Babatunde Omidina (Baba Suwe): The Life of Nigeria's Comedy Legend

When the history of Nigerian comedy is written, one name will forever stand among the greatest—Babatunde Omidina, popularly known as Baba Suwe. For more than three decades, he brought laughter into millions of homes through his unforgettable performances in Yoruba films. His unique facial expressions, witty dialogue, energetic acting style, and natural comedic talent made him one of the most beloved actors in Nigeria's entertainment industry.

Born on 22 August 1958 on Inabere Street, Lagos Island, in what was then British Nigeria, Baba Suwe was of Igbogbo, Ikorodu, Lagos State, origin. Although he grew up in Lagos, he spent part of his childhood in Osogbo, where he attended Children Boarding School and later Ifeoluwa Grammar School, earning his West African School Certificate. He also attended Jamaitul Islamia Primary School in Lagos and Adekanbi Commercial High School before completing his education.

Baba Suwe discovered his passion for acting at a young age and joined the Nigerian theatre scene in the early 1970s. His talent quickly caught the attention of established actors and producers. He appeared in several stage plays before making his way into Yoruba-language films. His breakthrough came after featuring in Omolasan, but it was the 1997 movie Iru Esin, produced by Olaiya Igwe, that transformed him into a household name across Nigeria.

From that moment, Baba Suwe became one of the biggest stars in Yoruba cinema. His ability to portray funny, troublesome, clever, and sometimes unlucky characters made him a fan favourite. His comic timing was exceptional, and his performances appealed to both young and old audiences. Throughout the late 1990s and 2000s, he dominated the Yoruba movie industry, appearing in numerous successful productions.

Some of his most popular films include Ba O Ku, Baba Londoner, Aso Ibora, Obelomo, Elebolo, Larinloodu, Kotan Sibe, Sikiratu Sindodo, Baba Jaiye Jaiye, and Maradona, among many others. His movies were watched not only in Nigeria but also by Yoruba-speaking audiences around the world.

Beyond acting, Baba Suwe also worked as a film producer and mentor, helping to promote Yoruba culture and entertainment. His influence inspired a new generation of actors and comedians who admired his originality and dedication to his craft.

In his personal life, Baba Suwe married fellow actress Monsurat Omidina, popularly known as Moladun Kenkelewu. The couple shared a successful career in the entertainment industry until her death in 2009, which deeply affected him. He later remarried and was blessed with children.

One of the most difficult moments of Baba Suwe's life came in October 2011, when he was arrested by the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) on allegations that he had swallowed cocaine while returning from France. He was detained for weeks and subjected to repeated medical examinations because officials believed he was carrying illegal drugs internally. Despite extensive investigations and multiple scans, no drugs were ever found in his body.

The incident attracted nationwide attention and generated widespread debate. Baba Suwe maintained his innocence throughout the ordeal, insisting he had committed no crime. After years of legal proceedings, the courts ruled in his favour and awarded him compensation for his unlawful detention. Although he eventually received justice, Baba Suwe often stated that the experience damaged his health, reputation, finances, and acting career.

As the years passed, the legendary actor battled diabetes and other health complications. His condition became widely known, prompting support from fellow actors, politicians, businesspeople, and fans across Nigeria, who contributed financially toward his medical treatment. Despite the assistance, his health continued to decline.

On 22 November 2021, Baba Suwe passed away at the age of 63. News of his death spread rapidly across Nigeria, with tributes pouring in from actors, filmmakers, government officials, and millions of fans who had grown up watching his films. He was buried according to Islamic rites in Ikorodu, Lagos State.

Although Baba Suwe is no longer alive, his legacy continues to thrive. His films remain popular on television and digital platforms, introducing new generations to his timeless comedy. He transformed Yoruba comic acting into an art form and proved that laughter could unite people across different backgrounds. His unforgettable characters, signature expressions, and extraordinary performances secured him a permanent place in the history of Nigerian cinema.

Today, Baba Suwe is remembered not only as one of the greatest comedians Nigeria has ever produced but also as a cultural icon whose work preserved the richness of Yoruba storytelling while bringing joy to millions. His life was filled with triumphs, challenges, resilience, and remarkable achievements, ensuring that his name will never be forgotten in the history of Nollywood.

Oliver "Tuku" Mtukudzi - The Voice of Zimbabwe | Culture & Music

In the rich tapestry of African music, few figures loom as large as Oliver "Tuku" Mtukudzi. The Zimbabwean singer-songwriter, guitarist, and cultural icon left an indelible mark on the continent’s soundscape over a career that spanned more than four decades. Known affectionately as Tuku, he blended traditional Shona rhythms with jazz, mbira, and soulful grooves to create a genre all his own “Tuku Music.” His husky vocals and poignant lyrics captured the everyday joys, struggles, and hopes of Zimbabwean life, earning him reverence both at home and on the global stage.

Born on 22 September 1952 in Highfield, Harare, Mtukudzi came of age during the final years of colonial Rhodesia. He burst onto the scene in 1977 as part of the Wagon Wheels band alongside Thomas Mapfumo. Their breakthrough hit “Dzandimomotera” quickly went gold, setting the stage for his solo journey with the Black Spirits. Following Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980, Tuku’s music evolved into a powerful force for social commentary, addressing themes of peace, tolerance, women’s rights, and the challenges of nation-building.

Mtukudzi was extraordinarily prolific, releasing between 59 and 67 albums during his lifetime. His early works in the late 1970s and 1980s, such as Ndipeiwo Zano (1978), Africa (1980), and Nzara (1983), established him as a major voice in Zimbabwean music. By the 1990s, he was experimenting with broader appeal while staying rooted in his cultural heritage.

The 1998/1999 release of Tuku Music marked his international breakthrough, drawing acclaim from world music audiences and leading to tours across Europe and North America. Other standout albums include the socially charged Bvuma (Tolerance) (2001), Nhava (2005), and the deeply personal Sarawoga (2012), a tribute to his son Sam Mtukudzi, who tragically died in a 2010 car accident. In his later years, releases like Eheka! Nhai Yahwe (2016) and the reflective Hany'a (Concern) (2018) showcased his enduring vitality and commitment to speaking truth through song.

Beyond the studio, Mtukudzi excelled as a multifaceted artist. He starred in groundbreaking Zimbabwean films such as Jit (1990) and Neria (1993), for which he also composed the acclaimed soundtrack. He wrote and directed musical theater productions and mentored emerging talent through his arts initiatives.

Accolades and Humanitarian Legacy

Mtukudzi’s contributions earned him prestigious honors that underscored both his artistic excellence and humanitarian spirit.

Highlights include:

The M-Net Best Soundtrack Award (1992) for Neria.

Best Southern African Male Artist and Lifetime Achievement Award at the KORA Music Awards (2003).

An honorary degree from the University of Zimbabwe (2003).

National Arts Merit Awards (NAMA) for Best Male Vocalist/Group in 2002 and 2004.

Honorary Doctorate of Humane Letters from the International Institute of Philanthropy (2014).

The AFRIMA Legend Award (2017).

In recognition of his advocacy, he was appointed UNICEF Goodwill Ambassador for Southern Africa. His philanthropy extended to supporting children’s causes, women’s empowerment, and community development, solidifying his role as more than just a musician he was a cultural statesman.

Oliver Mtukudzi passed away on 23 January 2019 at the age of 66 following complications from diabetes. His death prompted an outpouring of grief across Zimbabwe and the African music world, with tributes highlighting his role in strengthening national identity through song.

Today, Tuku’s music continues to resonate. Streaming platforms keep classics like “Neria,” “Bvuma,” and tracks from Tuku Music alive for new generations. His children, including musician Selmor Mtukudzi, carry forward aspects of his artistic and humanitarian legacy.

In an era of rapid change, Oliver Mtukudzi remains a timeless reminder of the power of music to heal, unite, and inspire. As one of Africa’s most authentic voices, Tuku did more than entertain he chronicled a nation’s soul.

Oliver Mtukudzi’s catalog is widely available on major music platforms. His story endures as a cornerstone of Zimbabwean and African musical heritage.

THE PLOT TO KILL PETER OBI.

"Let 2023 be the last time of Igbo interference in Lagos politics."----BAYO ONANUGA TINUBU PRESIDENTIAL SPOKESMAN.

The last act of Funso Williams, the once popular Lagos State gubernatorial candidate a vibrant opponent of Bola Ahmed Tinubu. He had gone to seek the help of the late Pastor T.B. Joshua. What he told the Pastor that day turned out to be prophetic. People are out to kill him he had raised the alarm. That night people broke into his house and killed the very popular aspiring candidate. Peter Obi is far more popular that Funso Williams. He too is aspiring to defeat Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Just like Willaims did. Obi has raised the familiar alarm that people are after his life. And in this toxic political divide fueled by Tinubu and his goons. We are supposed to ignore it. Act like he is talking balderdash. In the midst of a ruling class that does not see the opposition and those with contrary intelligence as friendly.

Hate is a very strong word. But what is the right word to use to qualify the unbridled animosity towards those with dissenting views by APC. It is either you belong to the party and its cultlike thinking. If you do not buy the nonsense they are selling, hook line and sinker. Then you should be hook, line and sinker in the bottom of the Lagos Lagoon. Do not take my words. I am paraphrasing what the Oba of Lagos, a staunch supporter of APC said. A boldly partisan traditional ruler in a State with a large diverse population. The same state where a thug called MC Oluomo threatened lives of anyone that comes out to vote against the APC. He was rewarded with a title in Abuja by Tinubu. Who needs the hyper-polarization strategy to rule. The deep-seated partisan sectarianism is the reason why someone will kill Peter Obi and get away with it.

The ugly truth that APC and its cult followers will not say is that you are immoral and even abhorrent if you refuse to see the beauty of the man Tinubu. The Messiah that is God sent to take Nigeria to the promised land. Ignore the slippery slope into a one-party state. And the reason for your ability to see and decipher. The rare decision to use your brain to think. Peter Obi is to blame for your reasoning like a grown adult. Not an infantile kindergarten. Men like him think too much. Read too much. Like William Shakespeare wrote in JJULIS CEASER, "such men are dangerous". That sadly is the political orientation of Tinubu and APC. It is not a broad inclusive group. Seyi Tinubu has a thousand security personal following him to Ojude Oba. Peter Obi, an aspiring popular presidential candidate travels alone. So, it should not be nebulous to us when he raises this alarm. A serious government would take it seriously. After all Peter Obi is a Nigerian like them. Or so I think.

 "Lagos is like Anambra, Imo, any Nigerian state. It is not No Man's Land... It is Yoruba land. Mind your business."----BAYO ONANUGA.

Source: JAIYEOLA AJASA.

REMEMBERING ROBERT MATANO

The whistle of the train cutting through the Kenyan countryside in 1985 carried no hint of the storm awaiting Robert Stanley Matano. En route from his Mazeras home to Nairobi, the long-serving Minister for Information and Broadcasting was blissfully unaware that his political world had just collapsed via a terse one o’clock radio announcement from the Presidential Press Unit. When the train pulled into the capital, the reality of his sudden sacking hit him like a thunderbolt; a man who had faithfully served both Jomo Kenyatta and Daniel arap Moi across numerous ministries suddenly found himself calling his own office just to request a vehicle to haul his personal effects out of a government house. It was a stark, unceremonious turning point for a politician whose life had always balanced on the edge of high-stakes power and uncommon integrity.

Born in Kaloleni in 1925, Matano’s journey began with herding his father’s livestock before his sharp intellect propelled him through Alliance High School and Makerere University. He entered the turbulent waters of pre-independence politics under the wings of Ronald Ngala, championing the regional majimbo system under KADU before crossing the floor to join the ruling KANU machine in 1964. When Tom Mboya was assassinated in 1969, Kenyatta thrust Matano into the eye of the storm as acting KANU Secretary General. For over a decade, he presided over a KANU that was practically a ghost of its former self; starved of funds, buried in debt, and disconnected phone lines. Still it was an era when the party’s word was absolute law and Matano remained the gatekeeper of political clearance.

It was this very role as gatekeeper that brought about the most explosive and unforgettable chapter of his career in 1979. Inside the KICC, then KANU headquarters, tensions boiled over regarding the political clearance of former KPU members, including Oginga Odinga. Matano found himself locked in a fierce, physical confrontation with the notoriously temperamental KANU national treasurer, Justus ole Tipis. As arguments escalated into outright combat, Tipis lunged forward and struck Matano squarely on the head with his iconic club. The shocking image of two top ruling party officials trading blows and weapons within the inner sanctum of power became etched into the nation's political memory.

Despite holding immense influence for nearly three decades, Matano was an anomaly in Kenyan politics; a man completely unsoiled by the traps of personal greed. He refused to use his positions to secure state jobs for his children, nor did he use his ministry to amass vast wealth, ultimately losing his seat in the infamous 1988 queue-voting elections to a political newcomer. He retired quietly to his rural home to practice farming, passing away in 2008 in absolute poverty, yet leaving behind a legacy as a fiercely clean, down-to-earth leader who chose honour over alignment with the corrupt status quo.

TINUBU TO JOURNALISTS: STOP LOOKING FOR SENSATIONAL NEWS

President Tinubu's advice to Nigeria's media: Choose between substance or sensation, credibility or clickbait

REMARKS BY PRESIDENT BOLA AHMED TINUBU, GCFR, AT THE MAIDEN STATE HOUSE MEDIA DINNER (SHMD), STATE HOUSE, ABUJA, on Thursday, 2 July 2026

PROTOCOLS

Good evening, ladies and gentlemen.

I am happy to join you today for the maiden State House Media Corp Presidential  Dinner. 

First, I apologise on behalf of the media department for not setting up a meeting like this earlier. The frenetic pace of work and the constant shifting of schedules, due to one challenge or another, have been responsible for this.

I appreciate all of you here for your tireless efforts in covering the State House. I appreciate your dedication to ensuring Nigerians are informed about my government's activities. 

Let me also assure you that my administration remains committed to ensuring you have the access, the resources, and the freedom to do your jobs as prescribed by the constitution.

Democracy rests on the pillars of freedoms: Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of association, and others. I am an apostle of a free press. I have defended and advocated for the rights of the media throughout my public life and will continue to do so. While press freedom and free speech remain the bedrock of an open and democratic society, journalists and citizens must also not forget the imperative of balancing rights with responsibility and the duty you hold to society to report and inform with care and accuracy to facts and in a manner that ensures the society is not set on fire. 

(6). Democracy is stymied without a free press. The fourth estate of the realm must be a free estate, and not a fief. However, where there is enormous power, there should be accountability and responsibility. The ethics of the profession must be considered sacred and upheld by practitioners.

(7). The recurring incidents of misinformation, disinformation, fake news, voice and facial cloning and deep fakes are concerning. These are the drawbacks of the social media age. Media practitioners should not be willing couriers of falsehood or unverified information injurious to national security and the nation.

I hope this gathering becomes a cherished tradition—a unique occasion to celebrate the important relationship between government and the media and the indispensable roles both institutions play in sustaining our democracy.

Tonight, we are gathered in one room pretending to be friends when, in truth, we are often adversaries. Now, before tomorrow's headlines announce that the President has declared war on the media, let me quickly clarify.

We are adversaries only in the democratic sense, as the media constantly distrust those in power. In nation-building, we are partners.

Government exists to serve the people through leadership, policy, and public service. The media exists to serve society by watching those entrusted with power, asking difficult questions, and holding government accountable.

The Nigerian people have deliberately assigned us these roles. Government must act. The media must watch. Government must explain. The media must question. That arrangement guarantees a certain level of tension. It ensures that we are constantly at each other's throats—not because we dislike one another, but because democracy demands it.

This partnership and rivalry will not disappear as long as governments exist.

But tonight, the tables turn slightly. The media will take a few hits. For the record, I am both a lover and a long-time supporter of the Nigerian press. My courtship with the media began more than three decades ago and has not waned. The only difference is that I now find myself on the receiving end of the headlines.

Sometimes I genuinely wonder whether the media likes or hates me. One day, I read a headline that said:

"Tinubu Scores Big As Nigeria's Economy Expands."

The very next day, I encountered another headline:

"Nigeria's Economy Falters As Tinubu Loses Grip."

Both stories may come from the same media ecosystem. Between those two headlines, a lot must have happened. The question is: did the media do its homework? Did it provide citizens with the context, analysis, and insight required to understand what changed? Or are we increasingly drifting towards the old newsroom creed: "If it bleeds, it leads"?

After more than three decades in public life, I have learned that one should never underestimate the wiles of politics—or the improvisation of those who report on it. Over the years, I have probably become one of the most analysed, scrutinised, investigated, predicted, and speculated-upon politicians in Nigeria's democratic history.

And then, of course, came the election season, when every rumour became a prediction, every prediction became a certainty, and every certainty became a breaking news alert. The opposition, understandably, sought every opportunity to challenge my candidacy and question my record. That is politics. I do not quarrel with that.

What fascinated me was how quickly speculation could become accepted wisdom, how allegations could become headlines, and how often conclusions arrived long before the facts.

Yet democracy eventually has its day.

The Nigerian people listened. They evaluated. They separated fact from fiction. And ultimately, they rendered their verdict. That experience reinforced my belief that while democracy depends on a free press, it also depends on a responsible press.

We live in an era where misinformation and disinformation travel faster than facts. The media must choose fact over falsehood. The media must choose substance over sensation. The media must choose credibility over clickbait and the endless race for followers, likes, and viral outrage.

The public depends on journalists not merely to report events but to separate fact from fiction, truth from speculation, and evidence from opinion. In a world where everyone with a smartphone is now a journalist, the responsibility of professional journalism has never been greater.

Professional journalism must remain the standard by which truth is distinguished from rumour and facts from fiction. Let me also make it clear that freedom of expression is not freedom to defame. Freedom of the press is not freedom to deliberately mislead.

Rights come with responsibilities. Public trust is earned through fairness, professionalism, accuracy, and integrity. The media space is no longer an unregulated frontier. Nigeria has enacted laws, including the Cybercrimes Act and other relevant legislation, to protect citizens from malicious falsehoods, cyberstalking, identity theft, and other abuses that increasingly accompany the digital age.

These safeguards are not intended to weaken press freedom. Rather, they exist to protect citizens and preserve the integrity of our information ecosystem.

Tonight, however, is not about blame.

Tonight is about celebrating the media and the indispensable role it plays in our national life. My administration remains fully committed to the constitutional guarantees of freedom of expression and press freedom as enshrined in Sections 22 and 39 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Section 39 guarantees every Nigerian the right to freedom of expression and the right to establish and operate media institutions. Section 22 places upon the media the noble responsibility of holding government accountable to the people. Together, these provisions form one of the strongest foundations of our democracy.

Equally important is the Freedom of Information Act, which continues to promote transparency, openness, and citizen access to information. Our commitment to these principles remains unwavering.

Distinguished ladies and gentlemen,

Nigeria today is undergoing one of the most ambitious periods of reform in its history. The difficult but necessary reforms undertaken by this administration are yielding results. Our economy is stabilising. Public revenues have strengthened significantly. State governments are receiving substantially higher allocations to support development. Investor confidence is returning.

Our foreign reserves have improved considerably. The oil and gas sector is attracting renewed investment. The stock market has witnessed remarkable growth. Key economic indicators are moving in the right direction. Through tax reforms, fiscal reforms, infrastructure investments, and improvements in the business environment, we are laying the foundations for a more competitive, productive, and prosperous economy.

The journey is not yet complete. Challenges remain. But the direction is clear, and the foundations for long-term growth are being firmly established. Regarding security, our administration has maintained a determined, multi-dimensional approach.

Military operations have intensified across several theatres. Intelligence gathering has improved. Inter-agency collaboration has strengthened. Regional and international cooperation has expanded.

As a result, thousands of criminal elements and terrorists have been neutralised. Numerous hostages have been rescued. Communities previously under threat have been reclaimed. 

Security agencies continue to demonstrate courage and professionalism in confronting terrorism, banditry, kidnapping, oil theft, and other forms of criminality.

While Nigeria continues to face security challenges, we have moved steadily from reacting to threats toward systematically degrading them. We remain resolute in our commitment to securing every part of our country and ensuring that every Nigerian can live, work, and prosper in peace.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The media remains one of the most important pillars of any democratic society. But beyond their traditional role as watchdogs, the media are also critical partners in national development. They inform citizens, shape public discourse, promote civic participation, strengthen national cohesion, and contribute to economic and social progress.

As we look to the future, let us continue to strengthen the relationship between government and the media—not by abandoning healthy scrutiny, but by deepening mutual respect, professionalism, and responsibility, and by strengthening our shared commitment to the Nigerian people.

Let us replace needless hostility with constructive engagement. Let us replace sensationalism with professionalism. Let us replace the pursuit of outrage with the pursuit of truth. Together, let us continue building a nation where truth matters, accountability thrives, democracy flourishes, and every Nigerian has reason to believe in the promise of our country.

I thank you for your dedication, service, and contributions to our democracy.

May God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Thank you and enjoy the evening.

FIRE IN SOWETO AS SOUTH AFRICANS CHASE OUT BLACK AFRICANS FROM THEIR COUNTRY

Thousands of people have marched in South Africa's main cities to demand that all undocumented migrants leave the country.

Police officers - backed by private security guards - have been deployed because of fears that protests could turn violent. Anti-migrant groups had set Tuesday as the deadline for undocumented migrants to leave.

Many foreigners have already fled to escape violence and intimidation. South African police say 25,000 have been repatriated so far. Most are from other African countries.

One undocumented Malawian told the BBC he was "happy to be going back" but "heartbroken" to be leaving behind four young children.

The Ministry of Police said the protests have largely been peaceful across the country, with isolated incidents of looting and attempted looting.

In Johannesburg, the financial capital, shops in the city centre were closed, while police visibility is high on major streets.

The military has been deployed in Hillbrow, a suburb in Johannesburg where many African migrants live, following reports of a teenager being shot and a car being torched, local media report.

Some protesters threw bricks, breaking the windows of some homes in Yeoville, another suburb where many African migrants live.

In a neighbourhood in Germiston, about 15km (nine miles) from Johannesburg, demonstrators went to homes, evicting residents they suspected were foreign nationals and handing them over to police officers, insisting they check their documentation, local media report.

Police said they had arrested five people for the alleged looting of a foreign-owned shop in Johannesburg's biggest township, Soweto.

About 10 people were also arrested for looting in KwaZulu-Natal province, while a woman was arrested for assaulting a police officer and a man for "intimidation" following reports of a foreign national being beaten up, police said.

Businesses in central Durban, the main city in the province, were also shut.

Protesters handed over a memorandum listing their demands to government officials in Durban and Johannesburg.

The leader of anti-migrant group March and March, Jacinta Ngobese-Zuma, said they would protest every Thursday for the next six months to force the government to "get rid of" undocumented migrants who were still in South Africa.

A demonstrator - who is part of another anti-migrant group, Operation Dudula - told the BBC they would "push the police" to arrest foreigners who are not legally in the country.

President Cyril Ramaphosa met some of the protest leaders on the eve of Tuesday's marches to defuse tensions.

He has repeatedly warned demonstrators to act peacefully, while also accepting the need for immigration reforms.

OGBOJU ODE NINU IGBO IRUNMOLE

Fagunwa's first book was written in a bush, they thought he was a ghøst, his body was found with cap on his head 3 days after

A long interesting read👇

Daniel Olorunfemi Fagunwa wrote “Ogboju Ode ninu Igbo Irumole”, while serving as the Headmaster of St. Andrew’s Practising School, Oyo, from 1930 and 1939. In the course of writing the book, Fagunwa like a mystic, had to look for a bush path. He left Oyo town and moved towards Ibadan road and created a path, through a bush, to a very big tree, which was so huge, that one could not see sun-rays under the tree. He brought a small table, a chair and books underneath the tree, to begin writing his first novel.

He later realized that posite the bush path he created, there was a woman selling yam in a kiosk. He did not know that the woman was suspecting that he was not a human being. He used to come out of the bush to buy yam and returned there. The woman then contacted some hunters and villagers to search the bush. Fortunately, the period they came was when he had gone to buy yam, otherwise they would have searched the place and could have kïllēd him. He was returning to the bush after buying yam when those men stopped him.

They asked him where he was going and where he came from. He told them the story about himself. They asked: ”you say you are writing a book, is it in the bush that writers work?” They followed him inside the bush and behold, they saw a chair and table and books on the table. They asked him where he originated from, he told them that he was the Headmaster of St. Andrew’s Practicing School, Oyo, that was how they spared him.

When he finished writing the book and finding a publisher, he made £25 from which he prepared for the wedding to his first wife, bought a brand new bicycle, gramo phone with some records, iron bed, mattress and so many other things. He also hired a vehicle from Lagos, to bring him to Oyo with his luggage.

When he got to Oyo, his fiancée, surprised, asked him where he got money to buy these treasured items; and that was how the encouragement and inspiration to write further books started.

DEMISE

Fagunwa did not disappear as had been previously reported. He was returning from a business trip in Northern Nigeria, slept in Bida, and, the following morning, left because there was a river Wuya on the way, that had no bridge.

There, they had to take a ferry, conveying people and vehicles across the river. At the river bank, he told his driver, James, an Ibadan man, to wait, while he followed one path by the bank of the river. The driver shortly after Fagunwa left him, started hearing splashes of water, only to realize that Fagunwa had slipped by the river bank into the river.

Fagunwa’s body was discovered three days after. There was no scratch on his body when he was discovered the third day. He was found fresh, erect and was also still holding his eye glasses. His wrist watch and other accessories were intact. He still had his cap on his head. He still had his shoes on and also his complete agbada.

Fagunwa’s remains were buried at the cemetery of the St. Luke’s Anglican Church, Oke-Igbo- his home town on the 10th of December, 1963. His body did not disappear as was being speculated. He was from a Christian home.

Credit: Vanguard

THE EVIL OF MIKE OZHEKHOME

Mr Ozekhome was accused of forgery of documents including a passport and an irrevocable power of attorney to lay claim to to the London property.

He is also facing prosecuiton in Nigeria for forgery and other crimes regarding the scam.

In February, the Office of the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) re-arraigned Mr Ozekhome and Mr Useni’s son, Ponfa Useni, regarding their roles in London property scandal.

The defendants were re-arraigned on 12 charges of forgery and impersonation before the FCT High Court in Maitama, Abuja.

The re-arraignment followed an amendment of the charges initially filed against Mr Ozekhome as the sole defendant.

The amendment introduced Ponfa as the second defendant.

The LPPC, the body that confers the highly coveted SAN rank on accomplished lawyers, said Mr Ozekhome’s suspension from using the rank “is intended to safeguard the integrity, dignity, and prestige of the Rank of Senior Advocate of Nigeria while due consideration is given to the matters under review.”

It therefore directed Mr Ozekhome to refrain from parading himself, presenting himself, or otherwise holding himself out as a Senior Advocate of Nigeria pending the conclusion of the disciplinary proceedings.

The LPPC said it remains committed to upholding the highest standards of professional ethics, integrity and discipline within the legal profession.

It added that the rank of Senior Advocate of Nigeria must continue to command public confidence and respect.

The rank of SAN is the highest distinction conferred on legal practitioners in Nigeria. It is awarded annually to lawyers and academics who have distinguished themselves in legal practice, legal scholarship, and contributions to the development of the law.

The rank comes with a number of privileges, including a reserved seat in the “inner bar” of Nigerian courtrooms, priority attention to cases of the rank holder, special recognition during court sessions and formal events of the legal profession, and wearing of a special silk different from the regular gown of other lawyers.

The LPPC is the body responsible for the conferment of the SAN rank and the preservation of its dignity and integrity. The committee oversees the SAN selection process, considers petitions and complaints relating to the rank, and may suspend or withdraw the privilege in appropriate cases in accordance with its guidelines.

Background

The suspension comes amid ongoing disciplinary and criminal proceedings linked to a disputed property in London.

In September 2025, a UK property tribunal dismissed claims over a house at 79 Randall Avenue, North London, and found that the case before it was built on forged documents and impersonation. The tribunal rejected Mr Ozekhome’s claim that the property was transferred to him in 2021 by a man identified as Tali Shani.

Following the judgment, the Attorney General of the Federation, Lateef Fagbemi, announced that Nigerian authorities would examine the issues raised by the case.

PREMIUM TIMES reported that The Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission later opened an investigation, while criminal charges were subsequently filed against Mr Ozekhome over alleged forgery and use of false documents connected to the property dispute. Mr Ozekhome has denied wrongdoing.

PRESS RELEASE SUSPENSION OF CHIEF MIKE OZEKHOME FROM THE RANK OF | SENIOR ADVOCATE OF NIGERIA The Legal Practitioners’ Privileges Committee (LPPC), at its 173rd General Meeting held on 23 June 2026, approved the suspension of Chief Mike Ozekhome, from the Rank of Senior Advocate of Nigeria. This action was taken pursuant to Paragraph 26(6) of the Guidelines for the Conferment of the Rank of Senior Advocate of Nigeria and All Matters Pertaining to the Rank, pending the final determination of the disciplinary proceedings, presently before the Disciplinary and Ethics Sub-Committee of the LPPC and other proceedings. The suspension is intended to safeguard the integrity, dignity, and prestige of the Rank of Senior Advocate of Nigeria while due consideration is given to the matters under review. Accordingly, Chief Mike Ozekhome, shall refrain from parading himself, presenting himself, or otherwise holding himself out as a Senior Advocate of Nigeria pending the final determination of the disciplinary proceedings. The LPPC remains committed to upholding the highest standards of professional ethics, integrity, and discipline within the legal profession and to ensuring that the Rank of Senior Advocate of Nigeria continues to command public confidence and respect. j e a a of . an ; KABIR E. AKA +I, ESQ. Chief Registrar, Supreme Court of Nigeria Secretary, Legal Practitioners’ Privileges Committee.

On 23 August 2013, Ozekhome was kidnapped at the Ehor stretch of the Benin-Auchi Expressway, Nigeria, with his driver Chinedu. The abduction at Ehor led to the deaths of four policemen who attempted to intervene.

DID OBI ONYEJEKWE REALLY FATHER OLUSEGUN OBASANJO? A CRITICAL LOOK AT THE EVIDENCE

Every few years, the same claim returns to Nigerian social media:

"Olusegun Obasanjo is not truly Yoruba. 

He is the biological son of Obi Joseph Okwudili Onyejekwe of Onitsha."

The argument usually relies on photographs.

People point to similarities in facial structure, height, and appearance. 

Some even argue that the resemblance is too strong to be a coincidence.

But serious historical questions require more than photographs.

They require evidence.

Let's examine what we actually know.

FIRST: WHO WAS OBI JOSEPH OKWUDILI ONYEJEKWE?

Joseph Okwudili Onyejekwe was born in 1912 and later became Obi of Onitsha after a lengthy succession dispute that ended with his installation in 1962.

Before ascending the throne, he served in the colonial police service and was already a notable figure in Onitsha.

These facts are well documented.

SECOND: WHAT DO WE KNOW ABOUT OBASANJO'S FAMILY?

Olusegun Obasanjo was born in 1937 in Ogun State.

Historical accounts consistently identify his father as Amos Adigun Obasanjo Bankole, a member of the Owu community.

The Obasanjo family lineage, ancestral roots, and connections to Owu-Totoro have been publicly acknowledged for decades.

Importantly, no credible historical record, court proceeding, colonial document, family testimony, or academic publication has ever produced evidence linking Obi Onyejekwe to Obasanjo's birth.

Not one.

THIRD: WHAT EVIDENCE SUPPORTS THE RUMOR?

This is where the story becomes interesting.

Despite how widespread the claim is, the evidence presented is usually limited to:

Physical resemblance.

Social media speculation.

Unverified stories passed from one person to another.

There are no birth records.

There are no letters.

There are no official acknowledgments.

There are no contemporary witnesses whose claims have been independently verified.

In historical research, such evidence would not meet even the most basic standard of proof.

FOURTH: WHY DO PEOPLE BELIEVE IT?

Because human beings naturally search for patterns.

When two people share similar facial features, many assume there must be a family connection.

Yet history is full of unrelated individuals who look remarkably alike.

Physical resemblance alone has never been accepted as proof of parentage.

If it were, thousands of family histories around the world would have to be rewritten.

THE QUESTION CRITICAL THINKERS SHOULD ASK

If Obasanjo were truly the son of one of the most prominent royal figures associated with Onitsha, why has no verifiable evidence emerged after decades of public scrutiny?

Remember:

Obasanjo has been a military officer, Head of State, President, international diplomat, and one of the most studied political figures in Nigerian history.

His life has been examined by journalists, historians, political opponents, intelligence agencies, biographers, and researchers.

Yet no documented proof connecting him to Obi Onyejekwe has ever surfaced.

That does not automatically prove the rumor false.

But it does mean that extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence.

And so far, the evidence simply does not exist.

THE VERDICT

A photograph can raise a question.

A rumor can spark curiosity.

But history is not built on resemblance.

History is built on records, documents, witnesses, and verifiable facts.

Until credible evidence appears, the claim remains what it has always been:

An interesting story but not an established historical fact.

What is your view? 

Should physical resemblance be considered evidence, or should history rely only on documented facts?

Source: Heart 2 Heart With Sammy

HOW TO COMMIT THE PERFECT CRIME.

Former Minister of Petroleum Resources Diezani Alison-Madueke stole at least $2.5 billion from the country. Whistleblower allegations from former officials suggest up to $20 billion in state oil revenues vanished under her management.

Breaking News: Diezani Alison-Madueke: A Long Walk Through Pain, Trial and Vindication

On 17 June 2026, after years of investigation, legal battles and intense public scrutiny, a jury at Southwark Crown Court in London returned verdicts of not guilty on all charges against former Nigerian Minister of Petroleum Resources, Diezani Alison-Madueke. The trial, which lasted several months and followed more than a decade of investigations, has finally come to an end. (Reuters⁠)

The case was heard at Southwark Crown Court, London. During the proceedings, the prosecution, acting on behalf of the Crown Prosecution Service, alleged that Mrs. Alison-Madueke accepted benefits, gifts, luxury accommodation and other advantages from individuals connected to the oil and gas industry in exchange for influence over oil and gas contracts. She faced five counts of accepting bribes and one count of conspiracy to commit bribery. (London South East⁠)

Her lead defence counsel, Jonathan Laidlaw KC, vigorously challenged the allegations. He argued that Mrs. Alison-Madueke did not possess the unilateral authority to award contracts and was, in many instances, acting on official recommendations and established governmental procedures. He further argued that purchases made on her behalf were reimbursed and that Nigerian ministers were prohibited from maintaining foreign bank accounts. Most importantly, Mrs. Alison-Madueke consistently maintained before the court that she never asked for, sought, or accepted bribes of any kind. (London South East⁠)

The jury carefully considered the evidence over many months. After extensive deliberations, they found her not guilty on all charges. That verdict must be respected, whether one agrees with it or not. In every democratic society governed by the rule of law, the judgment of a competent court and jury deserves acceptance. (Reuters⁠)

Beyond the legal arguments lies a human story.

For more than ten years, Diezani Alison-Madueke lived under the shadow of criminal allegations. Her movements were severely restricted. She endured prolonged legal uncertainty, public criticism, and the emotional burden of defending her name in a foreign country. During this difficult period, she battled cancer and faced the pain of separation from family and loved ones. There were important family moments she could not attend and personal losses she could not properly mourn.

Regardless of where one stands on the politics surrounding her case, no fair-minded person can deny that ten years under investigation and legal restrictions is a heavy burden for any human being to bear.

Many Nigerians remember Diezani not only as a defendant in a courtroom but also as a public servant who occupied one of the most strategic offices in the country. Before entering government, she had a distinguished career in the oil industry, including senior executive responsibilities with Shell. As Minister of Petroleum Resources, she served during a period when Nigeria’s crude oil production exceeded two million barrels per day. She also became the first female President of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), representing Nigeria on the global stage and helping project the country’s influence in international energy affairs. The period also witnessed reforms that strengthened local participation in the petroleum sector and contributed to the growth of the Nigerian Content Development and Monitoring Board (NCDMB).

History will continue to debate her tenure. That is the nature of public service. But history should also record that she devoted significant years of her life to the Nigerian petroleum industry and to Nigeria’s international standing.

I also wish to acknowledge President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for allowing the judicial process in the United Kingdom to run its course without interference. The independence of the courts is a cornerstone of democracy. The President neither sought to influence the proceedings nor prejudge the outcome. He allowed the legal system to do its work and respected the sovereignty of the British judicial process.

As Nigerians, we must now demonstrate the maturity to accept the verdict. The jury has spoken. The court has delivered its judgment. The rule of law demands respect for that outcome.

This is therefore a moment not for bitterness but for reflection. We should learn the lessons of this long and difficult chapter. We should recognize the human cost of prolonged legal battles. And we should allow healing to begin.

Diezani Alison-Madueke has endured a decade of scrutiny, restriction, illness, separation and uncertainty. In many respects, those years amounted to a punishment in themselves.

My appeal is simple: let us put aside hatred and division. Let us allow her to return home in peace. Let her heal from the wounds of the past decade. Let her reconnect with family and loved ones. Let her contribute, in whatever way she can, to the progress and development of Nigeria.

The trial is over.

The verdict has been delivered.

It is time for healing, reconciliation and national reflection.

THE ART OF A USELESS DEAL

The agreement between Iran and the US lays out the terms of the ceasefire between the bitter rivals, the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, some financial relief for Iran and a reiteration from Tehran that it will never produce a nuclear weapon, according to a copy of the text obtained by CNN.

The 14-point memorandum of understanding has not yet been officially released but a copy of it was obtained by CNN from a US official. A diplomat who saw it at the G7 summit in France this week confirmed its contents, as did two other diplomatic sources with knowledge of negotiations.

Under the agreement, the US will allow Iran to sell its oil and petrochemical products, and Tehran may be able to tap into a $300 billion development fund if it meets commitments related to its nuclear program in further negotiations. The document does not include specifics on what will become of Iran’s highly enriched uranium.

The US official told CNN that the text reflects the agreement signed digitally by President Donald Trump, Vice President JD Vance and Iranian parliamentary speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf on Sunday. However, given both the US and Iranians’ secrecy around the language, it remains unclear whether the draft text shared with CNN will reflect the exact wording of the final document due to be signed in person on Friday in Switzerland. Technical details are also being finalized so the wording could still shift.

Speaking to CNN, US officials have downplayed the significance of the memo itself, calling it a “political document” that does not reflect critical back-channel commitments Iran has made to the US, specifically on the future of Tehran’s nuclear program. The White House did not respond to a request for comment when presented with the draft obtained by CNN. The semi-official Iranian news agency Tasnim described leaked versions of the draft as inaccurate. Bloomberg earlier published a version of the draft.

The Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States, together with their allies in the current war, declare upon the signing of this Memorandum of Understanding an immediate and permanent end to the war on all fronts, including Lebanon, and undertake that from now on they will not launch any hostile action against each other, and will refrain from the threat or use of force against each other. The final agreement will confirm the provisions of this Article and the remaining Articles.

The Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States undertake to respect each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and to refrain from interfering in each other’s internal affairs.

The Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States undertake to negotiate and reach a final agreement within a maximum period of 60 days, extendable by mutual consent.

Immediately upon the signing of this Memorandum of Understanding, the United States lift the naval blockade and prevent any interference or obstruction against the Islamic Republic of Iran, and restore traffic within a maximum of 30 days to its full capacity; the traffic of ships shall be proportional to the pre-war volume of traffic on the part of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The United States also undertakes to withdraw its forces from the surrounding areas within 30 days after the final agreement.

Upon signing this Memorandum of Understanding, the Islamic Republic of Iran will immediately take steps to ensure that the movement of merchant ships from the Persian Gulf to the Sea of Oman and vice versa is resumed within 30 days to the pre-war volume, taking into account the need for the removal of technical obstacles and the neutralization of mines by Iran.

The United States undertakes, together with its regional partners, to create a comprehensive plan agreed upon by both parties for the rehabilitation and economic development of the Islamic Republic of Iran, while ensuring financing of at least $300 billion. The implementation mechanism of this plan, as part of the final agreement, will be formulated within 60 days.

The United States commits to ending, on a schedule to be agreed upon as part of the final agreement, all types of sanctions currently facing the Islamic Republic of Iran, including resolutions of the United Nations Security Council and the Board of Governors of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), and all unilateral U.S. sanctions, both primary and secondary.

The Islamic Republic of Iran reiterates that it will never produce nuclear weapons. The Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States have agreed that the fate of enriched material and the fate of all other mutually agreed nuclear-related issues, including Iran’s nuclear needs, will be adequately addressed in a final agreement; the final agreement will confirm the provisions of this Article.

The Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States agree that, pending a final agreement, they will maintain the status quo: Iran will maintain the status quo on its nuclear program, and the United States will not impose new sanctions on Iran or strengthen its forces in the region.

The United States undertakes that immediately after the signing of this Memorandum of Understanding, and until the date of the lifting of sanctions, the United States Treasury Department will issue waivers for exports of Iranian crude oil, petrochemical products and their derivatives, and all related services, including banking, insurance, transportation, and the like.

The United States undertakes that, in light of the progress of negotiations towards a final agreement, frozen or restricted funds and assets of the Islamic Republic of Iran will be released and made fully available. These funds, whether held in the master account or transferred, will be used for any final beneficiary payment determined by the Central Bank of the Islamic Republic of Iran and will be fully available for use. The United States undertakes to issue all necessary permits and licenses on this basis.

The Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States agree that an implementation mechanism will be established to oversee the successful implementation of and future commitment to the Final Agreement.

Following the signing of this Memorandum of Understanding, and upon receipt of assurances regarding the commencement of implementation of Articles 4, 5, 10, and 11 of this Memorandum of Understanding, and the continued implementation of these steps, the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States will enter into negotiations for a Final Agreement solely with respect to the remaining Articles.

The final agreement will be approved through a binding resolution of the UN Security Council.

AFRICAN ARCHERS DEFEAT OF EURASIANS

Archery in Africa played crucial roles in resistance against both internal and external threats. In Southern Africa, the Khoikhoi utilized composite bows to resist Dutch colonizers in the 17th century, employing ambush tactics to challenge colonial forces (Eloff, 2016). Similarly, Xhosa archers were instrumental during the Xhosa Wars of the 19th century, using their extensive knowledge of local terrain to delay British expansion (Davenport & Saunders, 2016). The Zulu Kingdom further integrated archery into its military tactics during the Anglo-Zulu War (1879). While renowned for the assegai, Zulu archers contributed significantly to their initial victories, particularly at Isandlwana, by leveraging mobility and surprise (Hamilton, 2020). The Ndebele Kingdom, led by King Mzilikazi, also featured proficient archers who employed ambush tactics to resist British encroachments despite eventual colonization (Khumalo, 2019).

In East Africa, the Kingdom of Aksum demonstrated effective archery against invasions from the Persian Empire around the 4th century AD, utilizing archery tactics that allowed them to successfully repel these threats (Hassan, 2021). During the Battle of Adwa in 1896, Ethiopian forces under Emperor Menelik II achieved a historic victory against Italian colonial forces. While infantry and cavalry strategies garnered attention, Ethiopian archers were critical in executing hit-and-run tactics that helped maintain sovereignty (Kassaye, 2018). The Kingdom of Buganda, in modern Uganda, also resisted British colonization in the late 19th century through skilled archers who employed guerrilla tactics against colonial forces (Mamdani, 2018). Central Africa saw similar dynamics, as the Luba Kingdom utilized archery effectively against colonial forces, employing ambush techniques to fend off initial incursions (Vansina, 2022). The Ashanti Empire in contemporary Ghana showcased resistance during the Ashanti Wars, where skilled archers played pivotal roles, particularly at the Battle of Nsamankow in 1874 (Rivkin, 2019).

In West Africa, Oyo Empire, a powerful Yoruba state, effectively employed archery in military campaigns and hunting, with horse-mounted archers executing swift tactical strikes (Akintoye, 2020). The Dahomey Kingdom, notable for its female warriors, the Amazons, also featured skilled archers who played key roles in resisting French colonization through effective ambush tactics during the Battle of Dahomey in 1892 (Adovelande, 2016). Similarly, the Mandinke peoples utilized archery in the 19th-century resistance against French expansion, employing hit-and-run tactics to challenge colonial forces (Blyden, 2017). In North Africa, Nubian archers from ancient Sudan were notable for their exceptional defensive capabilities against Roman and Arab invasions, particularly during the Battle of Dongola in 652 AD, inflicting heavy casualties (El-Tobgi, 2021). The Kushite Queen Amanirenas successfully led her forces against Roman advances in the 1st century BC, employing archers to exploit the Nile Valley's terrain for ambushes (Kemet, 2023).

References

El-Tobgi, M. (2021). Nubian Archers: Defensive Capability against Roman and Arab Invasions. Journal of Ancient African History, 19(1), 60-73.

Hamilton, J. (2020). The Zulu Kingdom and the Anglo-Zulu War: The Role of Archery in Military Strategy. Military History Journal, 15(3), 45-63.

Rivkin, G. (2019). The Ashanti Wars: Archery in Defense of the Empire. Ghanaian History Review, 20(3), 123-138.

Blyden, E. (2017). The Mandinke Resistance: Archery Tactics against French Colonial Expansion. Journal of African Studies, 14(2), 32-47.

Adovelande, A. (2016). The Dahomey Kingdom's Amazons: Female Warriors and Archery. West African History Review, 23(1), 88-102.

#Africa #BlackHistory #African #World

TEXT OF PRESIDENT BOLA AHMED TINUBU’S DEMOCRACY DAY ADDRESS ON FRIDAY, JUNE 12, 2026

The generation of June 12 secured democracy. Our generation must secure prosperity.

Fellow Nigerians

Today, we celebrate democracy and the enduring Nigerian spirit. For 27 unbroken years, since May 29, 1999, Nigerians have chosen their leaders through the ballot, witnessed peaceful transitions of power, and resolved disagreements in courtrooms and legislative chambers—not through violence. We have experienced the longest stretch of civilian rule in our history. Our democracy is not perfect, but it is ours, and we must continue to defend and strengthen it.

In the coming days, Ekiti and Osun States will hold elections. I urge INEC, security agencies, and all parties to ensure these polls are peaceful and credible. Democracy fails when citizens doubt the process. To our National Assembly, Judiciary, the Press, and Civil Society: you are the guardrails of our republic. Criticise me, disagree with me, but never stop believing in Nigeria.

To our young people: Nigeria is your home and your future. Build here, code here, work here, and vote here. Every great nation was built by those who stayed to solve problems, not by those who abandoned ship.

To our armed forces, police, and intelligence services: Nigeria salutes your sacrifice. To our traditional rulers, faith leaders, and community heads: thank you for your support of peace and reconciliation. The government cannot do it alone.

Today, we honour the resilience of Nigerians who refused to surrender their faith in freedom, and the courage of those who stood firm against intimidation. We pay tribute to patriots who endured persecution, imprisonment, exile, and even death so that future generations could enjoy democracy. I salute labour leaders, journalists, activists, students, women, professionals, political leaders, and soldiers—both those who have passed and those still with us—for their patriotic contributions.

Though this year’s mood is dampened by the abduction of our children in Oyo and Borno, we remain hopeful for their safe return. Democracy without security is not solid enough. That is why this administration declared a security emergency and approved the recruitment of more than 50,000 new police officers and thousands of military recruits. Our 2026 budget commits N5.41 trillion—our largest ever—to defence and security. Our administration is ever ready to do much more to secure our people.

We have moved from training with our allies, the United States, France and other European countries,  to precision targeting. In Arege, Borno State, we degraded ISWAP’s command centre. Terror-related deaths are down by 81% since 2015. Over 13,000 terrorists have been neutralised in the past year. But we also keep the door of surrender open. Over 124,000 fighters and dependents have laid down their arms since 2023 through Operation Safe Corridor.

To bandits, kidnappers, and sponsors of terror: Surrender or face the full force of the Nigerian State. These windows of surrender will not remain open forever. No mercy will be shown to those who trade in the blood of Nigerians.

At a time like this, let us not assign blame or point fingers. Crime has no ethnicity. We must stand united and be assured that the enemies of our nation shall soon be history. We will triumph over terror and continue to build a more prosperous nation.

June 12 occupies a sacred place in our national memory. It represents more than an election; it is a defining chapter in our story. We remember Chief M.K.O. Abiola, who won a pan-Nigerian mandate transcending ethnicity and religion. We remember Alhaja Kudirat Abiola.

We also remember Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Chief Bola Ige, Chief Alfred Rewane, Pa Abraham Adesanya, Chief Anthony Enahoro, Alhaji Balarabe Musa, Commodore Dan Suleiman, Dr Beko Ransome-Kuti, Frank Kokori, Arthur Nwankwo, Chima Ubani, Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, and the many other heroes and heroines of democracy whose sacrifices helped secure the freedoms we enjoy today.

As beneficiaries of their struggle, we have a duty to strengthen and deepen the democratic institutions for which they fought. The greatest tribute we can pay is to build a Nigeria where freedom is protected, justice is upheld, opportunity is expanded, and government is accountable.

June 12, 1993, revealed the possibility of a true Nigerian nation. The heroes of June 12 secured political freedom. Our challenge is to secure economic freedom. Democracy must be felt in the quality of people’s lives—in opportunities for youth, in prosperous farmers, successful entrepreneurs, and the dignity of our workers.

The reforms we are undertaking were not chosen for ease, but for necessity. Three years ago, our public finances were under severe strain, investment was discouraged, and economic uncertainty threatened our future. We chose to act, embracing reforms to advance Nigeria’s economic freedom.

Since 2023, our reforms have restored stability and credibility to economic management. Federation revenues have risen, providing states and local governments with more resources for infrastructure, education, healthcare, and security. Fiscal transparency has improved, leakage has been reduced, and public funds are better directed to national priorities. Investor confidence has returned, with investments in agriculture, energy, manufacturing, technology, mining, transportation, and the creative industries growing.

Domestic refining capacity has increased, strengthening energy security and reducing our reliance on imported petroleum products.

By 2023, when we came on board, the electricity sector was characterised by chronic generation shortfalls, an unreliable gas supply, and transmission infrastructure so fragile that it could not evacuate available power. Distribution companies were burdened by massive losses and a metering deficit of over four million. Worst of all, the value chain was drowning in legacy debt. The result was a sector that generated less than the 13,500 Megawatts installed capacity, a sector that transmitted less than it generated, distributed less than it transmitted and collected revenue far below what it needed to sustain itself.

To address the problems besetting the sector, I signed the Electricity Act, which grants states authority to generate, transmit, and distribute power. The Presidential Power Sector Task Force is working hard to reduce the metering deficit. It has also been authorised to raise N4 trillion bond to settle verified legacy debts. The Rural Electrification Agency, supported by the World Bank and the African Development Bank, has deployed off-grid and mini-grid power to underserved communities, universities, markets, and hospitals. Electricity is a democratic dividend we owe every Nigerian. We intend to deliver it.

Across the country, infrastructure projects are connecting producers to markets and creating opportunities for enterprise and employment. The National Agricultural Development Fund is deploying 10,000 tractors over five years. Over 1,000 SMEs have been certified for export. Non-oil exports grew by 21% last year.

Yet, many Nigerians still face economic hardship. We remain focused on reducing inflation, expanding food production, creating jobs, improving living standards, rebuilding confidence in our economy, and creating conditions for sustainable prosperity.

We are moving from uncertainty to stability. The next phase is about accelerating growth and ensuring the benefits are felt in every home, every community, and every region. We believe that Democracy must be felt in the pocket.

Recognising that democracy is undermined when people do not feel its impact, my administration has sought financial autonomy for our 774 local councils. A fundamental challenge to our nation’s advancement has been ineffective local government administration. The insecurity we are addressing is partly due to the collapse of grassroots governance. The Renewed Hope Agenda is about ensuring that all Nigerians benefit from governance.

Every generation has a defining responsibility. The generation of our founding fathers secured independence—the generation of June 12 secured democracy. Our generation must secure prosperity.

Let us move forward together—rejecting division, cynicism, and despair; embracing unity, hope, and confidence. Let us build a Nigeria united by a common purpose, strengthened by diversity, where justice is accessible, liberty is secure, and opportunity is abundant.

Among the architects of modern democratic Nigeria, we honour General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua for his vision of national partnership. In recognition of his contributions, the Federal Government has approved the revitalisation and renaming of the completed Institute of Petroleum Studies, Kaduna, as the General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua University of Geological Sciences and Engineering Technology.

I am also pleased to announce national awards to the following Nigerians, who suffered persecution, endured indignities, exile, incarceration, and, at times, solitary confinement, so that we have democracy today.

Barrister Ayoka Lawani

Tunde Fagbenle

Oladele Alake

Olatunji Bello

Louis Odion

Segun Babatope

Sam Omatseye

Sir Ademola Osinubi

Bola Bolawole

Lade Bonuola

Femi Kusa

Debo Adeniran

Chief Ayo Opadokun

Chief Ralph Obiora

Ose Osayande

Barrister Osa Director

Prof. Sylvester Odion-Akhaine

Dr Arthur Nwankwo (Posthumous)

Dr Osagie Obayuwana

Dr Joe Okei-Odumakin

Barrister Titus Mann

Joe Igbokwe

Richard Akinnola

Ben Charles-Obi (Posthumous)

George Mbah

Dr Niran Malaolu

Major-General Ishola Williams (rtd)

Femi Aborisade

Jenkins Alumona

Gbemiga Ogunleye

Muyiwa Adekeye

Babajide Kolade-Otitoju

Ike Okonta

We also recognise the soldier-democrats of the June 12 struggle:

Major General MA Garba

Brigadier General Lawal Jaafaru Isa

Col Umar Farouk Ahmed;

Col Sambo Dasuki;

Col Lawan Gwadabe;

Brigadier Jonathan Ndam Temlong

Col Musa Shehu;

Major General Chris Eze;

Major General Harris Dzarma;

Col Isa Jibrin;

Maj. General Joseph Oshanupin;

Col Olusegun Oloruntoba, Olugbede of Gbede Kingdom)

Lieutenant Colonel Happy Kefas Bulus

Col J Okai;

Col Emmanuel Ndubueze;

Lt Col Yakubu Muazu

Brigadier Yahaya Abubakar, the Current Etsu Nupe, who is already the holder of the CFR title.

The honours list will be released in the next few days.

Fellow Nigerians, 27 years ago, many doubted democracy would survive here because of our diversity. Today, our diversity sustains our democracy. The road ahead is steep. But June 12 reminds us: Nigerians do not break. We bend, we bleed, but we do not break.

Let us renew our covenant: That the labours of our heroes past shall never be in vain, and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from this land.

May God bless the heroes of our democracy. May God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria. May God continue to bless us all.

Happy Democracy Day.

BOLA AHMED TINUBU, GCFR

President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces

Federal Republic of Nigeria

🚨 NIGERIA IS BLEEDING!

NSCDC Mining Marshals Commander Accuses Police FID of Plotting to Eliminate Him Over Crackdown on Illegal Chinese Miners!

If you want to know why Nigeria is stuck in a cycle of poverty despite being sitting on trillions of dollars in mineral wealth, LOOK NO FURTHER.

The absolute rot, institutional betrayal, and shameless corruption in our security agencies have just been blown wide open, and it will make your blood boil.

In a shocking, high-stakes showdown that reads like a political thriller, the Commander of the elite NSCDC Mining Marshals, Attah John Onoja, has thrown down a massive gauntlet. He has officially petitioned Inspector-General of Police (IGP) Olatunji Rilwan Disu, accusing a rogue unit within the Nigeria Police Force Intelligence Department (FID) — specifically "Team N" led by CSP Abdulmajeed Abisoye Oyewumi — of launching a malicious campaign to cripple his unit, arrest his management team, and cover up for foreign illegal miners!

This is not a joke. This is our national commonwealth being stolen while security agencies are allegedly fighting a proxy war on behalf of cartels.

The Allegation: Sponsoring Police to Attack Nigerian Officers?

According to explosive reports, Commander Onoja didn’t mince words. He openly alleged that foreign nationals (specifically Chinese miners) whose massive illegal operations were shut down in Nasarawa State are actively bankrolling police elements to destroy the Mining Marshals!  

"We have it on good authority that the Chinese men whose illegal mining site was shut down in Nasarawa State are the ones bankrolling CSP Abdulmajeed Abisoye Oyewumi for this blackmail," Onoja revealed. "The real players in the background... are the foreign nationals that are united as common enemies against the Mining Marshals." 

Think about that for a second. While young, patriotic Nigerians are putting their lives on the line to protect our lithium, gold, and solid minerals, foreign syndicates are allegedly using our own police force to hunt them down.

The "₦2 Billion" Smear Campaign Exposed

The clash reached a boiling point after the tragic death of a Mining Marshal operative, Guard Commander Agada Levi, who was killed in the line of duty.  

Instead of helping find the real killers, the Police FID allegedly hijacked the tragedy. A viral report suddenly surfaced claiming the police arrested three NSCDC officers and traced over ₦2 Billion to a suspect's bank account.

But Commander Onoja just pulled the receipts and completely humiliated the narrative.

Onoja released the actual Zenith Bank statement of the accused officer, Jibrin Labaran. The total amount in the account? Less than ₦1 million (₦760,457.25 to be exact)—which is just his official salary!  

The police allegedly fabricated a ₦2 billion lie out of thin air just to brand the anti-illegal mining unit as corrupt, turn the public against them, and justify arresting their top leadership.

Armed Clashes: Police vs. Civil Defence

This isn't just a war of words; it has been physical and violent:

April 2025: FID police operatives allegedly clashed violently with Mining Marshals at a site in Nasarawa.  

February 2026: Another violent confrontation broke out between the two agencies in Ondo State.  

The Ultimate Disgrace: Commander Onoja revealed that police officers actually accompanied Chinese miners to a residential estate to try and arrest the Mining Marshals' lead prosecution lawyer! It took local soldiers standing guard at the estate to block the police and their foreign handlers from abducting the lawyer. 

While bandits, terrorists, and kidnappers are making life a living hell for Nigerians, a heavily armed police unit is allegedly spending its time escorting illegal foreign miners to harass Nigerian government lawyers. Let that sink in.

TIME TO SOUND OFF: LET THE RAGE LOOSE IN THE COMMENTS! 

This is a national embarrassment of the highest order. Our resources are being pillaged, and our institutions are fighting each other for the crumbs dropped by foreign cartels.

We want to hear from you. Do not hold back:

How does it make you feel to see the Nigeria Police Force being accused of acting as a "security guard" and hit-squad for illegal Chinese miners against fellow Nigerian officers?

Where is the President? If President Tinubu’s "Renewed Hope" agenda is real, why are rogue elements allowed to sabotage the Ministry of Solid Minerals like this?

What should be the punishment for any security official found guilty of selling out Nigeria’s economic survival to foreign looters?

This topic affects your future, your economy, and your country. Drop your comments below and share this everywhere until the authorities act!

The Governor Who Told The President: "You Are Not Welcome Here."

Nigeria's Second Republic.

1980.

President Shehu Shagari — leader of the most powerful civilian government Nigeria had seen boarded his presidential jet and flew to Bendel State on an official visit.

He landed at Benin Airport.

And found — nothing.

The Governor had declared a public holiday and asked everybody to stay indoors. Shagari arrived to an empty airport and empty streets — and asked rhetorically: "Where are my people?"  

His people were not there.

Because the Governor of Bendel State had sent them home.

That governor was Professor Ambrose Folorunso Alli.

And this is his story.

Who Was Ambrose Alli?

Born September 22, 1929 in Idoani, Ondo State. A Nigerian medical professor. The first civilian Executive Governor of Bendel State — now divided into Edo and Delta States.

He was not a career politician.

He was a professor of morbid anatomy.

A head of department at the University of Benin.

A man who believed that education could transform a people.

He was also a member of the constituent assembly that drafted the 1978 Nigerian Constitution.  

When he ran for governor in 1979 on the platform of Awolowo's Unity Party of Nigeria, he made promises most Nigerian politicians would never dare to make.

He promised citizens free education at all levels, free medical services, full employment and rural development.  

And then — remarkably he tried to keep them.

What He Built

After he was sworn in as governor, Alli declared education free for primary and secondary schools in Bendel State. Children received free books, biros, mathematical sets and special pencils. At every independence celebration and children's day, every child in Bendel State had a free meal of rice and stew with meat. 

He established over 600 new secondary schools and abolished secondary school fees. 

He established colleges of education in Ekiadolor, Agbor, Warri and Ozoro. Three polytechnics. Four teachers training colleges. And abolished charges for services and drugs at state-owned hospitals.  

And at the crown of it all, Bendel State University, Ekpoma.

Founded in 1981.

Later renamed, Ambrose Alli University — in his honour.

A governor who wore sandals to work because he was too busy governing to shop for shoes.

History recorded that detail.

It tells you everything about the man.

But There Was A Problem.

To build all of this — Alli needed money.

And the money was being held by the federal government.

Governor, Alli challenged President Shagari's federal government to declare openly the revenue generated in the Federation Account and how it was being shared. He took the federal government to court on the matter.

This was radical. Dangerous. Unprecedented.

An opposition governor, from an oil-producing state dragging the president to the Supreme Court over money that belonged to his people.

And one of the most remarkable things that happened was that the Governor of Rivers State, Melford Okilo, who belonged to Shagari's own ruling NPN party — joined Alli's case against his own president.  

Because when it came to Niger Delta oil money, party loyalty had its limits.

And Then Came The Presidential Visit.

Alli announced publicly that the President was not welcome in Bendel State. The police barricaded the airport doors preventing crowds from reaching the presidential jet.  

The Governor declared a public holiday. Asked everyone to stay indoors. Shagari arrived to empty streets and an empty airport and asked: "Where are my people?" 

In the end after the initial standoff — Shagari calmly sat in dignity, smiling and waving to his supporters. He proceeded to Government House where Governor Alli was waiting to receive him. 

Two powerful men.

One federal government.

One state government.

One explosive meeting.

The End And The Injustice That Followed

On December 31, 1983 — the military ended Nigeria's Second Republic.

Alli was arrested.

He was sentenced to 100 years in prison by a military tribunal for allegedly misappropriating ₦983,000 meant for a road project. 

The man who built 600 schools.

Who fed every child on independence day.

Who took the president to court for his people's money.

Sentenced to 100 years.

He was eventually released. But the damage was done.

Professor Ambrose Folorunso Alli died on September 22, 1989, his own 60th birthday at the Lagos University Teaching Hospital.  

He died on the same day he was born.

As if life itself chose the date.

Decades after his death, he was granted a presidential pardon.

His family rejected it.

"He was never guilty of anything," his son Andrew said.

"Other than giving his all to improve the lot of the people."

Professor Ambrose Folorunso Alli.

September 22, 1929 — September 22, 1989.

He told a sitting president he was not welcome.

He built 600 schools.

He fed children on independence day.

He wore sandals to Government House.

He died on his birthday.

And Nigeria sentenced him to 100 years for it.

This is the Nigeria Untold story.

The men who gave everything and got injustice in return.

Have you heard of Professor Ambrose Alli before today? What does his story tell us about Nigeria's treatment of its best leaders? Drop your thoughts below. 

Share this because His name deserves to be in every Nigerian history book.

OGBONI, ALL THAT IS IN SECRECY

As it was all over the globe in the early times, creation of secret cult was a norm. These cults were created as deemed fit of society. Italian scientists, led by Galileo, created Illuminati. Americans till date has Masons.Yorùbá were not left out, they had Ogboni, the longest, most enduring and apex of ancient Brotherhood recognised all over Yorùbá lands. Time of creation remains unknown, due to its longetivity and the fact that Africans had no written documents.

Futhermore, no one can authoritatively beat chest and he knows all that’s happening there, without being a member. Yet, all that’s known of them is faithfully present thus:

In the olden days, Ogboni members were collections of elderly people in the Community. In fact, anyone less than 50 years old were not considered eligible members. And there seem to be little or no difference among the Cult chiefs and the chiefs in the Community.

These chiefs held jurisdictional powers over the king. They advised, mediated, sanctioned king. Not only these, they had the power to dethrone king. Or, at worst, tell him to go “open the calabash.”

The secret behind this “open of calabash” was: whenever the Community felt itself uder pressures and or duress due to the reign of a king, they simply put ‘oodẹ’ bird’s eggs inside calabash as aroko (symbological message) to the reigning king. Once the later saw this, he knew what it meant: death.

Second mode of was, they asked the king to go “open and look inside the ancestrial crown.”

Remember, the legendary tussle between Bashọrun Gaa and Àlàáfín Abiọdun Adegorolu? It’s Gaa who incited other Ọ̀yọ́mesi against Àlàáfín Labisi, Awonbioju, Agboluaje and Majeogbe.They all commited suicide.

Ogboni was so powerful that, the Yorùbá people turned it to an axiom: “ọ fẹ́ jẹ ọba, ọọ ṣe Ogboni, olúwa rẹ yí o se ẹ̀mí ara rẹ lofo (You simply want to waste your life if you want to be king and not initiated into Ogboni Fraternity).

Even till date, powerful chieftainship titles in Ọ̀yọ́ lands, Ẹgbà, Ìjẹ̀bú, etc (such as Olúwo, Asipa, Apena) had Ogboni background.

*However, the Cult has been bowed to the revolution of time in recency. For instance:*

(1). It’s now open to both the young and old.

(2). All forms of anarchism had been rectified in their laws.

(3). It’s being populated by politicians, musicians, business mogul.

(4). it’s now an inter-religious Cult.

The 3rd point above reminds one case of one famous, old-day Yorùbá on whose 8th day Prayer the Ogboni came to claim the corpse.They simply told the Alfas that the cadaver belonged to them. Same was the case of a popular young gospeler whose corpse was being fought over by his family on one part and secret society on the other.

The 4th point brings to mind inter alia words one Ogboni bigwig who said there are people of heirachy in the Fraternity, regardless of (facade) religions they represent to the outside world.

THE CULT MEETING:

Ogboni meetings hold every 17 days (ọjọ́ mẹ́tadínlógún). Though days of meeting in every community (may) differ; it’s tradition meetings hold has 16 days interval. Except for emergencies.

On the morning of the meeting, Chief Asipa (someone already designated with the chieftainship) would go and beat the sacred drum (àgbá) in Ilédi (the initiated coven. the full appelation being, Ilédi [àwọn ọmọ] àwo). By thus doing, all the members will be notified that they have meeting on that day.

Responsibilities of the meeting session is rotational among members of the cult. Someone who paid all the expenses for today’s meeting may not be responsible for another for years; depending on numbers of the members.

Chief of these responsibilities being, organization of what the members will feast on (being financial implication). Such as ekuru (beans pudding), oolẹ/moin-moin and ẹ̀kọ (corn meal). Sometimes, they may pound yam, with lots of meat and fish. Kola and bitter nuts are inclusive. But, Palm wine is the only accepted drink.

MOTHER BATH’ – ANNUAL RITUALS:

This takes place yearly. It starts with making spiritual enquiry from Ọrunmila about which date to choose on which ‘Mother’ would have her bath.

This is merely bathing of woodeen effigy of Ìyá Abẹni l’Óòtu Ìfẹ́. Aji má jẹ́ nkan tó leègun. Ìyá mi Abẹni tí jagun tí ẹ tíì m’òkè. Afinju Ìyá tíì so kujikuji mon ọwọ.

To bath ‘Mother’, they use leaves such as ọgbọ́, òtítọ́, ọdúndun, tẹ̀tẹ̀, ṣẹfunfun, shea butter and omi ìgbín. They sqeeze these leaves together, add shea butter and palm oil.

They now bring ‘Mother’ out and bath her with all these. Afterward, they ask ‘Her’ whatever they want for the coming year: health, wealth, children, etc.

When the Ritual bath is done, they start the Annual Celebration.They eat the food mentioned above. This celebration continue for 3 days after which they return ‘Mother’ to Òkè.Till next year. This, however, doesn’t stop the meetings.

I must admit I removed and obstruct some details here, for secrecy and not very sure about them. Better remove than tell what’s not.

THE DRESS CODE:

Whenever they are going to the Meeting or some important social meeting, Ogboni members’ dress code is always distinct.

While going to Meeting, they would wear white trousers, have another piece wrapped on their chest and wear one large hat.After this, they would have another piece put on shoulders. This last cloth is like the one priests put on shoulders. Then they would complement it with their staff.This staff is very noticeable and prominent. Reason being it has different statues engraved on its head.

These statues, however, make people have misconception that Ogboni members worship these statues.What difference it make to outsiders, who know them as idolaters; i.e worship of Abẹni statue?

If it’s some important social gathering, they would neither wear the white trousers, wrap the cloth piece on chest nor wear the large hat, but after they have dressed up they mustn’t forget the ‘topper’ cloth mentioned earlier, like the priests.This topper piece is the symbol of identity.

Also, it is a must that Ogboni members put red bead on the left hand. This is very, very essential. I repeat, very essential.

HOW THEY GREET ONE ANOTHER:

By greeting they are known. If Mr. A sees Mr. B but Mr. B doesn’t see him, Mr. A would shout “ọmọ ìyá (my sibling)”.Once Mr. B hears that he would naturally look Mr. A’s direction and shout same greeting.And when they meet, they shake the left hands. There are some other words of greeting in this ancient brotherhood.

“What is known about Ogboni hands is their famous handshake.When they handshake,they use their left hand to do this. You should also say the following words: Ta ba fẹ bá ọwọ Ogboni, ọwọ osi la na, a na kan siwaju, a na kan saarin.Why do they use left hand? It’s simple! According to their belief – the left hand is for gods,and the right hand is for humans.”

“Ọmọ Ìyá”, bastardized “child of (same) mother (as me)” obviously refers to goddess Abẹni whose wodden effigy they worship.

AT MEETING:

When a newcomer wants to come into the Iledi Awo before or during meeting he would knock the door thrice. Those inside would answer:

Question: Taní nkan’lẹ̀kùn (who is knocking?)

Answer: Emi olùkan ni (it is I the knocker)

Question: Kíni o fi ń kan (with what are you knocking)?

Answer: Eku méjì oluwere (two rats of swift rapidity)

Question: Kíni ó tun fi ń kan (what else)?

Answer: Ẹja méjì olùgbàda (two sacredized fish)

Question: Kíni ó tun fi ń kan (what else)?

Answer: Ògbùúrú aṣọ funfun (large piece of white cloth/garment)

Question: Kíni ó tun fi ń kan (what else)?

Answer: Ogbó ni mo fi kan (Ogbo=Orogbo: bitter nut)

Question: Kíni ó tun fi ń kan (what else)?

Answer: Ọbẹ̀ ni mo fi kan (Ọbẹ̀= ataare:alligator pepper)

Question: Kíni ó tun fi ń kan (what else)?

Answer: Àkòpa ni mo fi kan (Akopa=Obi: Kola nut)

After all these Sacred Seven Questions are answered, they would know he is a member and would open the door for him.And once the door is opened he just don’t dashed inside, one enters with all humility and solemnity sidewards. He would knee and go down on right side till right hand touch the ground and do down on left side till left hand touch the ground. Sometimes, he would roll judiciously on the ground or prostrate. All these are to greet those who have arrived earlier.

After all these, he would greet them:

Greeting: Ẹ kú ìba ooo (salutations to you)

Answer: Ìba okun, ìba ìdẹ (salutations to the sea and gold)

Greeting: ọmu ìyá dùn (Mother’s Milk is sweet)

Answer: Gbogbo wa là jọ n mú (we all are drinking therefrom)

During discussions, whenever someone wants to contribute he wouldn’t just stand up and be talking, he must first observe that none of his heirachy is among those who seem to have contributions. After this observation, he would stand and hail thus:

Greeting: Ògbóni (thrice)

Answer: Ògbóràn (thrice)

Greeting: Erelú (thrice)

Answer: Abiye (thrice)

Greeting: Eriwo yà (thrice)

Answer: Ẹ̀yà gbó; ẹ̀yà tọ (thrice)

Having said and gotten replies thus members will be taciturn, awaiting that contributor’s contribution.

MODE OF SYMBOL MESSAGES (AROKÒ):

Among the artifacts that make Mother Abẹni up are called Ẹ̀dan méjì (two dummies), the two are masculine and feminine characters.Whenever they want to send negative message to someone, either being summon for punishment or to answer query, the Ẹ̀dan that has masculine character on it is sent.Upon receiption, the receiver would be in jeopardy as he may or may not know for which he is summoned.

On the other hand, when the message is on posive side, the Ẹ̀dan that has feminine character on it is sent.

On another development on messaging, as mean of Communication, if one of Ogboni members of Community A’s wife runs away to Community B,the former will send Asipa to the latter Community to ask that the members should send back wife of their “ọmọ ìyà”.And if the wife refuses, the Community B will simply tell her to leave the Community.

BENEFITS OF BEING A MEMBER:

They all regard themselves as siblings.They take oath they know mustn’t be betrayed.

Secondly, their Initiation into the ancient Brotherhood is called “àgìdïmàlàjà àwo ilé Ìfẹ́” that is, “àwo ni gbé àwo ni gbọnwọ, tí àwo kò bá gbé àwo gbọnwọ, àwo a tẹ àwo a yà” – initiates are always there for co-initiates. No member would let any form of maltreatment come to co-member.

One thing about this Brotherhood is that, it seldom talks about itself. And since so less is known, benefits and disadvantages of being members can’t be ascertained.

THE NAME THEY GAVE US: HOW “YORUBA” WAS INVENTED — AND WHAT EXISTED BEFORE IT

Before there was a “Yoruba,” there were the Ekiti, the Egba, the Ijebu, the Ijesha, the Oyo, the Ondo, the Egbado, the Ijesa, the Akoko, the Owo, and the Igbomina — each a sovereign republic, each with its own Oba, its own walls, its own laws, its own wars, and its own fierce pride. They were not one people. They did not call themselves one name. They did not need to.

The word “Yoruba” was not born in Ile-Ife. It was not gifted by Oduduwa. It was not coined in any palace court of the ancient kingdoms that gave West Africa some of its most magnificent civilizations. The name was an imposition — one of the quieter tools of colonial consolidation, dressed in the robes of ethnography and missionary Scripture.

As an ethnic description, the word “Yoruba” — or more correctly, “Yaraba” — was originally used in reference to the Oyo Empire and was the Hausa name for the Oyo people, as noted by the British explorers Hugh Clapperton and Richard Lander.  It was a label applied from the outside, not a name chosen from within.

Researcher Hussaini Abdu traced the name’s true origin even further — to the Baatonu people of Borgu, Oyo’s immediate northern neighbors, who called the Oyo people “Yoru” (singular) and “Yorubu” (plural), with “Yoruba” used in third-person references. The name spread through Songhai-Borgu interactions, was later reinforced through interviews with Baatonu slaves in Sierra Leone, and was subsequently popularized by European travelers and missionary records, including Samuel Johnson’s 19th-century writings. 

The missionaries who came to lay the groundwork for the eventual colonization of Africa adopted and corrupted this borrowed term into “Yoruba.” As scholar Peter Cohen noted, “The concept of a single ‘Yorùbá’ people and its baptism with the Hausa term for the inhabitants of Òyó was largely the work of liberated captives and their children returning from Sierra Leone, particularly as Protestant missionaries.” 

The name was then popularized by Hausa usage and ethnography written in Ajami during the 19th century by Sultan Muhammad Bello. The extension of the term to all speakers of dialects related to the language of the Oyo dates to the second half of the 19th century — due largely to the influence of Bishop Samuel Ajayi Crowther, the first Anglican bishop in Nigeria, who was himself Oyo Yoruba and compiled the first Yoruba dictionary, introducing a standardized orthography that effectively imposed Oyo as the linguistic baseline for all the separate kingdoms. 

Think about what this means. The Ekiti people — who had waged the great Kiriji War, one of the most remarkable military alliances in African history, precisely to resist domination by Ibadan — were now told they shared an identity with the very people they had fought. The Kiriji War was a 16-year civil conflict between the subethnic kingdoms of the Yoruba — divided between the Western Yoruba, mainly Ibadan and Oyo-speaking kingdoms, and the Eastern Yoruba, including the Ekiti, Ijesha, Ijebu, Yagba, and others.  These were not factions of one nation quarreling. These were distinct peoples with distinct political traditions, fighting for sovereignty.

The Yoruba shared a common language and culture for centuries but were probably never a single political unit. They formed numerous kingdoms of various sizes, each centered on a capital city or town and ruled by a hereditary king — an Oba — with Oyo developing into the largest of these kingdoms while Ile-Ife remained a center of profound religious significance.  Sovereignty was the unit of identity. Not ethnicity. Not the umbrella term that British colonialism and missionary Christianity would later insist upon.

The conceptualization of the Yoruba as a collective identity dates to the nineteenth century, through Christian missionaries and the early Yoruba elite. By the 1890s, when Samuel Johnson completed his monumental book, “Yoruba” had been widely used among the early Christian elite to define the land, the people, and the language.  Johnson’s book — a great work, no question — was also a political act: it helped knit separate histories into a single narrative for purposes that served colonial administration as much as cultural memory.

By the time the British had formally consolidated their hold over the region — annexing Lagos in 1861, defeating the Ijebu in 1892, signing treaties in Abeokuta in 1893, incorporating greater Yorubaland into the British Protectorate — many of the numerous factions within Yorubaland and other surrounding ethnic and linguistic groupings were politically unified by the British colony of Nigeria.  Ibadan, which had served as the administrative center of the old Western Region since the earliest days of British colonial rule, became the geographic anchor of this manufactured unity.

The Ekiti called themselves Ekiti. The Egba called themselves Egba. The Ijebu called themselves Ijebu. The Oyo called themselves Oyo. These were not sub-names. These were their names — full, sovereign, ancient, and sufficient.

“Yoruba” was the administrative convenience that absorbed them all.

This is not an argument against the extraordinary civilization that these peoples collectively produced — the art of Ile-Ife that stunned the world, the military genius of Ibadan, the trading networks of Ijebu, the resistance poetry of the Ekiti warriors. Their achievements belong to human history at its most remarkable. But the name under which they have been gathered deserves honest examination.

Identity imposed from outside — whether by missionaries translating the Bible into a standardized “Yoruba” that erased dozens of living dialects, or by colonial administrators drawing administrative lines across royal territories — is not the same as identity chosen from within. The difference matters. It mattered then. It matters now, as Nigeria continues to stumble over the colonial architecture of identity that the British built and the post-independence generation inherited without questioning.

The children of the Ekiti, Egba, Ijebu, Ijesha, Oyo, Ondo, Akoko, and all the others deserve to know what their names were before the name arrived.

History does not begin with colonization. And it should not be allowed to end there.

By Kio Amachree | Stockholm, Sweden | President, Worldview International

RIBADU JUST LEARNED THE HARDEST LESSON IN TINUBU’S APC

Nuhu Ribadu has just learned the kind of bitter political lesson many in the North keep learning the hard way under APC power politics.

Let’s not sugarcoat it. This was not just another routine appointment inside Tinubu’s government. This was a loud political message.

Ribadu has fallen.

He may still carry the title of National Security Adviser, but in Nigerian politics, title means nothing the moment real access to power starts slipping from your hands. In a presidency like Tinubu’s, power is not about what is written on paper. It is about who still has the president’s ear when doors are closed.

And right now, that power equation has changed.

Tinubu’s appointment of retired Major General Adeyinka Famadewa into the security structure was not random. It was calculated. 

In Nigerian politics, parallel appointments are rarely innocent. They are usually a silent demotion dressed up as restructuring.

That is the bitter lesson Ribadu is learning.

For nearly two years, he looked untouchable. Many saw him as the second most powerful man in the administration after Tinubu himself. He had influence, visibility, direct access, and the kind of authority many politicians spend decades chasing.

But Nigerian politics has no permanent favorites.

The moment that access begins to weaken, the fall begins instantly.

A lot of people are rushing to blame Nasir El-Rufai, especially because their political friendship has turned into open hostility. Yes, El-Rufai may enjoy seeing Ribadu humbled. Yes, their fight has become personal and bitter.

But this fall runs deeper than that.

Ribadu’s real mistake was misunderstanding the kind of politics he was playing.

He got too comfortable.

He forgot one dangerous truth about Tinubu’s APC: loyalty today does not guarantee relevance tomorrow.

Reports, statements, and controversial moments — especially that “they are our brothers” remark about Northwest bandits — only added fuel to an already growing fire. In politics, one wrong statement can become the excuse needed to redraw the power map.

But the biggest mistake was political miscalculation.

Ribadu failed to study the brutal history of the office he occupied. The NSA seat is one of the most powerful positions in Nigeria, but it is also one of the most dangerous. Many who sit there rise fast, shine briefly, and fall suddenly.

He should have moved carefully.

He should have understood that under a southern presidency like Tinubu’s, federal politics follows a pattern many northern politicians keep pretending not to see.

This is the lesson.

Northern politicians often walk into southern-led administrations believing loyalty will protect them. They expect trust to translate into lasting influence.

It rarely does.

From Obasanjo to Jonathan and now Tinubu, the pattern has remained the same. The North supports, hopes, waits… and eventually watches power shift elsewhere.

Ribadu’s fall is bigger than one man losing influence.

It is a warning.

A brutal reminder that in Tinubu’s APC, proximity to power can disappear overnight.

And for Ribadu, that lesson has come at the most painful price possible..