THE BIG DAY LIE BY TINUBU AND DONALD TRUMP

Nigerians woke up to the news that top ISIS commander, Abu-Bilal Al-Minuki, had been killed in a joint operation with US forces.

Two years before Trump’s declaration, the Defence Headquarters had announced that the ISIS commander was among terrorists neutralised during counterterrorism operations conducted in northern Nigeria between January and March 2024.

“Tonight, at my direction, brave American forces and the Armed Forces of Nigeria flawlessly executed a meticulously planned and very complex mission to eliminate the most active terrorist in the world from the battlefield,” Trump posted on Truth Social.

Trump said the killing of the suspect would weaken ISIS operations globally and reduce threats against Americans and people across Africa.

He also thanked the Nigerian government for what he described as its partnership in the operation.

“Abu-Bilal al-Minuki, second in command of ISIS globally, thought he could hide in Africa, but little did he know we had sources who kept us informed on what he was doing.

“He will no longer terrorize the people of Africa, or help plan operations to target Americans. With his removal, ISIS’s global operation is greatly diminished. Thank you to the Government of Nigeria for your partnership on this operation. GOD BLESS AMERICA!”

President Bola Tinubu also confirmed the killing and thanked American forces for the collaboration.

But addressing journalists at Defence Headquarters in Abuja, then Director of Defence Media Operations, Edward Buba, had in 2024 described Minuki as head of Is-Al Furqan Province (ISGS and ISWAP).

According to Buba, Minuki popularly known as Abubakar Mainok among his criminal gang members, operated along Birnin Gwari Forest in Kaduna State as well as the Abuja Kaduna Highway.

The former Defence spokesman said the terror commander was killed on February 21, 2024.

Buba had claimed that over 50 combatants which included Kachallah Alhaji Dayi, Kachallah Idi (Namaidaro), Kachallah Kabiru (Doka), Kachallah Azarailu (Farin-Ruwa), Kachallah Balejo, Ubangida, Alhaji Baldu, among several others, were all killed within that period.

He added, “The attacks and offensive actions by troops during the period Jan to Mar 2024 resulted in 2,351 terrorists neutralized, 2,308 persons arrested and 1,241 kidnapped hostages rescued. Furthermore, troops recovered 2,847 weapons, 58,492 ammunitions and denied the oil theft of an estimated sum over N20 bn (N20,331,713,910.00) only.”

This is not the first time that the Nigerian military would be involved in a controversy over the death of a terrorists’ commander. Before his death by suicide in a rivalry battle, the military pronounced Abubakar Shekau dead, at least four times, and each time the outlaw produced proof of life evidence to embarrass the Nigerian Armed Forces.

Abubakar Shekau took over leadership of Boko Haram in 2009 following the death of Mohammed Yusuf, the group’s founder. It was reported that Shekau was killed during clashes between Nigeria’s security forces and Boko Haram.

Shekau took over leadership of the Boko Haram sect in 2009, following the death of Mohammed Yusuf, founder of the sect. By 2010, the military claimed he had been killed. But Shekau appeared in a videotaped interview admitting that although he had been shot in the thigh, he had been rescued.

By 2013, the military claimed that Shekau was shot dead between 25 July and 3 August, 2013, when a series of raids were conducted on Sambisa forest, a stronghold of Boko Haram in the North-East. But one month after, Shekau appeared in a newly released video, alive. The Nigerian military had claimed that the man was an imposter.

On August 18, 2016, the Nigerian military again claimed that several Boko Haram leaders were killed, while Shekau was “fatally wounded”, in a raid on Sambisa Forest by the Nigerian Air Force.

“The air interdiction took place last week Friday 19th August 2016, while the terrorists were performing Friday rituals at Taye village, Gombale general area within Sambisa forest, Borno State,” the statement read.

“Those Boko Haram terrorists commanders confirmed dead include Abubakar Mubi, Malam Nuhu and Malam Hamman, amongst others, while their leader, so called “Abubakar Shekau”, is believed to be fatally wounded on his shoulders. Several other terrorists were also wounded.”

One month later, Leo Irabor, then Theatre Commander of Operation Lafiya Dole, who later rose to the position of Chief of Defence Staff, said Shekau did not refer to one particular individual but rather is a title for the leader of the Boko Haram.

Irabo noted that both the original and subsequent Shekaus had been killed by the Army.

“I can confirm to you that the original Shekau was killed, the second Shekau was killed, and the man presenting himself as Shekau, I can also confirm to you that few days ago, he was wounded,

“We are yet to confirm whether he is dead or not… they released videos to prove that they are still active, but that’s just a façade,” he had said.

But few weeks later, Shekau, flanked by two Boko Haram fighters, released a video where he made fun of the Nigerian government and swore to keep fighting.

Aside from Shekau’s incidents, there have also been cases where statements made by military authorities were debunked and labeled as propaganda.

In April, bandits raided churches in Ariko community, Kachia Local Government Area of Kaduna State, killing some worshippers and abducting others. The Army had claimed to have rescued 31 worshippers who were abducted during Easter service.

However, in a statement dated April 6, 2026, the President of the Kuturmi Unity Development Association, J.D. Ariko, said contrary to the rescue claims, all abducted persons remain in captivity.

Few weeks after, troops of the Guards Brigade of the Nigerian Army claimed that while responding to a distress call about an armed robbery in Dei Dei neighbourhood in Abuja, one Abdulsamad Jamiu, a Corps member, was caught in crossfire.

But eyewitnesses and family members strongly rejected the “crossfire” explanation, demanding justice and a transparent probe. They allege that military personnel forced their way into his bedroom and shot him in the head while he was inside, maintaining that there was no robbery or shootout in the community as of the time the incident happened.

‘Inconsistent information weakening confidence in security agencies’

Speaking on the recurring pattern of conflicting military claims in Nigeria’s counterinsurgency operations, security analyst Ridwan Aleshinloye warned that inconsistent information from security authorities is weakening public confidence and creating confusion in the fight against terrorism.

Aleshinloye said repeated instances where security agencies announce the killing of insurgent leaders only for such claims to later be contradicted have made many Nigerians skeptical of official statements on security matters.

He noted that such inconsistencies often create panic, tension and uncertainty, particularly in communities already affected by insurgency and violent attacks.

“People, especially in Northern Nigeria, no longer have absolute trust in information coming from security authorities because there have been cases where certain claims were later debunked or contradicted,” he said.

The analyst stressed that security agencies must ensure that sensitive information released to the public is thoroughly verified before being announced.

While describing reports of the killing of insurgent commanders as encouraging developments, he urged the military to improve its communication structure and public engagement strategy to avoid misinformation and credibility gaps.

Source: Rilwan Muhammad 

WHY IS NIGERIA SO UNLUCKY

Tinubu was recently in Kenya. There, he blamed the world for the plight of the African child. He said if the African child could be sure of one sandwich or egg a day, they wouldn’t be fearful of education. Tinubu’s grammatical issues aside, he appears to be losing touch with reality.

Tinubu doesn’t need to make his speeches  memorable.  The world already knows he is neither Marthin Luther King nor Bola Ige.  We dont need these memes . And he  must stop speaking like a NADECO activist. His first term is almost over, and the international audience already holds an unflattering view of Nigeria. This is not the arena for  half-digested ideas. The world knows his  party controls nearly all states in the country. Is it Macron who should feed Nigerian children and send them back to school? Or Botswana?

The era of “balabluing” should be behind us. This is the time to recharge Lake Chad. We cant stand any  new versions of  poisoned holy communion  and church rat tales.  If Tinubu had developed the habit of regular media chats at home, he would have outgrown these tired congratulations to himself.

At his next stop, Tinubu spoke passionately about how a commodities board would have saved Africa. Ironically, the commodities exchange board he promised Nigerians during his campaign hasnt  materialized. The country still loses nearly 50 percent of its agricultural output to inefficient markets and poor storage. Yet Tinubu had the nerve to preach commodities exchange on the African stage. When the interviewer reminded him that, as president of Africa’s largest country, he was the right person to initiate the scheme, Tinubu became a pitiable sight. Nigerians are daily subjected to avoidable shame.  Do our leaders prepare for these engagement?

In one encounter, he bragged about constructing the Lagos-Sokoto highway without importing bitumen. His audience probably believed the road had been completed and handed him oversized applause. But the truth is, that road is still far from done — just like the Lagos-Calabar coastal road. Perhaps both less than 10% completed . These international appearances do not help Nigeria’s already tattered image.

While Tinubu was abroad boasting about his reforms, his acolytes back home — dressed in his signature aso-ebi — were assembling poor and hungry Nigerians, handing them miserable cash in Tinubu-branded envelopes in exchange for their PVCs. Nigeria’s farcical elections have become the butt of jokes across the continent. In scenes as repulsive as open defecation, these men openly distributed parcels of cash to desperate people right in front of cameras. The repugnance was completely lost on them.

But that was perhaps only a small piece of Tinubu’s “Hope Renewal” program. The heavier chunk has triggered a major rift in his party’s Governors’ Forum — which controls nearly 90 percent of the nation’s governors. Newspapers report that funds gathered from state coffers and pooled for election have been tampered with. Some governors, unwilling to accept this lack of accountability quietly, attempted to  break away to form a factional forum. The country is in a deep mess.

These are the same governors of the same states plagued by high infant mortality rates and millions of out-of-school children. The very states ravaged by low agricultural output because of worsening insecurity. Yet they are busy gathering  funds to perpetuate a government which has failed to unite the country or protect the poor. In many of these states, schools remain shut and there are no functional emergency services. But all that matters to these politicians is unenlightened  self interest and political  conquests .

Tinubu should have used the platform in Kenya to discuss electricity — since we have become totally shameless. Instead, he chose to milk the glory of the Dangote Refinery. But the statistics of small and medium-scale factories being liquidated by lack of reliable power and skyrocketing fuel prices would shock the world. He should have told the world the truth: that his country epileptically distributes between 3,000 and 4,000 megawatts to over 230 million people — and that since he assumed office, virtually nothing has been added to that figure.

It is not enough to brag about concrete roads that are practically yet to commence. Tinubu should have confessed how opposition parties have suffered under his regime — how INEC has refused to register new parties, how his party resisted electronic transmission of results, and how the courts and security agencies have been used to scatter the opposition.

The entire  political class has weaponized poverty. Tinubu isn’t alone. But  Tinubu unlike many before him does not tolerate dissent and political plurality well. His trumpeted  reform policies often look like  revenue-gathering schemes with zero accountability. His anti-corruption efforts have focused more on bullying the opposition and chasing small-time “yahoo yahoo” boys than on stopping the massive hemorrhage of public resources. Impunity reigns supreme. Those who sit at Tinubu’s feet — regardless of conflict of interest or outright filth — are protected. This is the closest the country has come to a one-party dominant state. Nobody is fooled by the artificial fragmentation of the opposition. The country is on slippery political slope.

There is a clear reason Nigerian youths are fleeing in droves. No reliable electricity, no functional public healthcare, no jobs, rampant insecurity, and a complete absence of principled politicking. Hope  has become a mirage .  Tinubu’s Nigeria has become a bad bet. On the world stage, our peers have left us far behind.

However , Nigeria is not unlucky. It has oil, gas, arable land, a massive youthful population, and a diaspora sending billions in remittances. The curse is structural — decades of systematic misgovernance by a self-serving  political class. The country’s democracy is an effective plutocracy.

The country needs truly transformative leadership. It needs a renaissance. Not the perpetuation of stagnant, corrupt, half-competent, globetrotting plundering plutocrats  masquerading as divinely ordained sagacious democrats. The Nigerian people must rescue themselves.

Source: Ugo Egbujo

Why Did America Need a Black Soldier to Bleed Before It Called Him a Hero?

Long before his name appeared beside the Medal of Honor, was living a contradiction that defined Black military history in America.

A Black man was expected to defend a country that still refused to fully defend his humanity.

Born in Maryland around 1856, Walley entered a nation where even the records of Black lives were often incomplete. But one thing history preserved clearly was the uniform he wore: Company I of the , one of the legendary Buffalo Soldier regiments.

These men rode across the American West with discipline and courage while carrying something heavier than rifles.

They carried the burden of proving their worth in a country that questioned it before they even spoke.

Popular stories sometimes distort the details of Walley’s heroism, but the official record places his most famous act of bravery on August 16, 1881, in the Cuchillo Negro Mountains of New Mexico.

Under heavy fire during conflict with Apache fighters, Walley helped rescue fellow soldiers trapped in deadly conditions where hesitation could mean death.

His official Medal of Honor citation was painfully brief:

“Bravery in action with hostile Apaches.”

Just a few words for a lifetime lived inside danger, segregation, and unequal treatment.

That brevity says a lot about how Black courage was often recorded in American history — visible enough to use, but rarely honored with the fullness it deserved.

Walley received the Medal of Honor in 1890, but the medal did not erase the reality around him.

Black soldiers still faced discrimination inside the Army they served.

Still fought for respect after surviving battlefields.

Still returned home to a nation slow to recognize their sacrifice.

And yet he kept serving.

For decades.

He rose to first sergeant, served through the Spanish-American War and the Philippine-American War, and retired in 1907 after years of carrying both duty and disappointment on his shoulders.

That is what makes his story powerful.

Not just the courage shown in one moment under gunfire, but the endurance it took to keep showing up year after year in institutions that demanded loyalty while offering limited fairness in return.

The legacy of the Buffalo Soldiers is complicated and important. These Black regiments helped shape the American West while also participating in military campaigns against Native nations during westward expansion.

History becomes stronger when we tell the whole truth — not simplified versions polished to make the past easier to hold.

Walley’s life reminds us that Black history is filled with names that deserved louder recognition than they received.

Men who served.

Men who endured.

Men who proved bravery was never the question.

The real question was whether America was willing to fully acknowledge what Black Americans had already shown it.

When you think about soldiers like Augustus Walley, do you believe courage matters more when it comes from people the world never expected to survive at all?

#Africa #BlackHistory #BlackExcellence #African #World

THE GOD OF SEYI TINUBU

From public utterances of Seyi Tinubu, son of President of Nigeria, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, it is now more evident the concerns that the country presently is under a siege and that the president is drifting towards a dictatorship whereby he does what he likes and nothing anybody can do.

This comes as an online newspaper (not The DEFENDER) said on Thursday that, in a bold and controversial statement, Seyi Tinubu declared that nothing — be it human opposition or divine intervention — can stop his father from completing his full eight-year tenure in office.

Speaking in a recent interview, Seyi reportedly asserted that Nigerians had their chance to oppose his father’s rise to power but failed to do so before he assumed office. He emphasized that, now that President Tinubu is in full control of the government, there is no force that could unseat him.

him.

“If Nigerians couldn’t stop my father from becoming president after Buhari, what makes them think he would lose now when he has full control as president?” Seyi said, confidently asserting his belief in the political strength of his father’s administration.

Despite his strong words, Seyi Tinubu called on the nation to put aside political differences and work collaboratively toward building a better Nigeria. “Let’s all work together to bring out the best in Nigeria,” he urged citizens, highlighting the importance of unity in moving the country forward.

This statement from the President’s son, according to 247UREPORTS, comes at a time of growing political tensions and heightened opposition to his father’s government. Critics have raised concerns about the current administration’s policies and leadership style, but Seyi’s remarks reflect a firm belief in the resilience and determination of his father’s presidency.

While the statement is sure to spark further debate, it also underscores the confidence and resolve that the Tinubu family holds regarding the future of the current administration.

As President Bola Tinubu enters his second year in office, eyes will be on the political landscape to see whether this confidence translates into continued control or challenges for his leadership in the years ahead.

This statement, which already circulating widely across Whatsapp groups, diversely interpreted especially among Northern Nigerian youths many of who see it as blasphemous to say God is incapable of stopping an ordinary mortal like his father from completing eight years tenure.

A source, who confided in The DEFENDER while commenting in the report, said “The president is doing things the way he likes now because he along his family believes that he is now fully in power and can deploy everything to endure he stays perpetually in power without anybody being able to stop him.”

Asked if he agrees with at that belief, he asked, “Is there anyone that Allah cannot stop? Did he not Firiaona (Faraoh)? Yes he controls the armed forces and wealth of the nation and Senate, House of Representatives, the courts and the Central Bank of Nigeria but Seyi and whoever holds the belief with his father should remember that those things properties of Nigerians not private assets of the family of the president to work against Nigerians. We shall see how many Nigerians Tinubu will use the military, police and DSS operatives to kill come 2027.”

MBONGENI NGEMA: PLAYWRIGHT AND LYRICIST

Today would’ve been the 71st birthday of lauded playwright and lyricist, Mbongeni Ngema.

He was born in Verulam, a town north of Durban, Natal. He was the third born of seven children. The Group Areas Act forced black residents to leave and he and his siblings relocated to kwaHlabisa to live with their grandparents. They eked out a rural life, tending to the fields and animals on their homestead. Ngema credits his grandmother’s storytelling about his ancestors as one of the catalysts for his own success in storytelling. He attended Nhlwathi Primary School and later attended Vukuzakhe High School.

His education went up to standard ten (today Grade 12) but dropped out to pursue his musical aspirations. His father inspired him to be a self-taught guitarist. He left Durban for Johannesburg, and landed a job as a factory worker. He took part in the workers’ after work arts production often playing guitar. He then took things further by joining the renowned Gibson Kente’s theatre company; who is known as the Father of Black Theatre in South Africa. Throughout the 1970s, he appeared in a number of local productions. He also honed his skills and in the process became a playwright, screenwriter and librettist. 

His major breakthrough came with Woza Albert!, which he co-wrote with Barney Simon, and Percy Mtwa, in 1981. Woza Albert! is a satirical piece of protest theatre that imagines the second coming of Jesus Christ during apartheid as experience by a variety of black South Africans. They toured the USA jn 1984. His next venture came in the form of his own theatre company called Committed Artists. He wrote and directed another protest theatre production called Asinamali. It’s based on a rent strike in a Durban township, a common issue during the apartheid era. Its popularity earned him and his performers the scorn of the police and they were raided and arrested. It also toured the USA and earned a Tony Award nomination. It was turned into film adaptation in 2017, with Ngema starring in it as Comrade Washington.

He struck gold again when he co-wrote Sarafina! with the late Hugh Masekela in 1988. It depicts students involved in the famous 16 June 1976 Student Uprisings in Soweto which were in protest against the forced imposition of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction in African schools. The play evolved from a conversion he had with the late Winnie Madikizela-Mandela. In It had its first staging at the Market Theatre in Johannesburg in 1987, before premiering on Broadway in January 1988 and enjoying a run of 597 performances and 11 previews. It earned five Tony Awards nominations including one for lead actress Leleti Khumalo for Best Featured Actress in a Musical. It won 11 National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) Image Awards and also scored Grammy Awards nominations in the process. It was later adapted into a film in 1992, Starring Whoopi Goldberg, Leleti Khumalo, and the late Miriam Makeba.

In 1996, the democratic government of South Africa commissioned Ngema to produce a sequel to Sarafina! to raise awareness about the HIV/AIDS epidemic. What was meant to be a positive outcome turned into a scandalous government corruption investigation over the productions exorbitant and unauthorised expenditure. Ngema defended the price tag and claimed it was necessary to bring Broadway-quality shows to Black townships. In 2002, Ngema was in the news again this time for his song AmaNdiya (meaning Indians in Zulu) which accused South Africa’s Indian community of racism and exploitation. The Broadcating Complaints Commission of South Africa (BCCSA) banned the song and said it incited hatred. Former President Nelson Mandela urged Ngema to apologize, but he refused and defended his actions that no authority could direct what an artist can write about.

Ngema also released albums and one of his most popular releases was the 1985 album, Stimela Sase Zolax with its title track of the same name. His other releases include 1991’s Township Fever, Magic At 4Am released in 1994, and a greatest hits album released in 1995.

Ngema was married twice in his life: first to Xoliswa Nduneni-Ngema in February 1982. Their marriage lasted until 1991 and the couple divorced. Nduneni-Ngema later released a tell-all memoir in which she alleged abuse and sexual assault at the hands of Ngema. He then married his leading lady from Sarafina!, Leleti Khumalo. Their relationship began when Khumalo was still a teenager; she was 15 years younger than Ngema. Their marriage ended in 2005 and she described their time together as “disgusting” because she had no freedom. She also described she endured fourteen years of misery. 

Ngema lost his life on 27 December 2023 in a head-on collision. He was returning from a funeral in Lusikisiki, Eastern Cape. He was 68 and was married to Nompumelelo Gumede-Ngema at the time of his passing. South African President Cyril Ramaphosa paid tribute to Ngema, saying his creative narration of the liberation struggle honored the humanity of oppressed South Africans and exposed the inhumanity of an oppressive regime. The president granted Ngema a Category 2 Special Provincial Funeral. His funeral service took place at Albert Luthuli International Convention Centre, and he was buried at Heroes' Acre Cemetry in Chesterville, Durban.

A documentary called Dr Mbongeni Ngema: This Is My Story by Lindani Mbense is set for release on 30 May 2026 at The Market Theatre in Johannesburg.

#MbongeniNgema #Playwrights #Birthdays #Theatre

OUR DEAR AFRICAN MOTHERS

When the food was not enough for everyone, our mothers would quietly say, “I’m not hungry,” just so their children could eat.

Not because they were full… but because our stomachs mattered more than theirs.

When we asked for more food after finishing our plates, they would take from their own portion and place it into ours with a smile.

They were always the last to eat, making sure every child had enough before thinking about themselves.

If visitors arrived while we were eating, our mothers would willingly give up the food on their own plates to welcome the guest.

That is the African spirit.

That is sacrifice.

That is love.

Even while watching us eat, their first concern was never themselves.

It was always:

“Have your brothers and sisters eaten too?”

They taught us never to waste food, because they knew the pain of going without.

Every leftover was carefully covered and saved for later, because tomorrow was never guaranteed.

And when the nights were cold, they would wake up again and again to ask if we were warm enough.

If we were not, they would remove their own blankets and cover us first.

Our African mothers carried entire families on their backs without ever asking for applause.

They sacrificed silently.

Loved endlessly.

And gave everything they had so their children could dream bigger than they ever could.

To the African mother:

You are strength.

You are sacrifice.

You are the heartbeat of the continent.

No words will ever fully explain your love.

We love you deeply.

We honor you endlessly. 

Written By — K.V.A Muvavarirwa

#Africa #Motherhood #Gratitude #Zimbabwe #AfricanMothers 

THERE WAS A PLAN TO OVERTHROW TINUBU IN A COUP. ---ZEKIRI UMORU.

One of the accused persons standing trial in the alleged bid to violently topple the government of President Bola Tinubu, Zekeri Umoru, has admitted that he got involved in the coup plot in 2025 right inside the Presidential Villa.

Umoru, the fourth accused person and an employee in the maintenance department at the Presidential Villa, working with Julius Berger Nigeria, said he was co-opted into the coup plot by one Inspector Ahmed Ibrahim, attached to the Presidential Clinic.

In a recorded video of his extra-judicial statement made in respect of the coup plot, Umoru narrated how his contact with individuals later identified as key figures in the plot began in May 2025 through the third defendant, Inspector Ahmed Ibrahim, attached to the Presidential Clinic.

He told investigators that Inspector Ibrahim introduced him to a man named Hassan Mohammed, who he later identified as Colonel Mohammed “Ma’aji,” under the pretext of offering him electrical work at a building under construction.

Umoru said he initially believed Ma’aji was a civilian businessman after receiving money transfers bearing his name.

The accused person recounted multiple instances where he received money from Colonel Ma’aji, sometimes in the presence of Ibrahim. He also described several visits by Ma’aji and another associate, Usman, whom he later discovered to be military personnel.

He told the court that during one meeting at a location identified as “Tiger Bar,” Ma’aji gave money ranging between ₦100,000 and ₦120,000 to him and his associates after buying drinks and making inquiries about their professions.

A more significant transaction, according to the video, occurred on September 24, 2025, when Ma’aji allegedly handed him a “Ghana Must Go” bag containing cash.

Umoru said he deposited the money at a branch of Zenith Bank, where it was counted as N8.8 million.

He further testified that the following day, he and Inspector Ibrahim met Ma’aji again, during which an additional N2 million was given, with instructions that Ibrahim would later brief him on further details.

Umoru told investigators that he later became uncomfortable with the continuous flow of money and pressed Ibrahim for clarification.

According to him, Ibrahim claimed that Ma’aji was dissatisfied with the state of the country and was planning to “sanitize the government,” allegedly with the support of unnamed associates described as “boys.”

He further alleged that Ibrahim suggested a plan involving an ambulance driver to facilitate access into the Presidential Villa, with expectations of financial gain.

However, Umoru maintained in the video that he was unaware of any concrete plan and insisted he never knowingly participated in any plot.

The defendant also described an incident where he escorted Usman into the Presidential Villa. He stated that security personnel at the gate did not question them after he indicated that the visitor was there to see him.

He said he later found Usman taking photographs in his office and warned him against such actions.

Throughout the recorded interview, Umoru denied knowledge of any coup plot, insisting that he was misled by Ibrahim.

He stated that he would have distanced himself from Ma’aji had he known he was a military officer or had any intention beyond business dealings.

Umoru also expressed regret, apologising to his employers and affirming his support for President Tinubu’s administration.

The court also viewed a separate video involving an Islamic cleric, Sheikh Imam Kassim Goni, who said he relocated to Karu in Abuja after fleeing insurgency in Maiduguri.

Goni, who denied any involvement in the coup plot, told investigators that he received funds from Colonel Ma’aji strictly for prayers and charitable purposes, including requests for spiritual intervention following alleged setbacks in promotion.

He maintained that all cash received was tied to religious activities, not political or military objectives.

However, investigators in the video pointed out discrepancies between his claims and financial records, indicating that funds had been transferred to him as early as March 2023, months before the alleged promotion issues he referenced.

Additional records showed transactions running into millions of naira, including a N10 million transfer in October 2024.

The investigators suggested that discussions referenced in the videos, including remarks about gaining access and acquiring “work tools,” raised concerns about a broader scheme, though both individuals denied any knowledge of a coup plot.

Following the preview of the video-recorded extra-judicial statement, counsel to the sixth defendant and Senior Advocate Michael Numa told the court he had just received the video exhibits of his client, adding that he needed more time to review them.

Justice Joyce Abdulmalik subsequently adjourned the matter to May 11, 12 and 13 for continuation of trial.

Atiku Abubakar Sets Agenda for Proposed US Visit

PRESS RELEASE

Former Vice President of Nigeria, Atiku Abubakar has declared that his forthcoming engagement with policy and institutional stakeholders in the United States will be driven by one overriding concern: the alarming deterioration of security, governance, and economic stability in Nigeria.

Atiku states plainly that Nigeria is facing a full-blown internal crisis, one that can no longer be downplayed, politicized, or explained away. From the ravaging violence in the North-West and North-East, to the persistent bloodshed in the Middle Belt, and the growing spread of kidnapping and criminality across the country, Atiku warns that the Nigerian state is steadily losing its grip on its most fundamental responsibility: the protection of lives and property.

According to him, the situation has moved beyond isolated incidents to a pattern of systemic failure. Communities are being overrun, livelihoods destroyed, and citizens abandoned to their fate. He argues that any government that cannot guarantee basic security forfeits the moral basis of its mandate.

The former Vice President also points to the deepening economic hardship confronting Nigerians, describing it as both severe and avoidable. He notes that rising inflation, a weakened currency, and collapsing purchasing power have pushed millions into distress, while policy inconsistency and lack of strategic direction continue to erode confidence in the economy. In his words, Nigerians are not just tired, they are being stretched to the limits of endurance.

Atiku further raises concerns about the state of Nigeria’s democratic institutions, warning that declining public confidence in governance, accountability, and the electoral process poses a direct threat to national stability.

As the country moves toward another election cycle, he insists that any attempt to undermine transparency or manipulate outcomes will carry serious consequences for both unity and legitimacy.

Addressing the anticipated criticism of his international engagement, Atiku is unequivocal: telling the truth about Nigeria is not unpatriotic. He rejects the notion that engaging global partners amounts to inviting foreign interference, stressing that Nigeria does not exist in isolation and cannot pretend that its internal failures have no external implications. He maintains that the world already sees what is happening; the real question is whether Nigerian leaders are prepared to confront it honestly.

He reiterates that only Nigerians will decide Nigeria’s leadership, but insists that international partners have a legitimate interest in the stability, governance standards, and democratic health of a country as strategically important as Nigeria.

According to him, responsible leadership does not hide from scrutiny, it welcomes it as a pathway to improvement.

In a direct message to the current administration, Atiku warns against complacency and deflection. He states that power is not an entitlement but a responsibility, and that Nigerians expect results, not explanations. He calls on the government to urgently reset its priorities, restore public confidence, and demonstrate a clear, credible strategy for addressing insecurity and economic decline.

To Nigerians, he delivers a blunt reminder: no nation survives in silence. He urges citizens to remain vigilant, engaged, and unyielding in their demand for accountability, emphasizing that real change will not come from outside the country but from the collective will of its people.

Atiku concludes that Nigeria stands at a critical juncture. The choice, he says, is between confronting hard truths now or allowing the country to drift further into instability. For him, the moment demands courage, honesty, and decisive leadership, anything less would be a disservice to the nation and its future.

Signed:

Paul Ibe

Media Adviser to Atiku Abubakar

Vice President of Nigeria, 1999-2007

Abuja

03 May, 2026.

NOW TRUMP WANTS TO FIND JESUS.

A month ago, President Donald Trump unabashedly celebrated the death of former FBI Director Robert Mueller. “Good, I’m glad he’s dead,” Trump said. “He can no longer hurt innocent people!”

On Monday, Trump and his White House responded to a shooting at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner this weekend by decrying Democrats’ supposedly beyond-the-pale rhetoric and labeling them a “cult of hatred.”

Their chief example of this kind of rhetoric? ABC comedian Jimmy Kimmel telling a joke that made light of Trump’s potential demise. Days before this weekend’s shooting, Kimmel joked that first lady Melania Trump had “a glow like an expectant widow.”

Apparently, it’s OK for Trump to celebrate a public servant’s death; it is not OK for Jimmy Kimmel to joke about Trump’s.

The shooting at this weekend’s dinner has yet again led Trump and his White House to focus on Democrats’ rhetoric, despite Trump’s own demonstrated history of extremely ugly rhetoric. Republicans are largely repeating a blame game they waged after Charlie Kirk’s assassination last year.

Thus far, the strategy hasn’t appeared to work. Polls show Americans generally view the right’s rhetoric as more violent and dangerous.

This political violence stems from a systemic demonization of [Trump] and his supporters by commentators, yes, by elected members of the Democrat Party, and even some in the media,” White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt said Monday. “This hateful and constant and violent rhetoric directed at President Trump, day after day after day for 11 years, has helped to legitimize this violence and bring us to this dark moment.”

The first thing to note is that definitive statements about alleged shooter motivations this early are generally speculative, at best. Often, reports surface that suggest the perpetrators had mental health issues.

The accused attacker, Cole Tomas Allen, apparently left a paper trail that provides clues about his potential motivation, including social media posts that compared Trump to Adolf Hitler and encouraged others critical of his presidency to purchase guns.

DEATH BY THE POND: THE ASSASSINATION OF ASIPA AMUDA OLORUNOSEBI

The name Yusuf Ayinde Amuda Afolabi, popularly known as Amuda Olorunosebi, occupies an important place in the traditional history of Oyo Alaafin. As the Asipa of Oyo Kingdom, he was one of the principal members of the Oyo Mesi, the council of kingmakers responsible for the selection and oversight of the Alaafin. The office of Asipa, historically regarded as a position of municipal authority, has long been recognized as central to the governance of Oyo. Early historical accounts, including those documented by Reverend Samuel Johnson, describe the Asipa as a leading voice in the administration of the town.

Amuda Olorunosebi rose to this distinguished position in 1976 during the reign of Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III, a period that also witnessed the creation of Oyo State from the former Western Region. His tenure was marked by influence, wealth, and extensive social connections across Yorubaland. Beyond his traditional responsibilities, he was widely known for his involvement in agriculture. His fish farming operations in the Ijawaya and Ajegunle areas of Oyo were among the most expansive in the region, and he was regarded as a strong advocate for farming as a sustainable occupation, particularly for young people.

In early November 1992, two individuals identified as Segun Oduneye and Abiodun Faseyitan paid him a visit, claiming to represent an agricultural enterprise seeking land for a fishery project in Oyo. They presented a letter of introduction and were received in accordance with customary hospitality. Following initial discussions, the Asipa directed his aides to show them suitable land at Ijawaya. The visitors expressed satisfaction with the land and indicated their readiness to proceed. Over the following days, they made repeated visits and eventually requested that the Asipa personally accompany them to the site to confirm ownership.

On 26 November 1992, after attending a family event, the Asipa agreed to visit the farmland in their company. He was accompanied by aides, including Ganiyu Ajiboye and Raimi Ishola. Upon arrival at the site in Ijawaya, the situation changed suddenly when an armed individual, whose identity was concealed, emerged and opened fire. In the confusion that followed, one of the aides managed to escape, while another sustained serious injuries. The Asipa was left at the scene with the attackers.

The incident was reported to the police shortly thereafter, prompting an immediate response led by the Divisional Police Officer in Oyo, while higher authorities in Ibadan and Lagos were also notified due to the status of the victim. Upon arrival at the scene, the body of Asipa Amuda Olorunosebi was discovered near his fish ponds. Preliminary findings indicated that although a firearm had been used, the gunshot alone did not immediately result in death. Evidence suggested that the attackers subsequently employed sharp weapons, confirming that the killing was both premeditated and executed with calculated brutality.

The assassination of the Asipa represented a significant moment in the traditional and social history of Oyo. As a prominent member of the Oyo Mesi, his death raised serious concerns about security and the vulnerability of high-ranking traditional figures. It also highlighted the use of deception as a method of gaining access to influential individuals. The death of Amuda Olorunosebi remains one of the most notable criminal incidents in the history of Oyo in the late twentieth century, serving as a lasting reference point in discussions on leadership, trust, and the preservation of traditional institutions.

Source: Onigegewura

MICHAEL JACKSON FLEW TO JAMAICA WITH A $50M OFFER — BOB MARLEY SAID NO

When the world's biggest pop star flies to Jamaica with an offer that could make you the richest reggae artist in history, most musicians say yes immediately. But when Michael Jackson sat face-to-face with Bob Marley in a Kingston hotel suite in 1978 and proposed a collaboration that would have created the most explosive musical partnership of all time, Bob's response shocked the King of Pop and proved that some artists value message over money, soul over stardom, and spiritual integrity over commercial success. The conversation that followed would reveal the fundamental difference between entertainment and enlightenment and show why the greatest collaborations sometimes never happen. If stories of legendary artists choosing principle over profit and staying true to their spiritual mission move your soul, subscribe to Bob Marley: The Final Note and hit that like button.

Because sometimes the most powerful statements are made by saying no. Los Angeles, California. October 20th, 1978. 2:15 p.m. Michael Jackson sat in his Beverly Hills recording studio, nervously adjusting his sequined glove as he reviewed documents his management team had prepared. At 20 years old, Michael was transitioning from Jackson 5's teen heartthrob to a solo superstar and he needed something that would establish his credibility as a serious artist capable of bridging different musical worlds. That something, he believed, was Bob Marley. The studio around Michael represented everything he had achieved and everything he hoped to transcend. Gold and platinum records lined the walls, achievements that had made him wealthy beyond imagination, but hadn't satisfied his artistic ambitions. Michael wanted respect from serious musicians, critics who dismissed pop music, and audiences who craved substance along with entertainment.

Michael's management team had spent months researching the viability of collaborating with Bob Marley. The numbers were staggering. Michael's pop audience combined with Bob's growing international following could create a market of over 100 million potential record buyers. But for Michael, the appeal went deeper than commercial success.

He genuinely admired Bob Marley's music and the profound impact it had on people. Michael's mind flashed back to 1975 when Jackson 5 had performed in Kingston, Jamaica. That night, backstage at the National Stadium, Michael had met Bob Marley for the first time. The encounter had left an indelible impression on the young entertainer.

While Michael commanded stages through choreography, costume changes, and spectacular production, Bob's power came from something entirely different, spiritual authority that needed no enhancement. Michael remembered watching Bob perform that night from the wings. There were no costume changes, no elaborate stage effects, no choreographed dance moves.

Just Bob, his guitar, and a message that seemed to flow directly from his soul to the audience. Bob had been gracious but enigmatic during their brief meeting, treating the famous Jackson brother with the same humble respect he showed everyone. Michael remembered being struck by Bob's calm intensity, the way he seemed to be listening to something beyond the conversation, the profound peace that surrounded him despite the chaos of the music industry.

"Young Michael," Bob had said, placing a gentle hand on the teenager's shoulder, "God has given you great gifts. Use them to uplift people's spirits." At the time, Michael had interpreted this as encouragement for his entertainment career. Now he wondered if Bob had meant something deeper. Three years later, Michael was ready to bridge their two worlds.

He had prepared extensively, studying Bob's interviews and understanding Rastafarian philosophy. But this wasn't something that could be handled through phone calls or intermediaries. Michael knew he needed to travel to Jamaica and meet Bob face-to-face to demonstrate the seriousness of his proposal. After 3 days of coordination through Chris Blackwell at Island Records, a meeting was arranged for October 23rd at the Pegasus Hotel in Kingston.

Michael flew to Jamaica specifically for this encounter, understanding that the success of his proposal would depend on earning Bob's respect through direct, honest conversation. Kingston, Jamaica. October 23rd, 1978. 8:30 p.m. The exclusive Pegasus Hotel's penthouse suite was buzzing with quiet conversation when Michael Jackson walked through the heavy wooden doors.

The meeting had been arranged through Chris Blackwell, who thought the two music legends should discuss Michael's proposal face-to-face. But Michael had an agenda beyond social pleasantries. He wanted to propose something that would reshape both their careers forever. The contrast between the two men was immediately striking.

Michael wore an expensive silk shirt, perfectly tailored pants, and his signature sequined glove, representing everything successful about the American music industry. Bob, in contrast, wore simple jeans and a cotton shirt, his dreadlocks flowing naturally, embodying the authentic spiritual energy that had made him reggae's most respected voice.

Bob was sitting in a corner chair, quietly tuning his acoustic guitar while discussing Rastafarian philosophy with several elders. Despite the hotel's upscale atmosphere, Bob's presence seemed to transform the space into something more sacred than commercial. Bob looked up as Michael approached, setting down his guitar with the measured calm that characterized everything he did.

"Michael Jackson," Bob said with a slight smile, gesturing to the empty chair across from him, "the prince of pop music. Bless up, bredren." Michael slid into the chair, immediately struck by the difference between this intimate setting and their brief backstage encounter 3 years earlier. Here, face-to-face, he could see the profound intelligence in Bob's eyes, the spiritual weight he carried, the way he seemed to be listening to something beyond their conversation.

"Bob, it's an honor to finally sit with you properly," Michael said, his nervous energy evident despite his attempt to appear confident. "I've been hoping for this opportunity for years." Bob's expression remained warm but curious. "What brings the King of Pop to Jamaica, Michael? What's on your heart?" Michael leaned forward across the small table between them, his excitement building as he outlined his vision.

"Bob, I want to propose something that could change music history. A full collaboration, an album, a world tour, maybe even a concert film. We could combine your consciousness with my reach, your message with my platform." Bob studied Michael's face carefully, reading not just his words but his intentions.

The hotel suite's ambient noise, clinking glasses, muffled conversations, soft jazz, created a backdrop that somehow made their conversation feel both private and significant. "Tell me more about this vision," Bob said, folding his hands on the table. Michael's excitement grew as he painted his picture, gesticulating with typical enthusiasm.

"Picture this. Your spiritual lyrics with my melodies and production values. Your authentic message reaching mainstream audiences who have never heard conscious music. We could reach 100 million people with messages about unity, love, and social justice." Michael outlined the scope of his vision with genuine passion.

Record executives had estimated the project could generate over $50 million in revenue. The tour would hit every major American city, introducing reggae to audiences who had never heard conscious music before. Bob listened intently, occasionally nodding, but his eyes never left Michael's face.

Across the table, he could sense Michael's genuine enthusiasm, but also the fundamental misunderstanding that lay beneath the proposal. "And how would this collaboration work practically?" Bob asked quietly. "Would my message change to fit your audience, or would your audience change to receive my message?" The question hung in the air between them like smoke from sacred fire.

Michael hadn't expected such a direct philosophical challenge, and Bob's steady gaze made it impossible to avoid the deeper implications of what he was proposing. "We could find a middle ground," Michael suggested hopefully. "Keep your message but make it more accessible to mainstream audiences who might not be ready for the full intensity of Rastafarian philosophy.

"Bob leaned back slightly, creating physical space that somehow made his next question more powerful. "What does more accessible mean, Michael?" Sitting across from Bob in the intimate setting of the suite, Michael felt the weight of having to articulate something he'd never fully examined. "Maybe less political content.

More universal themes like love and unity that don't make people uncomfortable. Songs that can play on mainstream radio without causing controversy." Bob's response was gentle but penetrating, his voice cutting through Michael's commercial enthusiasm like truth through illusion. "Universal love that avoids uncomfortable truths isn't universal love, Michael. It's comfortable love.

And comfortable love never changed anything." The face-to-face setting made every word feel more significant, more personal. Michael could see the compassion in Bob's eyes, but also the unwavering commitment to principles that couldn't be compromised for any amount of success. Bob continued with an insight that would haunt Michael for years.

"When you perform, Michael, what are you trying to accomplish? What do you want people to carry with them when they leave your concert?" Michael straightened in his chair, suddenly feeling like a student being examined by a master teacher. I want to entertain people, make them happy, give them an escape from their problems.

And I want to wake people up, Bob replied, his voice carrying the same authority that made his music so powerful. To help them understand their problems and find the strength to solve them. Both callings have value, but they cannot be the same thing. Bob's voice took on the teaching quality that made his conversations as influential as his songs.

Michael, you have tremendous talent, tremendous gifts from Jah. Your ability to move people through music is extraordinary, but this collaboration you're proposing, it would require one of us to compromise our essential nature. The conversation continued for over an hour, with Bob patiently explaining his philosophy, while Michael tried desperately to find ways to make the collaboration work.

But sitting face-to-face, seeing Bob's unwavering spiritual commitment up close, Michael began to understand that this wasn't about business strategy or creative compromise. It was about two fundamentally different approaches to the purpose of music. Michael, Bob continued with profound gentleness. When Marcus Garvey spoke about black pride, white people were uncomfortable.

When Martin Luther King spoke about justice, white people were uncomfortable. When Jesus spoke about loving your enemies, everyone was uncomfortable. Discomfort is often the first sign that consciousness is awakening. Bob paused, allowing his words to settle. When you perform, you give people what they want.

ANTI-APARTHEID ACTIVIST, ABRAM LOUIS 'BRAM' FISCHER

Today would’ve been the 118th birthday of Afrikaner lawyer and anti-apartheid activist, Abram Louis ‘Bram’ Fischer. 

He came from an aristocratic family; his grandfather Abraham Fischer was Prime Minister of the Orange River colony before the 1910 unification, and his father Percy Fischer, was Judge President of the Orange Free State. His family played a prominent role in the Afrikaner struggle for independence from British colonial rule. 

He was schooled at the prestigious Grey College in Bloemfontein and attend Grey University College (predecessor to the modern University of the Free State). A staunch and unwavering nationalist from a young age, he was elected Nationalist Prime Minister of a student parliament at university. In 1930 he was awarded a Rhodes scholarship and went on to New College, Oxford. During his time in Europe, he would take the opportunity to visit the Soviet Union. It was also around this time he would meet Molly Krige, who would later become his wife and political partner. She was a distant relative of Jan Smuts. Upon his return, he became a sought after lawyer, specialising in mining law and mineral and water rights. 

His political awakening came after he joined (at the behest of his mentor, Leo Marquard) Bloemfontein’s Joint Council of Europeans and Africans, an interracial, liberal and multiracial body established in 1921 to prompt racial harmony, social welfare, and improvements in the living conditions of Africans. At his very first meeting, he shook hands with a black man for the first time in his life. Due to the racial indoctrination he had received from childhood, this would be an uncomfortable experience for him but one that would become his Road to Damascus. 

In 1935, he joined the Johannesburg Bar, and he would marry Molly in 1937. They would also become members of the Communist Party in 1942, which would put them in touch with like-minded individuals and organisations working to oppose racial segregation in South Africa. His political views did little to deter his career at the time, with many looking forward to him climbing the political ranks and perhaps be Prime Minister one day. All that changed when the National Power and its coalition partners gained power in the 1948 elections and instituted the policy of apartheid. The Suppression of Communism Act killed any communist ambitions and in put the Fischers in the regimes crosshairs. 

In 1952, he defended Nelson Mandela and 19 other ANC leaders for their participation in the Defiance Campaign. In 1953, he was banned for the first time under the Suppression of Communism Act. He was also involved in the mammoth Treason Trial of 1956-1961, where all the defendants were acquitted. Nonetheless, he continued being a brilliant legal mind and by 1961 was elected chairman of the Johannesburg Bar Council. The events of the 21 March 1960 Sharpeville massacre brought widespread changes in South Africa. It introduced the General Law Amendment Act of 1962 aka the Sabotage Act of 1962, which gave the state powers to detain a person without trial for up to 90 days and to impose restrictions such as house arrest and banning orders. Bram and his wife were subjected to the statues of this law on countless occasions. 

When Lilliesleaf farm was raided on 11 July 1963, it resulted in the arrest of the then newly-formed High Command of uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK), and saw Nelson Mandela being brought to the mainland from Robben Island where he was serving a five-year prison term for inciting a strike and leaving the country illegally. Fischer was once again at the forefront of the legal defence during the Rivionia Trial (1963-1964). Although the state prosecutor Percy Yutar sought the death penalty, Mandela and his co-accused were spared and instead sentenced to life imprisonment. A few month later, on 23 September 1964, Fischer himself was arrested and charged with being a member of a banned organisation (the South African Communist Party). 

Fischer then abandoned bail and went underground. His actions went against the advice of Mandela who wanted him to use his legal prowess to challenge the apartheid regime in the court room. After his disappearance, he was struck off the advocate’s roll in 1965. After 290 days underground, Fishcher was finally apprehended by the law. He had assumed a new name and went by “Douglas Black”. In March 1966, he was put on trial on charges of furthering the aims of a communist organisation and conspiracy to overthrow the government. He was found guilty and sentenced to life imprisonment and sent to Pretoria Central Prison (now called Kgosi Mampuru II Management Area). 

In 1967, he was awarded the Lenin Peace Prize. His years in prison were harsh, since he was looked at as a traitor to his own people (Afrikaners). Prison authorities singled him out for unfair treatment and punishment. By 1974, there was a noticeable deterioration in his health. Denis Goldberg, one of the Rivonia Trial defendants Fischer represented, made urgent appeals to prison authorities about Bram’s health. Goldberg kept a secret diary of his medical care which was subsequently smuggled out of prison. Authorities denied him the use of a crutch and instead, a broom was used when his hip began giving him problems. A fall in the shower resulted in a fractured femur and neck. He endured the pain for 13 days until prison authorities sent him to a hospital. Upon his return, he was unable to look after himself and Goldberg petitioned the prison to allow him to take care of Fischer in his cell. It was later discovered that he was suffering from cancer. 

After news of his illness made the news, there was public outcry for him to be released on medical grounds. But since he was a political prisoner, he was required to serve his sentence daily. The apartheid regime only relented in April 1975 and released him into his brother’s care in Bloemfontein. It had been officially designated part of the prison estate so that his visitors could be restricted. He died on 8 May 1975. In one final act of cruelty, the apartheid regime confiscated his ashes, and were never returned to his family. The Department of Prisons did this to prevent his gravesite from becoming a “shrine” for the struggle against apartheid. 

At the time of his death, Fischer had two daughters, Ruth and Ilse. His youngest child, a son Paul, died of cystic fibrosis at age 23. His wife Molly tragically drowned when Bram swerved off the road to avoid a cow. The car landed in the Kool Spruit, near Ventersburg. The couple were on their way to Cape Town to celebrate Ilse’s 21st birthday. 

The township of Bram Fischerville, one of the first major post-apartheid housing projects, was named after him. In 2003, he was posthumously awarded the Order for Meritorious Service in Gold. He became the first South African to be posthumously reinstated to the Bar. In 2004, Stellenbosch University posthumously awarded him an honorary degree, a decision that rubbed alumni and management the wrong way. New College of Oxford University has held the annual Bram Fischer Memorial Lecture since 2007. In 2012, Bloemfontein International Airpot was renamed Bram Fischer International Airport. In 2015, the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits) posthumously awarded him an honorary doctorate. In 2017, a feature film called Bram Fischer / An Act of Defiance was released. It starred Peter Paul Muller as Bram Fischer. 

Hendrik Verwoerd Drive—named after the former prime minister known as the "architect of apartheid"—was renamed Bram Fischer Drive. The University of the Free State, his alma mater, hosts the annual Bram Fischer Memorial Lecture. The National Museum in Bloemfontein has a permanent Bram Fischer exhibition and compiled the 'Bram Fischer Trail', to  indicate the location of all the buildings and sites in and near Bloemfontein that are associated with Bram. The trail consists of a map with photographs and a short description of each building and site. These include, among others, Harmonie, the Fischer family’s home in President Reitz Street, and Ramblers Club in Aliwal Street where Bram played for the Free State rugby team against the visiting All Blacks in 1928. 

#BramFischer #Birthdays #OnThisDay #World

WHERE WERE YOU IN 1987?

~ Professor Yemi Osinbajo was then a Special Assistant to the Attorney General of the Federation.

That was the year Oba Yesufu Oloyede Asanike, Olubadan of Ibadan made history. Olubadan installed Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola as the Bashorun of Ibadan. It was a prestigious title befitting of a distinguished personality in the mould of MKO Abiola.

That was the title of  the legendary Bashorun Oluyole who was the paramount chief of Ibadan in 1850. It was also the title of Bashorun Ogunmola who reigned between 1865 and 1867. It was therefore historic that exactly 120 years after the death of Ogunmola, MKO Abiola became the fourth person to be conferred with the prestigious title.

It was indeed a befitting honour for someone who had amassed chieftaincy titles from almost every town in Nigeria. As of the time of his installation in 1987, MKO Abiola was reputed to have over 150 chieftaincy titles. He was the Bobajiro of Ode-Remo. He was the Bada Musulumi of Gbagura Egba.

As he drove out of the palace of Oba Asanike that fateful day with his son by his side, MKO must have thought that he had reached the peak of traditional chieftaincy in Nigeria.

He was just settling down in his Ikeja home when he was informed that he had a call. Who was on the line? He asked before collecting the phone. It was the Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III.

MKO snatched the phone. “Iku Baba Yeye, Igbakeji Orisa! Kabiyesi!” The newly installed Bashorun paid his homage to the foremost traditional ruler. Alaafin must be calling to congratulate me, MKO thought. Kabiyesi was however not calling to congratulate the business magnate.

“We have decided that you are to be conferred with the title of Aare Ona Kakanfo!” Kabiyesi informed him.

The phone nearly dropped from the hand of Bashorun. Aare Ona Kakanfo! The Generalissimo of Yoruba race! The Field Marshall for all descendants of Oduduwa! The portfolio held by Afonja, the founder of Ilorin! The title of Aare Obadoke Latosa of Ibadan – the scourge of Efunsetan Aniwura! The position held by the last premier of Western Region, Ladoke Akintola of Ogbomoso! 

For a single person to be Bashorun and Aare was unheard of. It was the ultimate! Traditionally, Bashorun is the Prime Minister. Aare is the Field Marshall. When Bashorun Gaa moved against Alaafin Abiodun around 1770, it was Oyalabi from Ajase (now Republic of Benin), the Aare Ona Kakanfo that came to the powerful monarch’s rescue. Now, Abiola was going to be both the Prime Minister and the Field Marshall!

Alaafin had spoken. MKO Abiola had no choice. The news spread like wildfire. Congratulatory messages poured in from all over the globe. Aare Ona Kakanfo was not just another title. It was the title. It was the father of all traditional titles. Father ke? No, it was the Grandfather of All Titles. If it were to be a national honour, it would be the equivalent of the Grand Commander of the Federal Republic!

Everybody in and outside Yorubaland was ecstatic at the choice of Abiola as the 14th Aare Ona Kakanfo. Well, almost everybody.

It happened that the Ashipa of Oyo, Chief Amuda Olorunosebi was not pleased with the choice of Bashorun MKO Abiola as the Aare. Ashipa was one of the prominent chiefs of Alaafin. He objected to the choice of the flamboyant publisher, an Egba man, as Aare Ona Kakanfo.  He went to Kabiyesi to protest. Iku Baba Yeye was adamant that MKO was eminently qualified to be the Aare Ona Kakanfo.

The Ashipa went back to his quarters at Isale Oyo. As MKO Abiola and the Alaafin were preparing for the installation of Bashorun, Chief Amuda was consulting with his lawyers. This was however unknown to the Alaafin. It was assumed that the Ashipa had been convinced to support Abiola’s candidacy.

Abiola was no ordinary person by any standard. He was larger than life. He was flamboyance personified. He was determined to make the chieftaincy installation as grand as possible. He invited all his contacts from all over the world. All the military governors were invited. A special invitation was delivered to the President, Ibrahim Babangida, who was a close friend of the Bashorun. African Heads of States cleared their schedules in order to honour MKO. Nigerian Embassies were issuing visas on daily basis. It was going to be a grand occasion.

Then the unthinkable happened! It started as a rumour. It was days to the installation.

‘Eti Oba nile, eti Oba l’oko, eniyan lo n je be.’ - The ear of a king is everywhere. Iku Baba Yeye was in his palace when he heard from the grapevine that a case had been filed to stop the occasion! “Ewo! Sango o ni je! Abiodun o ni je! Aole o ni je!” Kabiyesi went on to invoke the names of his predecessors on the royal throne of Alaafin!

It was around noon when the phone rang in Ibadan. It was from the Palace, Oyo Alaafin. Chief Afe Babalola, the famous legal practitioner, picked the phone. After exchange of homage and royal blessings, Alaafin informed Afiwajoye of Ado Ekiti that Ashipa had filed a suit against the installation of MKO Abiola. Not only that, a motion ex parte for interim injunction had also been filed. It was apparent that Ashipa was not ready to gamble with his chance.

Though Kabiyesi did not say it, Chief Afe knew the urgency involved. Installation was on Saturday. The call came in on Tuesday.

Less than thirty minutes after the call, Chief Afe was almost at Oyo. The legendary lawyer covered the 57 kilometres between Oyo and Ibadan as if he was on a chariot. He proceeded to court where he met the court registrar. Of course, the registrar knew Chief Babalola. It is doubtful if there is anyone in the Judiciary who does not know the Mayegun of Modakeke. Mayegun paid the requisite fees and conducted a search of the court’s file. It was there! Alaafin’s information was correct!

Iduro ko si, ìbèreè ko si fun eni ti o gbe odó mi - A person who swallows a pestle can neither stand nor sit comfortably. Installation was on Saturday. The search was conducted on Tuesday! The motion ex parte was to be heard the following day, Wednesday.

Time was of the essence! Chief Afe turned his car around, off to Emmanuel Chambers, Ibadan. Before the car reached Fiditi, he had mentally finished composing the processes. He was nodding as the cases and other relevant authorities began to surface in his mind.

By the time he reached his office, the mental process was complete. In a minute the Counter-Affidavit was ready. There was no need for a Written Address. Professor Yemi Osinbajo was then a Special Assistant to the Attorney General of the Federation. It would be years later before he introduced Written Address as the Lagos State Attorney General. The counter-affidavit was filed and served on counsel to the Ashipa.

On Wednesday, the court was full. Chief M. L. Lagunju, Ashipa’s counsel was in court. He adjusted his wig and checked his books. He smiled. It was a Motion Exparte. It won’t be contested. He checked his time. Then there was some commotion at the entrance of the court.

Chief Lagunju blinked! He blinked again! Walking in majestically was the Afiwajoye of Ado-Ekiti, the Balogun of Mobaland, the Mayegun of Modakeke, Chief Afe Babalola in flesh! He was followed by a host of other lawyers, each armed with bags of legal authorities enough to open a law library. Chief Lagunju didn’t know when he said: “The game is up!”

On the dot of 9 O’clock, the Court began sitting. The trial judge was a royalty himself. Justice Aderemi’s father was the late Ooni of Ife, Oba Sir Tadenikawo Adesoji Aderemi, the first Governor of Western Region. The case was called.

The plaintiff’s counsel sought to move his application. The learned counsel informed the court that it was an ex parte application and therefore the other party had no right of audience.

His Lordship turned to Chief Afe Babalola. The court was as silent as a ghost town. Young lawyers craned their necks to hear what the Legend was going to say. They have been taught in law school that Ex Parte Motion was for only one party. Some of them must have been wondering what magic the Mayegun of Modakeke was going to perform.

Chief Afe Babalola brought out the White Book. Oh! Sorry, you don’t know the White Book? The White Book is an important book for lawyers. It contains the sources of law relating to the practice and procedures of the High Court. Ask your lawyer friend to show you a copy. He won’t charge you, unless you open it.

The Legal Colossus was on his feet. He was vibrating like a trumpet, but his voice was as soft as velvet. He began to reel out authorities after authorities to the effect that a defendant who became aware, anyhow, that a party had gone to court and was about to obtain an order ex-parte that would affect him, had a right to appear in court and to insist on being heard.

His Lordship – a brilliant Judge from the Source of Yoruba Race – was nodding as he scribbled down the authorities being cited by the Legendary Advocate. His Lordship was not the only one writing. Most lawyers in court were writing furiously. One old man turned to his friend and whispered: “I don’t mind selling my house, Mufu, my son must become a lawyer like this man. Look at the way he is speaking English as if he is chanting oriki Sango!”

“There is merit in the case of the Defendants. I agree with Chief Afe Babalola, the Defendants deserve to be given the right to be heard. Case is hereby adjourned to tomorrow for arguments on the Motion on Notice.” His Lordship rose. 

It is doubtful if the parties involved in the case slept that night. Whilst the lawyers checked and re-checked the authorities, the litigants were in anxiety mode. Chief MKO Abiola’s invited guests had started arriving from their various bases. Musicians engaged for entertainment had begun to set up their instruments in Oyo and Ikeja. Caterers had booked all the cows in Ilorin, Oyo and Ibadan. Local drummers had cancelled all engagements. The royal poet, Lanrewaju Adepoju had finished composing his masterpiece. All roads led to Oyo Alaafin.

If the court was filled to the brim on Wednesday, it was spilling over on Thursday. Litigants, journalists, lawyers, in fact everybody was in court that day. Chief Lagunju stood up. The learned counsel knew what was at stake. He argued his application expertly. He guessed the likely issues that Chief Afe would raise. He addressed each comprehensively. It was advocacy at its best.

Then the Balogun of Mobaland stood up. Like a surgeon, Chief Afe surgically cut through the issues deftly. He was not going to take any prisoner. After cutting through the issues, the authorities followed. From Halsbury’s Law of England to Commonwealth Law Reports, from decisions of House of Lords to decisions of Court of Appeal, from WACA to White Book, and then finally to the Supreme Court. The authorities were flowing like water from Asejire Dam. There was no stopping the deluge.

“In the light of the copious authorities cited by the learned counsel for the plaintiff and the defendants, the Court will be adjourning to…” There was pin-drop silence in Court. The installation was only two days away.  “... Friday” Ha! Palpable relief went through the court.

On Friday, Chief Afe Babalola’s phone began to ring from dawn. “Chief, E ma lo gba ruling yin l’Oyo loni o. Please send your junior o.” Clients, friends and well wishers who witnessed or heard of the tension soaked session in court on Thursday were justifiably apprehensive. But Chief Afe was not the Balogun of Mobaland for nothing. A General must not be afraid of the warfront. Off to Oyo.

Chief Afe had hardly left Ibadan when he started seeing policemen at strategic junctions on the road to Oyo. As they approached Fiditi, the number of policemen increased. By the time they got to Jobele, it was as if the Police College had moved its campus there. In the forest, on top of trees, in the bushes, and on top of buildings, the police were everywhere.

The Courtroom itself was no exception. More than fifty police officers joined lawyers and litigants in the courtroom. If you were not wearing a wig and you were not a party to the case, you would have to stay outside.

Court!

Justice Aderemi went straight to the business of the day. “RULING” His Lordship began. Time stood still as His Lordship went on to review the facts of the application and the authorities cited by the counsel for the parties. “In the final analysis…” Counsel and cops in the court became tense.

“This application fails and is hereby dismissed.”

As if by telepathy, the crowd outside heard the ruling immediately! Shouts of joy erupted. Drummers who must have been hiding theirgangan drums under their agbada sprang out.Sekere came out. Agogo was not to be left behind. Chief Afe Babalola was pulled out of his car, The Balogun was placed squarely on the roof of the car. Women danced, men jumped. I’m not sure but one of the songs on that day must have been “Ajekun Iya ni o je”. I have to confirm this from Chief. May God preserve his life.

Alaafin was waiting in the Palace with his Council Members. For a moment, the Sango of our time, Iku Baba Yeye was close to tears. It was an emotional moment. MKO Abiola was called. The Bashorun shouted: “Allahu Akbar! Alhamdulillah.”

On Saturday, January 14, 1988, Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III installed Bashorun Moshood Kashimawo Abiola as the 14th Aare Ona Kakanfo. The famous Yoruba Poet, Lanrewaju Moshood Adepoju was then called to the podium. In his deep and flawless Yoruba, Adepoju movingly rendered traditional poetry tracing the history of the title and the qualities of the new Aare Ona Kakanfo.

Abiola smiled.

It was indeed a glorious day for the husband of Simbiat Atinuke. 

In recognition of his service to the Crown and the Law, Alaafin later conferred Chief Afe Babalola with the prestigious title of Aare Bamofin of Oyo Empire.

Source: Onigegewura

YOU CANNOT READ.—ABUBAKAR ATIKU

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has launched a sharp rebuttal against President Bola Tinubu,

accusing him of hypocrisy, distortion of history, and political desperation—while pointedly declaring that “it is not my fault that you can’t read.”

The response was contained in a statement issued in Abuja on Friday morning, by Atiku’s Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication, Phrank Shaibu, who signed the release on behalf of the former Vice President.

“It is not our fault that the President does not and can not read,” the statement said, adding that a proper understanding of Nigeria’s reform history was clearly documented in ‘The Accidental Public Servant’ authored by Malam Nasir El-Rufai.

In the strongly worded statement, Atiku described Tinubu’s recent remarks as a “reckless tirade” that exposes “a troubling pattern of hypocrisy and historical amnesia.”

“Atiku Abubakar’s attention has been drawn to the latest reckless tirade by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu—a performance that exposes not just desperation, but a troubling pattern of hypocrisy and historical amnesia,” the statement read.

The former vice president expressed surprise that a sitting president, who has faced scrutiny over his own credentials, would attempt to discredit others with what he described as verifiable records of public service.

On the issue of privatisation, Atiku’s camp argued that Tinubu’s criticisms were inconsistent with his current policies, noting that the president had previously opposed reforms he now appeared to be implementing.

According to the statement, Atiku had long advocated the privatisation of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPc) and the sale of refineries to credible investors, a stance Tinubu allegedly resisted at the time.

However, it claimed the current administration is now overseeing what it described as a flawed system.

“This is not reform; it is privatisation without accountability,” the statement declared, alleging a lack of transparency and clear valuation in ongoing processes.

The statement further defended Atiku’s role in Nigeria’s economic reforms, citing companies such as Oando Plc, Conoil Plc, Ardova Plc, Indorama Eleme Petrochemicals, Benue Cement Company, and Transcorp Hilton Abuja as examples of successful privatisation outcomes.

In a direct attack on the president’s intellectual posture, the statement said Tinubu’s comments reflected a failure to engage documented history.

It added that Tinubu’s remarks suggested ignorance of publicly available records and credible accounts of past reforms.

“You cannot oppose reform when it demands courage and then execute a shadow version of it in power,” the statement added.

Atiku’s camp also criticised the tone of the president’s comments, describing them as dismissive and lacking substance.

“The President’s attempt to reduce a serious economic legacy to playground ridicule only underscores a deeper problem: a leadership more comfortable with insults than with facts,” it said.

The statement further highlighted the current economic situation in Nigeria, pointing to rising hardship among citizens.

“Across the country, families are skipping meals, businesses are shutting their doors, and hardworking citizens are watching their incomes evaporate under the weight of relentless inflation and a collapsing purchasing power,” it stated.

It added that what has been presented as reform has translated into worsening living conditions for many Nigerians.

“This is the true state of the nation, and no amount of rhetoric can mask the pain etched into the lives of ordinary Nigerians,” the statement said.

The statement concluded by asserting that Atiku’s record remained “clear, documented, and defensible,” while urging restraint on the part of the president.

“A leader who has not fully resolved questions about his own background should exercise restraint before casting aspersions on others,” it added, ending with a warning: “Nigerians are watching.”

𝐈𝐧𝐬𝐢𝐝𝐞 𝐆𝐞𝐝𝐢 𝐑𝐮𝐢𝐧𝐬, 𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐊𝐞𝐧𝐲𝐚𝐧 𝐂𝐢𝐭𝐲 𝐓𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐃𝐢𝐬𝐚𝐩𝐩𝐞𝐚𝐫𝐞𝐝 𝐖𝐢𝐭𝐡𝐨𝐮𝐭 𝐚 𝐓𝐫𝐚𝐜𝐞

Hidden within a thick coastal forest near Malindi lies one of Kenya’s most fascinating and mysterious historical sites, Gedi Ruins. At first glance, it looks like a quiet collection of old walls and stone structures. But behind those ruins is the story of a once-thriving city that rose, flourished, and then disappeared without a clear trace.

𝐀 𝐎𝐧𝐜𝐞-𝐓𝐡𝐫𝐢𝐯𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐒𝐰𝐚𝐡𝐢𝐥𝐢 𝐂𝐢𝐯𝐢𝐥𝐢𝐳𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧

Gedi was a well-organized Swahili town believed to have been established as early as the 12th century. 𝐀𝐭 𝐢𝐭𝐬 𝐩𝐞𝐚𝐤, 𝐢𝐭 𝐰𝐚𝐬 𝐡𝐨𝐦𝐞 𝐭𝐨 𝐛𝐞𝐭𝐰𝐞𝐞𝐧 𝟐,𝟓𝟎𝟎 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝟑,𝟎𝟎𝟎 𝐩𝐞𝐨𝐩𝐥𝐞, 𝐜𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐚𝐛𝐨𝐮𝐭 𝟒𝟓 𝐚𝐜𝐫𝐞𝐬 𝐨𝐟 𝐥𝐚𝐧𝐝. The city was carefully planned and divided by social class. 𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐰𝐞𝐚𝐥𝐭𝐡𝐲 𝐥𝐢𝐯𝐞𝐝 𝐢𝐧𝐬𝐢𝐝𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐢𝐧𝐧𝐞𝐫 𝐰𝐚𝐥𝐥, 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐦𝐢𝐝𝐝𝐥𝐞 𝐜𝐥𝐚𝐬𝐬 𝐨𝐜𝐜𝐮𝐩𝐢𝐞𝐝 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐚𝐫𝐞𝐚 𝐛𝐞𝐭𝐰𝐞𝐞𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐭𝐰𝐨 𝐰𝐚𝐥𝐥𝐬, 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐩𝐞𝐚𝐬𝐚𝐧𝐭𝐬 𝐥𝐢𝐯𝐞𝐝 𝐨𝐮𝐭𝐬𝐢𝐝𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐦𝐚𝐢𝐧 𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐥𝐨𝐬𝐮𝐫𝐞. These strong perimeter walls also served as protection, showing that Gedi was both important and secure.

𝐑𝐞𝐥𝐢𝐠𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐂𝐮𝐥𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐚𝐥 𝐋𝐢𝐟𝐞

Religion played a central role in the lives of the people who lived here. Archaeological findings show that the residents were Muslims, with 𝐚𝐭 𝐥𝐞𝐚𝐬𝐭 𝐞𝐢𝐠𝐡𝐭 𝐦𝐨𝐬𝐪𝐮𝐞𝐬 𝐝𝐢𝐬𝐜𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐞𝐝 𝐰𝐢𝐭𝐡𝐢𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐫𝐮𝐢𝐧𝐬. Some of these mosques date back to the 15th century and reveal thoughtful design and structure.

They had designated spaces and entrances, a raised platform for sermons, and architectural features that allowed sound to travel clearly across the building. Nearby tombs with Arabic inscriptions, including one dated to 802 in the Islamic calendar, further connect Gedi to a broader Islamic world.

𝐀𝐝𝐯𝐚𝐧𝐜𝐞𝐝 𝐖𝐚𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝐒𝐲𝐬𝐭𝐞𝐦𝐬

One of the most impressive aspects of Gedi is its level of innovation, particularly in water management. The city had wells strategically placed near important structures like mosques. Water used for washing was not wasted. Instead, it was channeled through a system where it passed through sand and porous coral, naturally filtering it before returning clean to the well. I think that this kind of water recycling shows just how advanced the people of Gedi were.

𝐔𝐫𝐛𝐚𝐧 𝐏𝐥𝐚𝐧𝐧𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐃𝐚𝐢𝐥𝐲 𝐋𝐢𝐟𝐞

Daily life in Gedi reflects a society that was far from primitive. The city had narrow but well-planned streets, and houses were built using thick coral walls that kept interiors cool even during hot days. There were also basic sanitation systems, including designated toilet areas with drainage. At the center of it all stood a large royal palace, the biggest structure in the city, which served as a place of leadership and governance.

𝐅𝐨𝐫𝐞𝐢𝐠𝐧 𝐓𝐫𝐚𝐝𝐞𝐬

Gedi was not isolated from the rest of the world. Excavations have uncovered objects from different parts of the globe, showing that the city was part of a wide international trade network. Items such as coins from China, glass beads from Venice, scissors from Spain, and lamps from India were found within the ruins. Even cowry shells from the Maldives, used as currency, were discovered. These findings prove that Gedi was connected to global trade routes long before modern globalization.

𝐒𝐮𝐝𝐝𝐞𝐧 𝐃𝐢𝐬𝐚𝐩𝐩𝐞𝐚𝐫𝐚𝐧𝐜𝐞

Despite its success, the city was 𝐜𝐨𝐦𝐩𝐥𝐞𝐭𝐞𝐥𝐲 𝐚𝐛𝐚𝐧𝐝𝐨𝐧𝐞𝐝 𝐢𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝟏𝟕𝐭𝐡 𝐜𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐲. Historians believe this may have been caused by a mix of water shortages, disease outbreaks, and conflict. There are also accounts of migrating groups entering the region and forcing the original inhabitants to flee. Whatever the exact reason, the result was the same: the city was left empty, and over time, nature began to reclaim it.

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐅𝐞𝐚𝐫 𝐭𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐏𝐫𝐞𝐬𝐞𝐫𝐯𝐞𝐝 𝐢𝐭

After its abandonment, Gedi took on a different kind of identity. Local communities began to believe that the place was haunted, and this fear kept people away for generations. Because no one settled there again, the ruins remained untouched, slowly preserved by the surrounding forest. Even today, some locals still speak of the site with caution, describing it as a place with a mysterious presence.

𝐑𝐞-𝐝𝐢𝐬𝐜𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐲

The ruins remained largely unknown to the outside world 𝐮𝐧𝐭𝐢𝐥 𝟏𝟖𝟖𝟒, 𝐰𝐡𝐞𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞𝐲 𝐰𝐞𝐫𝐞 𝐛𝐫𝐨𝐮𝐠𝐡𝐭 𝐭𝐨 𝐩𝐮𝐛𝐥𝐢𝐜 𝐚𝐭𝐭𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 by the explorer Sir John Kirk. Later, in 1927, Gedi was officially declared a historical monument, and restoration efforts began in the following years. In 1948, archaeologist James Kirkman carried out extensive excavations, uncovering many of the artifacts that help tell the story of this lost city.

Today, Gedi Ruins stands as both a historical site and a forest reserve. Much of the ancient city is still hidden beneath thick vegetation, waiting to be uncovered. Walking through the ruins, you pass old mosques, palace remains, tombs, and narrow pathways that once carried the daily life of a thriving community.

What makes Gedi truly unforgettable is its mystery. It is a place that proves how advanced African civilizations were, how connected they were to the world, and how easily even the most organized societies can vanish.

#Africa #BlackHistory #Kenya #African #World

"LADY SINGS THE BLUES: THE UNFORGETTABLE VOICE OF BILLIE HOLIDAY"

Few artists in history have wielded music with the raw, aching emotion of Billie Holiday (1915–1959). Known as “Lady Day,” Holiday wasn’t just a jazz singer; she was a living embodiment of the struggles, passions, and contradictions of 20th-century America. Her voice, at once fragile and powerful, told stories that transcended time, speaking to pain, love, injustice, and resilience in ways no one else could.

Early Life: A Troubled Beginning

Billie Holiday was born Eleanora Fagan in Baltimore, Maryland, in 1915. Her childhood was marred by hardship: her parents’ separation, periods of neglect, and brushes with poverty shaped her early life. Despite these challenges, music became her sanctuary. Holiday’s earliest influences were the church hymns of her youth and the jazz and blues records she secretly listened to. Her raw talent emerged in adolescence, as she began singing in Harlem nightclubs in New York City during the vibrant jazz scene of the 1930s.

The Rise of Lady Day

Holiday’s first major break came in 1933 when she joined pianist Benny Goodman’s band. Her voice—hauntingly lyrical and deeply emotional—soon caught the attention of jazz legends like Count Basie and Artie Shaw. What set Billie apart was her ability to infuse songs with a profoundly personal interpretation. She didn’t just sing the lyrics; she became the lyrics, bending rhythm, stretching phrases, and allowing silence to speak as loudly as her notes.

A Voice That Changed Jazz

Billie Holiday’s style revolutionized jazz singing. Her phrasing was unconventional, often singing behind the beat to create a languid, soulful tension that became her signature. Songs like “God Bless the Child”, which she co-wrote, and “Strange Fruit”, a haunting protest against lynching, revealed the depth of her artistry. Holiday could transform heartbreak into beauty, and pain into something almost sacred. “Strange Fruit”, in particular, remains one of the most politically powerful songs in American history—an early and courageous act of using music as social commentary.

Personal Struggles and Tragedy

Behind the glamour of jazz clubs and recording studios, Billie’s life was tumultuous. She battled poverty, racism, addiction, and abusive relationships. Her struggles with drugs and alcohol became notorious, affecting her career and health. Yet, even in her darkest moments, her voice retained an unmatched emotional power. This paradox—brilliance amid despair—became part of her legend.

Legacy and Influence

Billie Holiday’s influence on music cannot be overstated. She paved the way for future generations of jazz and blues singers, including Nina Simone, Ella Fitzgerald, and Amy Winehouse, who cited Holiday as an inspiration. Beyond technique, she showed that music could carry weight: it could confront social injustice, express vulnerability, and embody resilience. Her recordings remain timeless, a masterclass in emotional storytelling through song.

The Enduring Myth of Lady Day

Holiday passed away at just 44, in 1959, but her spirit endures. Her life and music have inspired countless books, films, and tributes, including the acclaimed biopic “Lady Sings the Blues” (1972) starring Diana Ross. To listen to Billie Holiday is to experience a window into a soul that lived, suffered, and sang with unparalleled authenticity. She didn’t just perform music—she inhabited it, leaving a legacy that is eternal.

Conclusion

Billie Holiday remains one of the most iconic voices in jazz and blues history. She was more than a singer; she was a storyteller, a revolutionary, and a symbol of artistic courage. Her music, imbued with heartbreak and beauty, continues to move audiences, reminding us of the power of voice, emotion, and truth. As Lady Day herself once said: “If I’m going to sing like someone else, then I don’t need to sing at all.” In every note, Billie Holiday sang as herself—and that is why she remains unforgettable.

#UnitedStatesOfAmerica #Austria #Historical #Colonialhistory #Colonialism #Afrique  #UnitedKingdom2025 #Colonizers #Africa  #AfricanCulture #AfricanHistory #Canada #AfricanHeritage #Germany #Australia #unitedkingdom #unitedstate #UnitedNations #AfricaDiaspora #World

THE MAYOTTE PEOPLE

I'll be fair about Mayotte, a French Region, that will have its President fly for more than ten hours to reach it.

Within its stages of growth, with its small population, I'd say it's managable.

You can imagine, in their 2023–2024 estimates, the total population of Mayotte is roughly 350,000, with approximately 48% to 50% being immigrants.

That means real Mayotteans or Mayottans, are in the scope of an approximate 180,000 people.

So; guess who damages the French Region?

I came to understand, that Mayottan culture, despite Islam being the main religion, is predominantly matriachal, and  property is passed down from Woman to Woman, and not Man to Man.

That means; Men live in houses belonging to Women, and I'd say, it is out of this matriachal thought, which is within it's culture, that society knew itself and opted for a French President.

Which actually worked for them.

Having a population of 180,000 people, isn't really a burden for the French economy, adding the evaluation and prospects of the island, given its location and many other variants, I'd say it is quite profitable for the French to have Mayotte as its territory, and profitable for the locals as well.

Bearing this in mind, Mayotte has French infrastructure (the island operates with European-standard roads, public services, schools, and hospitals funded and built by France) a superior welfare system, better healthcare, and higher wages (sometimes eight times higher) compared to the independent Union of Comoros. 

No wonder Congo, Rwanda, Burundi and Madagascar made their way to what they considered a safe heaven.

Carrying along with them, all the problems Mayotte is facing today. 

But I'd also say, some of these problems are French created, especially in consideration of the Genocide witnessed in Rwanda And Burundi, Congo as well, instability in Madagascar and the Comoros.

So I believe, it shouldn't be a Mayottan burden, but a French one.

#Africa #BlackHistory #French #African #World

PETER MAMPOGOANE NCHABELENG

Today marked the 40th anniversary of the death in detention of trade unionist and anti-apartheid activist, Peter Mampogoane Nchabeleng. 

Affectionately known as ‘The Lion of the North’, Nchabeleng was brought up in the village of Apel in Sekhukhuneland. He was the sixth child of Zebulon and Salome Nchabeleng. After attending high school in Pretoria, he found employment at the Government Printers (now called the Government Gazette). It would during this time that he would become politically active and became the African National Congress’s (ANC) Atteridgeville branch secretary. Not only that, but he also held South African Communist Party (SACP) members and was embroiled in the trade union movement by being the regional secretary of the Allied Workers’ Union and later on for the South African Congress of Trade Union (SACTU). 

He was also a member of Sebatakgomo, a peasant resistance movement opposed to the introduction of Bantu Authorities in Sekhuhuneland. It later changed its name to Fetakgomo, as the organisation was falsely accused of wanting to kill white people. This name was derived from a Sepedi proverb, "Fetakgomo o sware motho, mafetakgomo ke moriri o a hloga", which in essence means that people must value life and people, and forget about material possessions because they can be replaced.

As a Pedi speaker, he acted as interpreter for the late Joe Slovo, who regularly defended many individuals involved in the peasant revolt in Sekhukhuneland. Following the 1960 Sharpeville Massacre, the apartheid regime outlawed political activity by introducing the Unlawful Organizations Act of 1960, effectively banning the ANC, the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) and other political organizations. In 1962, Nchabeleng fell foul of the law and was charged with furthering the aims of a banned organisation (ANC) and sabotage. He was sentenced to and eight-year prison term on Robben Island in 1964. After his release, Nchabeleng and his family were banished from Atteridgeville to Apel, his homeland. 

The banishment did little to quell his political activity and his home in the region became the bedrock for ANC activists. In 1974, he was arrested for contravening the terms of his banning order by being in communication with trade unionist Stephen Dlamini. The state had evidence of this and he received a three-year sentence suspended for three years. In 1977, he was charged with harbouring and recruiting people for military training along with Joe Gqabi. In the same year, he was part of the Pretoria 12 terrorism trial alongside his son Elleck, Joe Gqabi, Tokyo Sexwale, Bafana Mohlamonyane, Naledi Tsiki, Nelson Diale, and Martin Ramokgadi. He, Diale (he was on Robben Island during the same period as Nchabeleng) and Gqabi were acquitted, but his son and the other defendants were convicted; Elleck did six years on Robben Island; Sexwale did 13 years of an 18-year sentence; Tsiki received a 14-year sentence. In 1978, Nchabeleng’s banning order was renewed for another five years. 

The 1980s would represent a turning point in the struggle against apartheid. Political resistance increased, which coincided with a sharp rise in law enforcement violence. Gqabi would later go into exile but in 1981, he was assassinated by the former South African Defence Force in Harare, Zimbabwe, where he was the ANC Chief Representative in that country. In 1982, Nchabeleng escaped an assassination plot when a letter bomb placed inside his son’s school report was discovered. Sensing that his life was in danger, he appealed to the ANC leadership in exile he wanted to leave South Africa, but they declined his request, as they saw his role as important to the liberation struggle in the country. In 1983, PW Botha’s government introduced a new constitution which abolished the office of Prime Minister and combined its powers with the ceremonial post of State President to vest power in an Executive Presidency. It also introduced a new Tricameral Parliament - which represented White, Coloured, and Asian political interests but still left Africans disenfranchised. On 20 August 1983, the United Democratic Front (UDF) was formed in retaliation against apartheid reform ambitions. Nchabeleng was elected President of the UDF’s Northern Transvaal region in February 1986. 

He was instrumental in establishing community and youth structures in the Sekhukhune region. He worked with youth leaders such as Peter Mokwana, France Mohlala, Ephraim Mohale and his son, Elleck. According to Nchabeleng’s wife, Mrs Matsatsi Gertrude, the Lebowa North Riot Squad and Security Branch showed up at their home on 9 April 1986 and took her husband away to Schoonoord Police Station. They assaulted him in her presence and enquired if he had imprisoned before. He informed them that he had been on Robben Island before, to which the police replied and said that this time they were going to kill him. Two days later on 11 April, the police returned to tell them of Nchabeleng’s death in detention of a heart attack. He was only 58 when he died. The state gave his family the runaround concerning his remains, which they ultimately found in Groblersdal. An inquest into his death revealed the police severely wounded him with his injuries causing him to lose consciousness and then to suffocate. His funeral was attended by over 20,000 mourners and was under heavy police presence. Peter was the 63rd person to die in police detention. His passing sparked a consumer boycott of white towns in the Northern Transvaal. 

Nchabeleng left behind his wife and his eight children, some who were also politically active as him. In July 1997, his widow and one of his sons, Maurice, gave testimony to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) about the events prior and after Nchabeleng’s detention and subsequent murder. A secondary school, hall, and complex bare his name, as well as a street in Mokopane. In 2009, former President Jacob Zumba posthumously awarded Nchabeleng the Order of Luthuli in Gold for his exceptional contribution to the fight against the apartheid system in South Africa. His son Mpho wrote a book titled 'The Lion of the North', which chronicles and honours his father's political legacy. 

#OnThisDay #PeterNchabeleng #BlackHistory #World

THE SAME GANG THAT BROUGHT TINUBU TO POWER WILL REMOVE HIM FROM POWER. - DELE MOMODU

Chieftain of the African Democratic Congress, ADC, Dele Momodu, on Wednesday said the “gang” that brought late former President Muhammadu Buhari to power in 2015 are ready to help the party’s presidential candidate defeat President Bola Tinubu in 2027.

Momodu identified the “gang” to include former governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai, ex-Attorney General of the Federation, AGF, Abubakar Malami, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, and ex-Sokoto State governor, Aminu Tambuwal, who are all members of the ADC.

In an interview on Arise News Morning Show, Momodu identified Atiku as his preferred candidate for the ADC’s presidential ticket.

Momodu said, “We have in ADC today two of the leading presidential contestants in the last election, so you do not need to reinvent the wheel. To win an election is not just the crowd or the noise, not just the ideas or how brilliant you are.

“Go back to the drawing board and look at how Buhari captured power in 2015, I was a part of those who worked at that time, I wasn’t a member of APC.

“Tinubu is so formidable that you are not just going to produce a candidate that would take him out, it doesn’t work that way and I will go around the world. You will remember that Joe Biden was removed by the Democrats in America, then they brought Kamala Harris.

“She raised a lot of money which I liked but at the end of the day she could not defeat Trump. Everything was said against Trump but he was able to defeat Kamala.

“I have my preference and that is Atiku, in matters of strategy, ADC must go to the part of the country where they are most disgruntled against the ADC. The people who worked for Tinubu to become President were partly in Buhari’s gang and today they are angry that they have been abandoned.

“El-Rufai in languishing somewhere in detention, Malami is running up and down, so that team is waiting for ADC to capture. When you go in that direction, you have Atiku, Tambuwal, El-Rufai, and others.

“Let ADC go all out to capture, if you pick Atiku he comes from the North-East where APC has the vice president and the region will be very happy to have a President for the very first time.”