen to exploit the power of His name to build enterprises that promise material benefits and comforts of life in exchange for money, majority of Nigerians view Nigeria as a country that is fit only to be exploited without a commensurable responsibility to preserve its purpose and make it better generations yet unborn. They have instead chosen to make Nigeria worse, and if possible, destroy it. They will fail!

The Almighty God has never been without witnesses who call the people to build a better society. Thus, even when religious leaders fail to live up to their responsibilities as they now do. Remember that God used His unconventional servants like Fela Anikulapo Kuti to speak truth and hope to the people. Another one like him, Sonny Okosuns, spent his life producing popular music, some of which traversed the Christian and Islamic faiths, calling on Africans and Nigerians in particular to build better societies for themselves. For some of us, the works of Fela, Okosuns and others like them would live for generations after them until their noble wishes and aspirations for Nigeria are attained.

Therefore, I invite you to listen to Sonny Okosuns' 'Happy Days'  as he calls for a new work ethic in Nigeria.

Frank Tietie, 

Nigerian lawyer, media personality, and development advocate writes from Abuja.

BOKO HARAM ONCE CHOSE BUHARI AS A NEGOTIATOR.- GOODLUCK JONATHAN

Ex-President Goodluck Jonathan has revealed that Boko Haram insurgents once nominated former President Muhammadu Buhari to represent them in peace talks with the Federal Government.

Jonathan disclosed this on Friday at the public presentation of Scars, a book authored by former Chief of Defence Staff, Gen. Lucky Irabor (retd.), in Abuja.

The former president said his administration had set up several committees to explore dialogue with the sect, adding that in one of such instances, the insurgents named Buhari as their preferred negotiator.

He added that, based on that, he felt it would have been easy for Buhari, when he emerged as president, to negotiate with the terrorists to surrender, but the insurgency persisted.

Jonathan stated, “One of the committees we set up then, the Boko Haram nominated Buhari to lead their team to negotiate with the government.

“So I was feeling that, oh, if they nominated Buhari to represent them and have a discussion with the government committee, then when Buhari took over, it could have been an easy way to negotiate with them and they would have handed over their guns. But it was still there till today.”

Jonathan noted that the inability of Buhari to eradicate Boko Haram terrorists showed that the crisis was more complex than often portrayed.

He said, “If you conduct research and interview many people, you will only get part of the story, but never the full story of Boko Haram. I was there. Boko Haram started in 2009 when I was vice president. I took over in 2010 and spent five years battling the insurgency until I left office.

“I thought that after I left, within a reasonable time, General Buhari would wipe them out. But even today, Boko Haram is still there. The issue of Boko Haram is far more complex than it is often presented.

“So, it’s a bit complex, and not a matter of a single story. But I believe, as a nation, we have to look at the Boko Haram issue differently from the conventional approach. I believe one day we’ll overcome it. Once again, let me thank General Irabor for this, because I always appreciate people who document events clearly. That way, when we write our own accounts, we can borrow from such documentation.

“I also believe that all the military officers involved in the Boko Haram saga should provide information about what the group truly stood for.”

Jonathan also said the issue of Boko Haram was beyond hunger, adding that his administration employed so many strategies, but they did not work.

He said, “If it was only about hunger—because we tried different options—I don’t want to sound like I’m defending my government. That will be left for history when we document our books.

“But I believe we did our best: we set up different committees and tried various approaches during the five years I was in office. I believe the late Buhari, too, must have tried his best.

“I believe the government—luckily, with the Defence Minister here and the service chiefs represented—must adopt a slightly different approach. God willing, we will be able to resolve this crisis.”

Jonathan described the abduction of the Chibok schoolgirls in 2014 as a permanent scar on his administration.

The former president added that he hoped some leaders of the insurgent group would eventually document their actions, similar to how key actors of the Nigerian Civil War wrote their own accounts, to provide clarity on the insurgency’s motives.

He said, “It is a scar I will die with. But perhaps later, more details may become known, and that too has to do with Boko Haram.

“What did they really want? Our chairman once raised the issue when he interviewed some of them, and they gave him certain perspectives. But I pray that one day, some of the Boko Haram leaders may be literate enough to document what they have done, so that people will truly understand what they wanted. It is similar to the story of the Nigerian Civil War.”

Jonathan urged the current administration to consider a carrot-and-stick approach, stressing that the group’s sophisticated weapons suggested external support beyond mere hunger or poverty.

He said, “Issue of carrots and the stick may be adopted, and yes, probably the needs are there, but if you look at the weapons they use, and you value the weapons, then you know that these are not hungry people.

“So, the soldiers that sometimes capture some of the weapons will see better, but the weapons they use, the ammunition they use, sometimes they even have more ammunition than our soldiers.

“Where are these guns, sophisticated weapons coming from? And you begin to see that the external hands are also involved, especially when I was president. ”

Boko Haram emerged in the early 2000s in Borno State, but became a major security threat after its leader, Mohammed Yusuf, was killed in police custody in 2009.

The group escalated its violent campaign against the Nigerian state, including bombings, mass abductions and attacks on military and civilian targets.

In 2012, at the height of Boko Haram’s violence, reports surfaced that the sect named Buhari among respected northern leaders they trusted to mediate between them and the government.

Buhari, however, publicly rejected the offer at the time, accusing the Jonathan administration of trying to drag his name into the crisis for political reasons.

MATTHEW HENSON

Matthew Henson, an African American explorer who was born in Charles County Maryland on August 8, 1866, was the first person in history to reach the North Pole.

At a young age, he was orphaned and lived with his aunt in Washington DC. However, he quit school in order to be a sailor. At the age of 12, he joined Captain Child's crew on the merchant ship Katie Hinds traveling around the world for six years. He became an expert at charting and navigating.

At age of 20, Henson was discovered by an explorer named Robert E. Peary, who was impressed with the breadth of his geographical knowledge and experience. As a result, Peary invited Henson to join him for an expedition designed to investigate the feasibility of a canal linking the Atlantic and Pacific oceans through Nicaragua.

After that expedition, Henson and Peary undertook seven more expeditions with the goal of becoming the first to reach the North Pole, which was Peary's dream.

Because of how difficult the mission was, they failed six times. Nevertheless, this didn't stop them from planning the seventh expedition. For it, Henson taught himself how to build sleds, how to master a team of dogs, and how to speak the Inuit language. Henson invested many hours of study to make the corresponding calculations.

All of the hard work and planning paid off because, on April 6, 1909, Matthew Henson arrived at the North Pole and planted the American flag. He arrived 45 minutes ahead of Peary whose progress was a lot slower because he lost several toes to frostbite.

Sadly, it wasn't until more than 30 years later in 1945 that Henson received the Navy Medal from Congress, and it wasn't until 1961 that a plaque was erected in his honor at the State House at Annapolis, Maryland.

Henson dièd in the Bronx, New York City on March 9, 1955, at the age of 88. In 1988, his remains were moved to Arlington National Cemetery, where he was buried with full honors next to his friend, Robert Peary.

THE AFRICAN CONCEPT OF GOD

The title "god" is not African in origin; it is a Germanic word. The English word god comes from the Old English god, which itself is derived from the Proto-Germanic ǥuđán. Its cognates in other Germanic languages include guþ, gudis (both Gothic), guð (Old Norse), god (Old Saxon, Old Frisian, and Old Dutch), and got (Old High German) (Ricchiardi, 1993). African peoples do not consider God to be a man, but in order to express certain concepts, they employ language and images as an aid to conceptualizing Him—whom they have not seen and about whom they confess to know little or nothing. Africans have always believed in spirits and were spiritual even before Europeans and Arabs introduced their organized religions to them (Mbiti, 1970). They believed in a Supreme Being who created everything on Earth. Europeans and Arabs later developed Christianity and Islam after incorporating African spirituality concepts into their own religions. Regardless of this, Africans still worship their gods, as well as their ancestors and spirits, preserving their traditions through storytelling and cultural practices (Idowu, 1962).

Most African cultures, if not all, believe in a Supreme Creator in one form or another—often conceptualized as a "God behind the Gods," a Supreme Deity who created everything. Many African traditions hold that this Creator once lived on Earth but left for His Kingdom in the Sky due to human infractions. Since He was no longer in direct contact with people, Lesser Gods were created from His power to oversee different aspects of existence, such as Earth, Rain, Water, Wind, and Fire. These deities are believed to be capable of answering human prayers and interceding with the Supreme Creator on behalf of humanity (Awolalu, 1979). Although the Supreme Creator is often referred to using masculine pronouns, African belief systems generally regard this deity as beyond gender—both male and female, without form, and existing in an abstract sense. The Supreme Being is accessible to all, regardless of social status, and a breath of its divine essence is believed to be present in all animate and inanimate things (Mbiti, 1970).

Across Africa, different names are used to refer to the Supreme Creator. For example, the deity is known as Mulungu in East Africa, Leza in Central Africa, Nyambe in the West Tropics, and Nyame in Ghana. Other titles include "The Molder," "Giver of Breath and Souls," "God of Destiny," "One Who Exists of Himself," "God of Pity and Comfort," "The Inexplicable," "Ancient of Days," "The One Who Bends Even Kings," and "The One You Meet Everywhere" (Idowu, 1962). In many African traditions, the creation of the Earth is said to have taken four days. The fifth day was reserved for the worship of Orisha Nla, the chief of the deities, who is believed to have shaped the Earth under the instruction of the Supreme Creator. Orisha Nla was also tasked with forming human bodies out of clay, after which the Supreme Creator secretly instilled them with the spark of life. These newly created humans were then placed on Earth to live (Awolalu, 1979).

References:

Awolalu, J. O. (1979). Yoruba Beliefs and Sacrificial Rites. Longman.

Idowu, E. B. (1962). Olódùmarè: God in Yoruba Belief. Longmans, Green.

Mbiti, J. S. (1970). Concepts of God in Africa. SPCK.

Ricchiardi, G. (1993). "The Conception of God in the African Tradition." Research and Documentation: Inculturation and the Concept of God in the African Traditions, No. 2 (May), 67-86.

I AM READY FOR A NEW MAN IN MY LIFE-ANNIE IDIBIA.

Annie Idibia Reveals Qualities She Wants in Her Next Relationship After Divorce From 2Baba

Nollywood actress Annie Macaulay Idibia has revealed the kind of partner and relationship she envisions for herself following her highly publicized split from legendary singer 2Baba. Eyes Of Lagos reports,

The actress, who endured years of ups and downs during her marriage, took to Instagram to share what she now considers non-negotiable qualities in her future love life.

Annie Idibia on Her Next Relationship Goals

In a heartfelt Instagram story, the mother of two explained that she is no longer interested in relationships where only one person benefits. Instead, she desires mutual growth in all aspects of life.

“I want a relationship where we both get hotter, healthier, happier, and wealthier together. Simple thing, Pere,” she wrote.

This statement comes months after her marriage with 2Baba officially ended, with the singer moving on to start a new chapter of his own.

Her Advice to Women on Love and Money

Annie didn’t stop at sharing her desires; she also issued a warning to women about financial traps in relationships.

She reposted a message cautioning ladies never to sign loans or lend money to men in the name of love:

“If he asks you to lend him money or sign a loan in his name, even if you want to help, don’t agree. Otherwise, you risk losing both your love and your money.”

The actress further advised women not to abandon their ambitions or dreams just to please a partner, insisting that self-worth should always come first.

Embracing the “Soft Life Era”

Just days before her candid posts, Annie shared a video of herself having fun at a party with celebrity stylist Swanky Jerry and friends. She described this stage of her life as her “soft life era”, highlighting her focus on peace, joy, and boundaries.

Her recent reflections follow several months of cryptic and emotional messages, where she openly admitted to past mistakes and expressed her hope that her daughter will grow up valuing herself without repeating the same errors.

Lessons From a Decade-Long Marriage

Annie Idibia and 2Baba’s union lasted over a decade and was plagued with multiple controversies before it eventually crumbled. While the breakup drew public attention, Annie has since emerged more outspoken, embracing self-discovery, independence, and personal happiness.

For her, moving forward simply means: “Archive and move on.”

THE SIN OF CALLING A BROTHER "MY BROTHER."

Former Labour Party presidential candidate, Peter Obi, has come under criticism for calling the new Olubadan of Ibadanland, Oba Rashidi Ladoja, “my dear brother” in his congratulatory message to the traditional ruler.

Obi, in a statement posted on X (formerly Twitter) on Saturday to congratulate the monarch for his accession to the throne said, “I warmly congratulate my dear brother, Oba Rashidi Adewolu Ladoja, Arusa I, on his installation as the 44th Olubadan of Ibadanland.

“His ascension to this revered throne is a celebration for the people of Ibadan and a source of pride for the entire Yoruba nation and Nigeria as a whole.”

The Yoruba ethnic group is known for its respect for elders and kings, and the careful choice of words used when addressing them.

Peter Obi’s comment has been seen as a breach of this cultural norm, as he referred to the newly crowned king as “my brother.”

But reacting, a former presidential aide, Reno Omokri, berated Obi for what he called a lack of cultural sensitivity and diplomatic polish.

Omokri, in a post on X, accused Obi of denigrating the newly crowned monarch by calling him “my dear brother.”

“The 44th Olubadan of Ibadan, Oba Rasidi Adewolu Ladoja, is a royal father. Therefore, he should not be flippantly addressed as ‘my dear brother,’” Omokri said.

“The ancient throne of Ibadan predates colonialism. Ibadan was the largest city-state in West Africa. This is not some warrant chief created by the British in a land without natural rulers.

“The Olubadan is a first-class king and deserves honourable treatment from Nigerians. He is a warrior king and kabiyesi (one who cannot be questioned),” Omokri said.

Omokri further argued that[b] Obi would not dare address an emir in similar terms, suggesting that the comment underscored why Obi is “not a fit and proper person” to be Nigeria’s president.[/b]

“Can you, Peter Obi, refer to an emir as ‘my dear brother’? Of course not! What you cannot do with an emir, please, do not try it with the Olubadan,” he said.

Also reacting, the media aide to the Minister of Federal Capital Territory, Lere Olayinka, described Obi’s reference to Olubadan as disrespectful.

Olayinka, in a series of posts on X, also described Obi’s choice of words as a demonstration of cultural ignorance and political arrogance.

Olayinka said, “Mr One Shoe alias Agbotikuyo’s age is 64. Olubadan of Ibadanland, Oba Rashidi Adewolu Ladoja’s age is 81.

“Oba Ladoja became governor of Oyo State in 2003, Mr One Shoe became governor of Anambra State in 2006. Can you refer to someone who is 17 years older than you as my brother?

“Can Mr One Shoe address the Obi of Onitsha as my brother? Can he address President Obasanjo as my brother?”

TAYE CURRENCY AND THE DEATH KNELL OF FUJI MUSIC

The coronation of Oba Rashidi Adewolu Ladoja as the 44th Olubadan of Ibadan was golden platform for Fuji music to shine. Taye Currency one of its biggest stars took the stage. With his performance. He killed Fuji Music. It was the worst performance ever seen at a big event in recent memory. The President of the country and other notable dignitaries were in attendance sheer display of thuggery by a representative of the genre. I have always maintained that Sikiru Ayinde Barrister took Fuji Music template to his grave. The evidence is Taye Currency a man bereft of any talent seen as one of its biggest stars. You cannot give what you do not have.  With Fuji music, Ayinde Barrister revolutionized traditional Yoruba music while still projecting values of good behavior, respect for elders and the struggles against life's forces. He often used his music as a tool for commentary on issues of national concern, particularly politics. He was also known for his praise-singing skills.

Fuji Music since the death of its creator has always been garbage in garbage out. With cantankerous individuals celebrated as stars. Unfortunately, they have their listening audience. Not the ones that came to see the coronation of the Olubadan. Not the same ones that loved Ayinde Barrister and still listen to his music. The genre is now all about squabbles and songs with no message. Hence " werey la fin wo werey" on an international platform. A genre dies when it falls out of mainstream popularity. With few new creators or publications, often due to audience fatigue, the rise of new, competing genres, and shifting cultural tastes. Fuji music under its new management has all the ailments to lead to its untimely demise. With its detachment from umbilical cord of its creative founder. Thanks to Taye Currency, the genre is on its death knell.

Source: JAIYEOLA AJASA.

Opa Oranmiyan (Staff of Oranmiyan)

The Opa Oranmiyan, also known as the Staff of Oranmiyan, is a monumental granite monolith located in Ile-Ife, an ancient Yoruba city with deep historical and cultural significance in southwestern Nigeria. Standing about 5.5 meters (18 feet) tall, it is shaped like a giant staff or an elephant’s tusk.

According to Yoruba tradition, the monument marks the spot where Oba Oranmiyan—a son of Oduduwa and a prominent figure in Yoruba history—was fabled to have died. The Ooni of Ife, the spiritual head of the Yoruba people, holds custodianship of the site, which is regarded as sacred.

Scholars differ on when the Opa Oranmiyan was erected, with estimates ranging from the 12th to the 15th centuries, reflecting ongoing debates about its exact origin.

Beyond being a historical marker, the Opa Oranmiyan symbolizes kingship, authority, and military power in Yoruba culture. Today, it stands as a major cultural heritage site, tourist attraction, and focus of research in Yoruba history and archaeology.

September 25, 2025: At The Age of 78, Activist Assata Shakur Died

Assata Olugbala Shakur aka JoAnne Deborah Byron, married name Chesimard is a activist and escaped citizen who was a member of the Black Panther Party (BPP) and Black Liberation Army (BLA). Between 1971 and 1973, Shakur was accused of several crimes and made the subject of a multi-state manhunt.

In May 1973, Shakur was involved in a shootout on the New Jersey Turnpike, during which New Jersey State Trooper Werner Foerster and BLA member Zayd Malik Shakur were killed and Shakur and Trooper James Harper were wounded. Between 1973 and 1977, Shakur was indicted in relation to six other alleged criminal incidents—charged with murder, attempted murder, armed robbery, bank robbery, and kidnapping—resulting in three acquittals and three dismissals. In 1977, she was convicted of the first-degree murder of Foerster and of seven other felonies related to the shootout.

In 2013, the FBI announced it had made Shakur the 1st woman on its list of most wanted terrorists. Shakur was incarcerated in several prisons in the 70s. She escaped from prison in 1979 and has been living in Cuba inpolitical asylum since 1984. Since May 2, 2005, the FBI has classified her as a domestic terrorist and offered a $1 million reward for assistance in her capture. On May 2, 2013, the FBI added her to the Most Wanted Terrorist list and increased the reward for her capture to $2 million.

Attempts to extradite her have resulted in letters to the Pope and a Congressional resolution. On Sept 14, 1998: Senator and Former 2016 Presidential candidate, Bernie Sanders VOTED YES on H.Con.Res. 254 (105th). Which called on the Government of Cuba to extradite to the United States convicted felon Joanne Chesimard (Assata Shakur) and all other individuals who have fled the United States to avoid prosecution or confinement for criminal offenses and who are currently living freely in Cuba.

Shakur is the step-aunt of the deceased hip-hop icon Tupac Shakur, the stepson of her brother Mutulu Shakur. Her life has been portrayed in literature, film and song.

CULTURAL IMPACT:

A documentary film about Shakur, Eyes of the Rainbow, written and directed by Cuban filmmaker Gloria Rolando, appeared in 1997. The official premier of the film in Havana in 2004 was promoted by Casa de las Américas, the main cultural forum of the Cuban government.

The National Conference of Black Lawyers and Mos Def are among the professional organizations and entertainers to support Assata Shakur; The "Hands Off Assata" campaign is organized by Dream Hampton.

Due to her support in the hip-hop culture, Shakur has been alternately termed a "rap music legend" or a "minorcause celebre.":

Hip-hop artist Common recorded a tribute to Shakur, "A Song for Assata," on his album Like Water for Chocolate, 2000, after traveling to Havana to meet with Shakur personally.

Paris ("Assata's Song", in Sleeping with the Enemy, 1992)

Public Enemy ("Rebel Without A Pause" in It Takes a Nation of Millions to Hold Us Back, 1988)

2Pac ("Words of Wisdom" in 2Pacalypse Now, 1991)

Digital Underground ("Heartbeat Props" in Sons of the P, 1991)

The Roots ("The Adventures in Wonderland" in Illadelph Halflife, 1996)

Saul Williams ("Black Stacey" in Saul Williams, 2004)

Rebel Diaz ("Which Side Are You On?" in Otro Guerrillero Mixtape Vol. 2, 2008)

Lowkey ("Something Wonderful" in Soundtrack to the Struggle, 2011)

Jay Z ("Open Letter Part II" in 2013)

Digable Planets and X-Clan have recorded similar songs about Shakur.

On December 12, 2006 the Chancellor of the City University of New York, Matthew Goldstein, directed City College's president, Gregory H. Williams, to remove the "unauthorized and inappropriate" designation of the "Guillermo Morales/Assata Shakur Community and Student Center," which was named by students in 1989, when a student group won the right to use the lounge after a campus shutdown over proposed tuition increases. The decision resulted in a lawsuit from student and alumni groups. As of April 7, 2010, the presiding judge has ruled that the issues of students' free speech and administrators' immunity from suit "deserve a trial."

In 1995 Manhattan Community College renamed a scholarship which had previously been named for Shakur, following controversy.

In 2008, Shakur was featured in a course on "African-American heroes"—along with figures such as Harriet Tubman, Sojourner Truth, John Henry, Malcolm X, and Angela Davis—at Bucknell University.

Rutgers University professor H. Bruce Franklin, who excerpts Shakur's book in a class on Crime and Punishment in American Literature, calls her a "revolutionary fighter against imperialism."

Shakur is still a notorious figure among New Jersey law enforcement officials. For example, black (now ex-)Trooper Anthony Reed sued the force, among other things, over posters of Shakur, altered to include Reed's badge number, being hung in Newark barracks, an incident that Reed considered "racist in nature."In contrast, according to Dylan Rodriguez, to many "U.S. radicals and revolutionaries" Shakur represents a "venerated (if sometimes fetishized) signification of liberatory desire and possibility.

#BlackHistory #World

BIAFRA

Biafra: Kudos To  MASSOB At 26 Says  Despite Several  Attempts By The Enemy To Weaken Us, We Are Still Stronger, Consistent, focused 

OWERRİ -- İMO STATE: The Biafra Independence Movement, BİM, has said that members of the Organization are still united, consistent, focused and stronger despite  several attempts by the Federal Government to sabotage the struggle.

The road to achieving Biafra as a Sovereign State is  slippery and having a tough time of  it, but said that positive results have been made and Biafra is being discussed all over the world.

The pro- Biafra Organization has just celebrated 26 years anniversary of the  founding of Movement for The Actualization of The Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) on September 13, 2025.

İn a statement endorsed  by the MASSOB's Director of information and Senior Special Assistant on Media and Publicity to Biafra Independence Movement, Mazi Chris Mocha, mentioned Nigeria, and her foreign collaborators as the number one enemy of the struggle.

At 26, BIM-MASSOB ranked the best among other pro-Biafra groups in terms of structures and achievements.

BIM-MASSOB's physical structures included  Biafra Bill of Rights which was submitted to the United Nations on November 1, 1999, by Barrister (Chief) Ralph Uwazuruike.

The  prestigious İnternational Library named after the former Head of State of the Defunct Biafra, Dim Chukwuemeka Odumegwu -Ojukwu-- Memorial Library, New Owerri, The İmo State Capital.

Other existing physical structures are; NON- violence and NON-exodus methods of our agitation for Biafra which has gained İnternational acceptance.

That Ralph Uwazuruike is also depending on the MONTEVİDEO CONVENTİON OF 1933 which was established by many Sovereign Nations to guide our struggle for the realization of the State of Biafra is BIM-MASSOB's greatest achievements.

MASSOB's structures also included our Regional offices in all the local Governments in the states making up Biafra;

That BIM-MASSOB aside these verifiable offices also built  Secretariats in each  Senatorial zones in S'E and parts of the S'South where our members could be  contacted; 

That Biafra is a member of Unrepresented Nations And Peoples Organization, UNPO,  is  through the efforts of BIM-MASSOB;

That Biafra Football Federation, BFF, is also  a member of Confideration of İndependent Football Associations, CONIFA, is  through the instrumentality of BIM-MASSOB; 

That Biafra is an EXİSTİNG State like Taiwan, Tibet, Hong- Kong, Scotland, is one of the greatest achievements of BIM-MASSOB;

That Biafra foreign Affairs ministry is   engaging -- in talks with friendly Nations and the assurances they are currently getting from those countries have spurred our determination to continue pushing forward for our freedom.

Mocha added that the quest for Self-Determination struggle for Biafra through non-violence and non-exodus philosophy still remains unstoppable and unshakable, he concluded.

Lagos, Yorubaland, and the Politics of Belonging - Balancing Heritage and Inclusivity

Lagos is more than a city, it is a symbol of Nigeria’s contradictions and potentials. A megacity of trade, culture, and migration, Lagos carries the weight of history while straining under the pressures of modernity. At its heart lies a question that has sparked debate for decades. Whose land is Lagos? Is it still part of Yorubaland and the Southwest, or has it evolved into a “no man’s land”?

This is not just a historical inquiry but a question of identity, ownership, and the future of Nigeria’s most populous and economically dominant state.

The story of Lagos begins with the Awori, a Yoruba subgroup that migrated from Ile-Ife in the 15th century. Settling along lagoons and islands, they established small fishing and trading communities under the leadership of Olofin Ogunfuminire. According to legend, a mystical plate sent by Oduduwa guided Olofin to the settlement, marking the foundation of Eko the original Lagos.

By the 16th century, the Benin Kingdom exerted influence, appointing Ashipa as Lagos’s administrator. While Lagos paid tribute to Benin for centuries, its identity remained largely Yoruba. European contact from 1472 onward, and British colonization in 1861, transformed Lagos into a commercial hub and eventually the colonial capital of Nigeria. These historical layers,  Awori roots, Benin influence, and colonial development set the stage for a city of immense complexity.

Lagos’s special status as a federal territory until 1967 created both opportunity and ambiguity. In 1967, Lagos State was formally created, merging Lagos Island and the surrounding towns into a single state with Ikeja as its capital. Administratively and geographically, Lagos is firmly in the Southwest geopolitical zone, sharing borders with Ogun State and maintaining its Yoruba cultural foundations.

Yet, Lagos is undeniably cosmopolitan. Today, indigenous Lagosians make up less than half the population. Igbos dominate markets and trade, Hausas run transportation and logistics, and communities from across Africa and beyond contribute to the city’s economic dynamism. Lagos’s rise to a megacity of over 21 million residents has made it a national and continental economic powerhouse.

The notion of Lagos as a “no man’s land” originated from its federal capital status, symbolizing a city that belonged to all Nigerians. Over time, however, some have used the phrase to assert claims that Lagos is equally “owned” by non-indigenes, especially those from the Southeast.

From a historical perspective, this claim is inaccurate. The Awori and other Yoruba subgroups remain the ancestral landowners, recognized through customary law and affirmed by colonial court rulings such as Amodu Tijani v. Secretary of Southern Nigeria (1921). The Idejo chiefs , descendants of Lagos’s founding families hold absolute ownership  title to much of the land on Lagos Island, while other prominent families maintain ancestral claims across the city.

Politically and socially, these claims are sensitive. Some Igbos and other migrant communities argue that, given their economic contributions and the city’s historical role as a national capital, Lagos belongs equally to all. For many Yorubas, however, this narrative is perceived as an attempt to erase centuries of indigenous history.

Lagos embodies Nigeria’s central tension, the collision of heritage and modernity. On one hand, its Yoruba identity is undeniable from language, festivals, and sacred sites to traditional rulers and land ownership. On the other, its cosmopolitan nature is central to its global status.

The challenge is to balance respect for indigenous rights with inclusivity. Indigenous Lagosians must see their history honored, while migrants from Igbo, Hausa, Edo, and beyond should be welcomed for their contributions to Lagos’s growth. The city’s future depends on embracing both truths,  Lagos is Yoruba land by history, yet a shared space for opportunity, innovation, and cultural exchange.

Geographically, politically, and culturally, Lagos remains part of the Southwest. It participates in regional governance, Yoruba cultural networks, and the South-West Governors’ Forum. But its identity as Nigeria’s economic hub makes it a national city in practice, a space where millions of Nigerians stake livelihoods, homes, and dreams.

The phrase “no man’s land” is therefore both historically misleading and socially symbolic. It reflects Lagos’s inclusivity but should not obscure its origins. Recognizing Yoruba heritage while embracing migrants’ contributions is the path forward.

Lagos is a city of contrasts, ancestral landownership and cosmopolitan dynamism. Yoruba traditions and multiethnic innovation, historical pride and modern aspiration. Its story is one of balance. Deny its Yoruba roots, and you erase centuries of history. Deny its cosmopolitan reality, and you stifle the growth and diversity that make it Africa’s economic heartbeat.

The task is clear, acknowledge the past, respect indigenous claims, and cultivate an inclusive future. Lagos, after all, is Eko for show, Yoruba land at its core, yet a home for millions of Nigerians and Africans who dream of making it their own. In navigating this dual identity, Lagos not only defines itself but illuminates a pathway for Nigeria’s larger challenge, how to honor heritage while embracing the transformative power of diversity.