Wednesday, 29 October 2025

OMOGE SAIDA TRENDING..

ÒSHÍ KÒDA NÍ ILẸ̀ PÁKÓ - MATTERS ARISING.

I was jejely on my own yesterday when the Omoge Saida video dropped into my inbox. I didn't ask for it and I am surely not excited about such things.

I infact usually get irritated by it and this is the reason I now wish it is possible for me to "unwatch" the video and get it out of my memory.

The lady is just an idiot and nuisance.

But it brought something to my mind as I saw the first few seconds of it. My mind went straight to the popular saying of our Elders in Yoruba land.

Òshí kòda ní ilé pákó.

Our Elders are really wise, it is foolish of us to think we are more knowledgeable than them.

ÒSHÌ is a loose term for describing something dirty, nonsensical, unworthy, stupid, disgusting etc.

ILÉ is house.

PÁKÓ is wood.

ILÉ PÁKÓ is a house built from wood, a kind of makeshift house, the types you will find in abundance in places  Mokoko and other ghettos.

So a man goes into such a house and be making love to a woman, even his own wife, then the noise from the struggling jointed woods of their house will be going about reverberating around the surrounding neighbours houses and everyone will know what they were doing in the room.

The noise from that particular activity is rhythmic and easily recognisable.

So our Elders say, when you want to do "Òshì" it doesn't make sense to do it in Pákó houses because what you are doing is supposed to be a solemn activity that should be in secret.

In that simple saying our Elders more or less described s€x as Òshì.

Unfortunately the lesson is lost on our people and we now just use that saying very loosely, not understanding the message encoded therein.

Do you know that in the times of our fathers, s€x was almost exclusively for procreation?

It was just to make babies.

It was an activity more commonly done in the night and in the dark or under heavy sheets such that the man and woman barely saw each other let alone their organs.

In those days, the women won't even sleep in the husband's bed  because after the show she will get up to return to her room where she will sleep.

The men and women of those days didn't think of s€x as something of worldly pleasure. Whatever pleasure in it was for a few fleeting seconds anyway.

So how did such a thing become an issue today?

Todays youths make s€x look like it is the passport to heaven and their lives depended on therefore the girls too see s€x as a weapon of control and negotiation.

Indiscipline.

Women want to dress naked, expose their breasts, Tommies and everywhere in the hope that it gets to men.

© Adedamola Adetayo  

29 October 2025

Tuesday, 28 October 2025

THE AFRICAN ORIGIN OF MUSIC

The continent of Africa is home to some of the oldest and most diverse range of musical traditions, instruments, and performances in world history. Evidence of music in Africa appears long before the emergence of complex societies and states. The stone age paintings of Tassili n'Ajjer in southern Algeria, which were occupied during the Green Sahara period, include depictions of figures dancing and playing musical instruments that are dated to around 6,000-4,000 BC (Johnson, 2020). In Eastern Africa, the earliest evidence of music appears in the rock art paintings from Kondoa in Tanzania dated to around 4,000-1,000 BC, which include depictions of figures playing musical instruments (Mugisha, 2021).

The emergence of the first states in the Nile Valley, the northern Horn of Africa, and the West African Sahel coincided with the establishment of music as a significant aspect of African political and social life (Ndlovu, 2018). Archaeological, oral, and written records reflect a broad spectrum of musical instruments, dances, and performances integral to daily life across Africa (Akinyemi & Dube, 2022). African artworks often depict musicians and musical instruments, evident in the wall paintings of Ancient Kush and medieval Nubia, illustrated Ethiopian manuscripts, and the sculptural art from the West African kingdoms of Ife and Benin (Karekezi, 2023). These artworks showcase musicians and dancers in vibrant scenes, while sculptural representations highlight the cultural significance of music in societies like Benin and Ife (Owusu, 2024). Ethiopian manuscripts further illustrate the cultural context of music through depictions of biblical figures with local instruments (Tesfaye, 2025).

Written accounts of poetry and songs in Africa trace back to antiquity, documenting the role of music in various cultural contexts. Internal sources, from Ethiopian musical manuscripts to West African and Swahili poetry, detail how music was created and shared among Africans (Suleiman, 2019). Additionally, external observations by classical writers, medieval Arab travelers like Ibn Battuta, and European explorers affirm the significance of music within diverse African cultures (Fouad, 2021). Increased interactions among African regions and with external societies led to a rich exchange of cultural practices, which were then disseminated through the African diaspora across the Old World and the Americas (Njoroge, 2025). This cultural confluence birthed new music forms, instruments, and dances that influenced religious practices, political institutions, cultural festivals, and collective identities across various societies (Samuel, 2025).

References

Samuel, I. (2025). Transcultural Interactions and Musical Innovations in the African Diaspora. Global Musicology Review.

Karekezi, M. (2023). Art and Music in Ancient Africa: A Cultural Examination. African Arts. 

Akinyemi, O., & Dube, T. (2022). Musical Traditions of Africa: A Historical Perspective. African Studies Review.

Fouad, S. (2021). Travelers and Music: External Accounts of African Cultures. Journal of Ethnomusicology

Johnson, R. (2020). Music in Prehistoric Africa: Evidence from Rock Art. Journal of African History.

#Africa #World

Donald Thump's Government Bans Professor Wole Soyinka From Entering America

The United States of America was right, fully right, to revoke Professor Wole Soyinka’s visa if indeed he once tore his American green card. That act was not a symbol of protest. It was a public declaration of contempt. 

You cannot tear up a nation’s symbol of trust and privilege and then expect to walk back into that same nation with entitlement. The American visa is not a souvenir. It’s a covenant of respect between the bearer and the State.

When Professor Soyinka ripped his green card in 2016 to protest America’s political direction, he was not just rejecting an administration. He was rejecting the sovereignty of the United States itself. Every lawful government acts to defend its dignity, its borders, and its symbols of authority. To revoke his visa is not pettiness. It is principle. It is America saying, you cannot mock our values and still demand our hospitality.

This decision by the United States government reinforces a timeless truth: freedom of speech does not mean freedom from consequence, and prestige does not equate to immunity. No Nobel Prize or global recognition grants anyone the right to insult a nation and still expect red-carpet treatment from it.

America, like any great nation, must guard its honor. The revocation of Professor Soyinka’s visa is not vengeance. It is a reaffirmation that respect is mutual and that even the loudest critics must be reminded that privileges in the United States are earned, not inherited, and certainly not abused.

Nigeria must also learn to guard its reputation and dignity with firmness and pride. A nation that demands respect must first respect itself. It is time for Nigeria to stand tall, speak boldly, and act decisively, just as the United States does when its honor is challenged.

If you tear a bridge, you cannot demand passage across it.

Prof. Sandra C Duru

𝐂𝐨𝐮𝐩 𝐏𝐥𝐨𝐭: 𝐍𝐢𝐠𝐞𝐫𝐢𝐚𝐧 𝐀𝐫𝐦𝐲 𝐑𝐚𝐢𝐝𝐬 𝐀𝐛𝐮𝐣𝐚 𝐑𝐞𝐬𝐢𝐝𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐞 𝐎𝐟 𝐁𝐮𝐡𝐚𝐫𝐢'𝐬 𝐅𝐨𝐫𝐦𝐞𝐫 𝐏𝐞𝐭𝐫𝐨𝐥𝐞𝐮𝐦 𝐌𝐢𝐧𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐞𝐫, 𝐓𝐢𝐦𝐢𝐩𝐫𝐞 𝐒𝐲𝐥𝐯𝐚, 𝐀𝐫𝐫𝐞𝐬𝐭𝐬 𝐁𝐫𝐨𝐭𝐡𝐞𝐫

Some Nigerian Army personnel have raided the Abuja residence of a former governor and former Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Timipre Sylva, in connection with an alleged coup plot currently under investigation by the Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA), SaharaReporters can report.

Multiple security sources confirmed to SaharaReporters on Tuesday that the army raid occurred at Sylva’s home in the Maitama area of Abuja.

According to insiders, a “special military team” carried out the operation after intelligence linked the “former South-South governor” to secret meetings allegedly held with some of the detained military officers.

“Nigerian Army special team ransacked the home of Timipre Sylva, who is believed to have fled Nigeria,” one top source familiar with the development told SaharaReporters.

“He is the South-South former governor frequently mentioned in the case. His brother, named Paga, was picked up during the raid. The operation also extended to his Bayelsa residence.”

Another security insider said that while no official statement had been issued regarding the raid, the action was “not random” but “a direct response to intelligence linking certain political figures to the alleged plotters."

This development comes amid growing tension within the armed forces following SaharaReporters’ exclusive report that at least 16 senior military officers had been detained incommunicado by the DIA over an alleged coup plot.

The detained officers, drawn from the Army, Navy, and Air Force, have been held for over three weeks in an undisclosed Abuja facility under what sources described as “unusual and suspicious conditions.”

Family members told SaharaReporters they initially believed their relatives had been kidnapped, as there was no official communication from the military regarding their arrests.

“It’s been 18 days since those 16 officers were detained in an undisclosed location. At first, we thought our brother was kidnapped before finding out what transpired from his friend who works in the NSA office,” a family member had said.

Security analysts have questioned why the DIA, an intelligence agency under the Ministry of Defence, is spearheading the investigation instead of allowing each military service to handle its personnel internally, a move seen as “highly political.”

“If the military were truly conducting a disciplinary operation, over 10,000 cases could emerge. Why only 16 officers, and why hand them to the DIA?” one retired officer asked. “This smells of politics. There’s clearly more going on behind the scenes.”

Speculations are now rife that the alleged plot and subsequent arrests may have deeper political undertones, potentially involving some former office holders with ties to late ex-President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration.

Sylva, a former governor of Bayelsa State and a close ally of late Buhari, served as Minister of State for Petroleum Resources between 2019 and 2023. 

He was also the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship candidate in the November 2023 Bayelsa election, which he lost to incumbent Governor Douye Diri of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

Source: Sahara Reporters reports

Monday, 27 October 2025

THE OLD MAN AND A COUNTRY

Biya declared victor of Cameroon election: Why deadly protests broke out

Paul Biya, world’s oldest leader at 92, has won eighth term as president. Opposition supporters say election was stolen.

Four people have been killed in clashes in Cameroon before the announcement of the results of elections held on October 12.

Supporters of opposition leader Issa Tchiroma faced-off against security forces as they rallied on Sunday despite a ban on gatherings, with results due to be announced on Monday.

Tchiroma has claimed to have won the vote, but incumbent President Paul Biya is expected to be declared victorious, extending his 43-year hold on power. He called on his supporters to march peacefully on the eve of the announcement.

Tchiroma says he won 54.8 percent, but most analysts expect the 92-year-old Biya to secure an eighth term in a system his critics say has become increasingly rigged.

In Cameroon’s largest city, Douala, the regional governor said demonstrators “attacked” a gendarmerie brigade and police stations in two districts on Sunday.

“Four people unfortunately lost their lives,” said Samuel Dieudonne Ivaha Diboua, adding that several members of the security forces were also injured.

Earlier on Sunday, police fired tear gas to disperse hundreds of people in Tchiroma’s northern stronghold of Garoua, where activists carried Cameroonian flags and banners reading “Tchiroma 2025” and chanted “Goodbye Paul Biya, Tchiroma is coming”.

For several days, dozens of supporters have gathered around the home of the opposition leader, who claimed in a video on Sunday that military personnel had tried to take him away.

Significant disruptions to internet access have also been reported in recent days, which, according to monitor NetBlocks, “may limit coverage of events on the ground”.

Minister of territorial administration, Paul Atanga Nji, said on Saturday that the protests “create the conditions for a security crisis” and contribute to “the implementation of an insurrectionist project”.

Cameroon At the Crossroads: A Nation In Search of Peaceful Renewal

For forty-three years, Cameroon has been led by a single captain - President Paul Biya. Since 1982, the Palais d’Etoudi, in Yaoundé, symbolizes both uninterrupted continuity and political stagnation. What began as a post-colonial era full of hope has become an endless season of silence, fear, and institutional paralysis.

The question that haunts millions of Cameroonians today is neither ideological nor ethnic — it is a moral and constitutional question: can a nation prosper when its leader no longer demonstrates the physical and mental presence required for governance?

An aging presidency and a worried nation:

President Biya, aged 92, has been largely absent from public life for several years. Reports from government circles and citizen testimonies indicate growing isolation, reduced visibility and moments of disorientation during official ceremonies. In a widely commented episode, he reportedly struggled to recognize some relatives and collaborators, prompting public speculation about a cognitive decline — what health professionals might call "dementia-related symptoms."

These concerns need to be addressed with compassion, not derision. But they also require transparency. As in medicine, leadership requires clarity of mind. When a head of state appears detached or disoriented, citizens lose confidence in their institutions, and even the most loyal officials doubt where to go.

The Ship, Captain and the Storm:

Cameroon today looks like a ship drifting in the open sea. The captain is still at the helm, but the ship has lost her compass. Sailors — our public servants, soldiers, teachers and nurses — continue to perform their duties with courage, but the building is drifting into dangerous waters.

If the Captain can no longer command, the ship will sink along with all those on board — civilian and military. The call for revival is not a rebellion, it is a reason. This is not betrayal, it is the noblest form of patriotism.

Our armed forces must remember that their loyalty goes to the Republic not to an individual. Their oath is to protect the Constitution and the people, not to defend power for power. The soldier's uniform is a national pact—not a personal shield for politicians.

Forty-three years of power and the weight of time:

In 43 years, Cameroon has profoundly changed: new generations, new technologies, new challenges. But politics stayed frozen in 1982. Youth unemployment exceeds 30%, corruption remains among the highest in Sub-Saharan Africa, and once-peaceful regions today call for justice and inclusion.

The English-speaking crisis, persistent insecurity and economic stagnation are not signs of a strong nation, but symptoms of an exhausted system—a power unable to reform and a leader unable to adapt.

The world is watching an aging president govern a young nation. The median age for Cameroonians is 18 years. The contrast is striking — and dangerous.

Constitutional compassion and duty:

If President Biya is actually suffering from age-related decline, the Constitution plans legal mechanisms to remedy it. Parliament and the Constitutional Council have a moral and legal duty to ensure the continuity of the state. An independent medical evaluation — conducted with dignity and transparency — would not be a humiliation, but a responsibility.

No democracy should fear the truth. Protecting the dignity of a former head of state must not mean sacrificing the well-being of 28 million citizens.

The way forward: peaceful, legal and just.

Cameroon can still rise again through a peaceful and constitutional process. The following steps could form the basis of a national revival:

(1). Independent medical evaluation: creation of a neutral panel of neurologists, geriatrists and jurists to assess the president's ability to govern.

(2). Transparent parliamentary oversight: allow MPs to apply constitutional succession provisions if incapability is proven.

(3). Neutrality of the armed forces: the army must remain apolitical and ensure the safety of citizens, not that of a regime.

(4). Inclusive national dialogue: bring together civil society, youth, religious leaders and the diaspora to define a common future.

(5). International support: The African Union and the United Nations should offer technical assistance and an observer role to ensure fairness and prevent violence.

When silence becomes complicity:

The silence of international actors has encouraged the demise. Nations that preach democracy cannot look away while Cameroonians suffer under a geriatric presidency devoid of responsibility. Silence has become complicity; neutrality, negligence.

The moral question is simple: if a leader can no longer perform his duties, who is really governing? And if no one governs, who speaks for the people?

The moral contract of the armed forces:

To our brothers and sisters in uniform: this is not a call to revolt but a call to consciousness. Your duty is to protect, not to oppress. The people you are defending are not your enemy: it is your family, your neighbors, your blood.

History will remember those who chose peace, not those who perpetuated fear. A soldier who refuses to harm his people honors his uniform more than one who obeys illegal orders.

A new dawn for Etoud:

Cameroon deserves clear, compassionate and responsible leadership. The Palais d’Etoudi must again become a beacon of vision, not a mausoleum of memories. The torch of power must be passed peacefully to new hands—capable of leading a 21st century nation with courage and clarity.

After 43 years, history calls for a dignified closure. President Biya should be remembered not for the chaos in his recent years, but for allowing his people to breathe again—in freedom, peace and unity.

Conclusion : l’avenir observe

The destiny of Cameroon cannot be indefinitely postponed. The young are eager, the soldiers are alert and the world is watching. Change is not betrayal, it's evolution. The path of renewal is not through violence, but through vision—through justice, compassion, and the courage to let go.

The ship is still floating. But time is running out for Cameroon to choose if it wants to sail towards renewal... or sink under the weight of silence.

Note for publication:

A version of this article was originally published on Transparency Media International. The views expressed are those of the author, health care professional and political observer based in Houston, Texas. 

By Funtong Daniel, MSN, AGACNP

Pour The Guardian Africa / AllAfrica Opinion Column

Sunday, 26 October 2025

WHEN GREAT MEN AND WOMEN REFUSED TO DIE

History, that spellbinding narrator, has a habit of blurring the line between death and disappearance -- especially of great men. The greater the leader, the louder the whispers that they never truly left. From Nairobi to London, from Accra to Dallas, rumor often outlives the obituary.

Raila Odinga: The Man Who Never Dies

When news broke that Raila Amolo Odinga had died in an Indian hospital, Kenya went silent — but not for long. Within hours, talk rose in the alleys of Kibra and the coffee joints of Kisumu that Baba wasn’t dead at all. Some said he had slipped into secrecy for treatment, others that he was testing loyalty in his twilight hour. After all, hadn’t Raila “resurrected” from political defeat a dozen times before? To his followers, he remained the phoenix of Kenyan politics — a man too seasoned to die quietly, too cunning to;just fade away.

Kwame Nkrumah: The President in Exile Who Never Left

When Ghana’s founding father was overthrown in 1966, whispers followed him into exile. Many Ghanaians refused to believe he was gone — or later, that he had truly died in Romania. They spoke of his secret return, of Nkrumah walking Accra’s streets at night, watching his dream betrayed. Even in death, he was not gone; his statue still points the way forward, as if commanding his people to “Seek ye first the political kingdom” from beyond the grave.

Thomas Sankara: The Ghost Who Laughs in the Revolution

In Burkina Faso, the young, fearless Thomas Sankara was gunned down in 1987 — but his death birthed a legend. Some say he escaped and lives quietly under another name; others swear his spirit rides every protest that shakes Ouagadougou. His image adorns walls, his words inspire rebels, and his ghost mocks the corrupt — proof that ideas, once armed, cannot be killed.

John F. Kennedy: The Bullet That Lied

Dallas, 1963. The young president’s motorcade, the crack of gunfire, and a shocked first lady. America mourned, but never believed. The official story blamed a lone gunman, Lee Harvey Oswald, yet millions saw invisible hands — the CIA, the Mafia, or perhaps a cabal of power brokers. “Who killed Kennedy?” became a question without an answer, echoing through generations that mistrusted every official truth that followed.

Nelson Mandela: The Death That Never Happened

Before his triumphant walk to freedom, millions around the world swore Nelson Mandela was already dead. They remembered reading obituaries, seeing black-and-white footage of a funeral that never was. When he later became South Africa’s president, disbelief rippled like a dream undone. Thus was born the Mandela Effect — proof, some say, that our memories live in a parallel universe where Mandela did die, and we are the ones who crossed over.

Princess Diana: The People’s Queen, Forever Pursued

In 1997, the world wept as news spread of Princess Diana’s fatal crash in Paris. Yet grief quickly curdled into suspicion. Could the royal family have silenced her? Was it the paparazzi, or something deeper in the dark corridors of power? Twenty years on, candles still flicker at her shrine — not just for the woman she was, but for the uneasy truth she took with her.

Even Jesus never died -- he resurrected and flew up yonder.... 

Finally, history, in her mischief, never buries greatness neatly. The tombs of heroes are restless — their spirits pacing beneath the soil, whispering through rumour and dreams. Raila’s laughter, Sankara’s defiance, Nkrumah’s vision, Mandela’s calm — these do not belong to the dead. They live on in the gossip of markets, in the chants of protesters, in the trembling pens of those who still believe. For the truly great do not die; they simply step into legend, where memory becomes their second heartbeat, and their names — forever half in myth, half in truth — refuse to fade away.

#Africa #World

STILL ON THE COUP MATTER

The sacked Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), General Christopher Musa, and two other service chiefs, Chief of Air Staff, Air Marshal Hasan Abubakar, and Chief of Naval Staff (CNS), Vice Admiral Emmanuel Ogalla, are set to receive generous retirement benefits.

The benefits include bulletproof vehicles, domestic aides, and lifetime medical care.

Their exit follows President Bola Tinubu’s appointment of new service chiefs on Friday.

General Olufemi Oluyede has been named the new Chief of Defence Staff, while Major-General W. Shaibu takes over as Chief of Army Staff.

Air Vice Marshal Sunday Kelvin Aneke becomes the new Chief of Air Staff, and Rear Admiral I. Abbas the Chief of Naval Staff. The Chief of Defence Intelligence, Major-General E.A.P. Undiendeye, retains his position.

The President’s Special Adviser on Media and Public Communication, Sunday Dare, said in a statement on Friday that the removal of the service chiefs was in furtherance of the Federal Government’s ongoing efforts to strengthen Nigeria’s national security architecture.

According to the Harmonised Terms and Conditions of Service for Officers (HTCOS) and Enlisted Personnel in the Nigerian Armed Forces, signed by President Tinubu on 14 December 2024, the service chiefs are entitled to substantial retirement packages upon disengagement.

The document stipulates that each retiring service chief will receive a bulletproof SUV or an equivalent vehicle, to be maintained and replaced every four years by the military.

They are also entitled to a Peugeot 508 or an equivalent backup vehicle.

Beyond the vehicles, the package includes five domestic aides — two service cooks, two stewards, and one civilian gardener — along with an aide-de-camp or security officer, and a personal assistant or special assistant.

They will also retain three service drivers, a service orderly, and a standard guard unit comprising nine soldiers.

The benefits extend to free medical treatment both in Nigeria and abroad, as well as the retention of personal firearms to be retrieved upon their demise.

While officers of lieutenant-general rank and equivalents are entitled to international and local medical care worth up to $20,000 annually, the benefits for the service chiefs, though not stated in the document, are believed to be considerably higher.

The HTCOS reads, ‘Retirement benefits for CDS and Service Chiefs: The following benefits shall be applicable: one bulletproof SUV or equivalent vehicle to be maintained by the Service and to be replaced every four years. One Peugeot 508 or equivalent backup vehicle.

‘Retention of all military uniforms and accoutrement to be worn for appropriate ceremonies; five domestic aides (two service cooks, two stewards, and one civilian gardener); one Aide-de-Camp/security officer; one Special Assistant (Lt/Capt or equivalents) or one Personal Assistant (Warrant Officer or equivalents); standard guard (nine soldiers).

‘Three service drivers; one service orderly; escorts (to be provided by appropriate military units/formation as the need arises); retention of personal firearms (on his demise, the personal firearm(s) shall be retrieved by the relevant service); and free medical cover in Nigeria and abroad’.

The policy specifies that such entitlements apply only if the retired officers have not accepted any other appointment funded from public resources — except when such an appointment is made by the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

In such cases, the officers, according to the document, will only receive allowances commensurate with the new role rather than a full salary.

Retired Soldiers Protest Lavish Perks

Reacting, some retired soldiers decried what they described as the luxurious benefits and entitlements reserved for service chiefs and senior military officers.

They lamented that junior personnel continued to suffer neglect and unpaid entitlements despite years of service to the nation.

The retired officers expressed frustration over the disparity in welfare and treatment between senior and junior ranks within the military.

One of the leaders of the discharged soldiers demanding their owed entitlements, Sgt. Zaki Williams, expressed frustration over the entitlements reserved for the service chiefs.

Speaking in an emotional tone, Williams, who claimed to be speaking for more than 700 soldiers in his group, said many retired non-commissioned officers had been abandoned despite dedicating their lives to defending the country.

He said, ‘I don’t really understand how our people in Nigeria do things. The people at the top always do things to favour only themselves. They don’t care about the poor or the junior ones who sacrificed everything’.

The retired sergeant recalled that government officials had made several promises to improve their welfare, but none had been fulfilled.ĺ

‘Since the day they made those promises to us, we went back home and didn’t hear anything again. Everything just ended there. We’ve been waiting till now, but nothing has happened’, he added.

Williams said the situation had left many of his colleagues demoralised and divided over whether to continue pressing for their entitlements.

‘Some of us said we should protest again, but others refused. We told them that day that we were not going for another protest. If the government wants to help us, they should help us. If not, we’re done’, he said.

He also accused senior military officers of frustrating efforts by the defence ministry to address the concerns of retired personnel.

According to Williams, life after service has been extremely difficult for most of them who retired voluntarily or were discharged without compensation.

‘How can someone retire after years of service and still not get their entitlement? Many of us can’t even build a house. The senior officers have houses, cars, and everything good, but the rest of us have nothing’, he said.

He added that the little compensation given to some was not enough to rebuild their lives.

‘If they give you N2 million today, what can you really start with it in this country? You have children, family, and responsibilities, yet you can’t even afford a plot of land’, he said.

Expressing disappointment, he said most junior officers had lost faith in the system.

‘We’ve handed everything over to God’, he said quietly. ‘We’ve cried and done our best. They promised us, but in the end, it’s still zero. We haven’t seen anything. That’s why many of us are now silent’.

Another retired soldier, Abdul Isiak, lamented that promises made to retired personnel had remained unfulfilled, leaving many struggling to survive.

He said, ‘All you said they would give to them would be done promptly, and they are more than what we need to sustain our lives. This is very unfair. We have suffered a lot, and they’re yet to give us our entitlements after leaving the service. What is our offence? Is it because we are junior officers?’

The former sergeant said the senior officers continued to enjoy generous retirement packages while lower ranks were denied their due benefits.

‘We are preparing for another protest for them to pay us. This is very bad’, he said.

Fresh gale of retirement

Sunday PUNCH gathered that a new wave of compulsory retirements might soon hit the Armed Forces following the appointment of the new service chiefs.

Findings revealed that many top officers, including generals, brigadiers-general, air vice marshals, and admirals, across the Nigerian Army, Air Force, and Navy, may be forced to proceed on retirement as part of the reorganisation expected to follow the change in leadership.

According to impeccable military sources, the mass exit is in line with the long-standing military tradition which mandates that senior officers who are higher in rank or course to the newly appointed service chiefs must retire from service.

A senior officer, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorised to comment publicly, said the development could affect more than 50 generals across the services.

He said, ‘It is a tradition in the military that when a junior is appointed as a service chief, those senior to him must proceed on retirement. The idea is that they cannot be expected to take orders from their juniors. More than 50 across the three services will go’.

Another military officer said about 100 officers might resign.

‘Only generals from Course 41 will remain in service. The rest will be compelled to retire. The entire Course 39 and 40 are expected to go. Many of them may not even report to the office again. I’m not sure of the exact number, but it should be close to 100’, the source said.

The newly appointed Chief of Defence Staff is from the 39 Regular Course of the Nigerian Defence Academy, while the Chief of Army Staff, Chief of Naval Staff, and Chief of Air Staff belong to the 40 Regular Course.

This effectively places officers from earlier courses above them in the line of seniority, triggering their exit.

The anticipated shake-up will also open up vacancies across the services, paving the way for promotions and new postings as the military leadership moves to stabilise its command structure.

Bode George, parties divided over Egbetokun

Meanwhile, a chieftain of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Chief Bode George, has waded into the controversy surrounding the President’s decision to retain the Inspector-General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun.

Speaking exclusively with Sunday PUNCH, George, a one-time Chairman of the PDP Board of Trustees, argued that though the President reserved the right to hire and fire his service chiefs, only the creation of state police would address the growing insecurity challenges across the country.

He said, ‘I don’t know if retaining the IG has some ethnic connotations. There are two evils the British left for us in this country: religious and tribal bigotry. Anything we do in this country, people will see it through the lenses of ethnicity and religion.

‘As the Commander-in-Chief, it was his choice to make. One would say the choice of the new service chiefs is evenly spread across the geopolitical zones’.

According to the retired Navy Commodore, the recent changes in the police command hierarchy may have spared Egbetokun the broom that swept other service chiefs away on Friday.

He noted that the trouble with the military was the ‘obvious lack of professionalism’ owing to its incursion into politics some decades ago.

‘What almost destroyed the military is its incursion into politics. The oneness we used to enjoy nearly went with the wind. Today, military colleagues often envy one another. In our own time, we didn’t know anything like that. Whoever was next to you was your comrade, your brother. We lost it when we went into politics.

‘We must try to retain professionalism in the military. The lack of a solution to insurgency is because we have refused to establish state police. Policing is local. When the state police is established, the boys will be recruited from their localities. They speak the language, know the culture, and know themselves’, he added.

In his contribution, the National Publicity Secretary of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), Mr. Ladipo Johnson, expressed concern over the failure to relieve Egbetokun of his job.

He said, ‘As a party, we wonder what informed the tenure extension granted to the Inspector-General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, by the President when he clocked 60 not long ago. The President has changed his service chiefs, and since the IGP is one of them, we don’t know the reason for his retention. Like other Nigerians, we are watching’.

But the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) and the Young Progressives Party (YPP) commended the President for his action, adding that his decision to keep faith in Egbetokun should be respected.

Supporting the President’s resolve to retain the IG, APGA, through its National Publicity Secretary, Ejimofor Opara, said, ‘The Commander-in-Chief has access to information that is not at our disposal. I am sure he did it (retention of Egbetokun) in the best interest of the nation’.

His YPP counterpart, Wale Martins, agreed with this position.

He said, ‘The recent appointment of new service chiefs, in our view, adequately reflects Nigeria’s ethnoreligious and regional diversity. However, we believe that the shake-up in the security architecture should have been more comprehensive. The challenges confronting our national security are systemic and widespread; hence, no arm of the security apparatus should have been exempted from review. Considering that the IGP’s retirement is already long overdue, retaining him raises legitimate concerns about the need for fresh perspectives and renewed energy. Those who have been part of the old order with limited results to show are unlikely to deliver the transformative change Nigerians desire in the security sector’.

Saturday, 25 October 2025

DO NOT TELL THE PRESIDENT: THE HUSH ABOUT A COUP PLOT

The news about a coup plot should not be seen as a storm in a teacup. More so, we should treat it like a Bull finding its way into a china shop. When the news broke, about an attempted coup in Nigeria. The attention was more on how to court martial those who had the temerity to report the news. This is a regime that wants to control and sift the news narration of the country. Anything outside what it can control is labeled fake news. The harbingers are doing so because they hate Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Then came the change in the heads of the military. That was the administration way of accepting the fact that all is not well in Aso Rock. While nobody wants a regime change via a military intervention. The question we must ask ourselves is what can we as a country do.......should some opportunistic Soldiers strike?

Will the people take to the streets to drive them back to the barracks? Will they welcome them as liberating forces? Or will they be apathetic? Based on the situation in the country. The environment that the APC has created. Unless you are benefitting from this regime. The truth is corruption, tribalism, nepotism and those in power profiting and dividing the nation are what we have on the ground. Those have always been the reasons why the military have taken overpower in the past. In a radio broadcast on January 15, 1966, Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu announced the first military coup in Nigeria's history. The reasons he gave were those you just read. Tell me what has changed in the democracy we have that will prevent another coup from happening in Nigeria. 

Before you crucify me. Hear me out.  Democracy dies in darkness. Good and sincere governance is the only way to keep the military in the barracks. The Nigerian military, ranked as the third most powerful in Africa, is facing ongoing challenges. Issues include a cycle of reactive counter-insurgency efforts, poor troop morale due to low pay and inadequate equipment, and a need for more strategic long-term plans to address diverse security threats like insurgency, banditry, and farmer-herder conflicts. Coupled with the poverty in the land. Here my fellow country men and women is a perfect storm of an ill wind. When the ruling government decides that it is good strategy to kill the opposition. Leading the country into a one-party state. Make it impossible for people to make their grievances known. Celebrating and putting rogues in government positions. Squandering the riches of the country on frivolous foreign trips. The opposition invariably, will be the military. The lack of a robust democracy is the recipe for a coup. It is the violent truth that we choose to ignore at our peril.

Source:JAIYEOLA AJASA.

Friday, 24 October 2025

DEDAN KIMATHI

On this day DEDAN KIMATHI, was hanged at dawn at Kamiti, just over 48 hours after his leave of appeal had been rejected by the Privy Council.

This was despite many petitions and letters appealing for reprieve being sent to the Colonial Secretary by British citizens, politicians and trade unionists.

Kimathi was executed on a charge of carrying a revolver, which, under the Emergency Regulations, was punishable by death. 

The basis of Kimathi's lawyer request for leave of appeal at the Privy Council was that his client was on his way to surrender, and was not in fact "captured."

He also revealed that Kimathi was taking in his arms as was required of those who surrendered. The judges, however, rejected this without hearing the lawyer, describing them as "lies".

Kimathi went calmly to his death and  was described by a senior prison official who was present at the execution as a model prisoner. "To the last he was composed and quiet," he said.

At his own request, a Roman Catholic priest spent the whole  night with him in his cell.

Although many African leaders were hesistant  to condemn the execution out of fear of being  labelled Mau Mau sympathisers, anti colonial  activists from different parts of the world especially in Britain were quite forthright in their  criticism.

"This is a completely barbarous act, of which we should all be deeply ashamed," declared Doris Lessing, the well-known novelist."The procedure leading to the execution," she stated, "shows complete contempt for all forms of British law as we know them here in Britain.

"It shows a complete lack of under standing of the bitterness felt by the African people, who regarded this as a test case as to whether, now the Emergency is at an end, some better mode of government could not be found."

Mr. D. N. Pritt, Queen's Counsel,  commenting on the news, said: "The Colonial Government seems determined to believe that it cannot govern except by not giving way on anything, and never showing any humanity at all.

"It is the same Colonial Government, with powers enabling it to condemn men to death on hundreds of different charges, which keeps thousands of Africans interned without trial and on the flimsiest of information."

Mr. Solly Sachs, the prominent South African trade union leader, who was forced to leave South Africa because of his opposition to the racial policy of the Government, declared:

"The execution of Dedan Kimathi will send a wave of horror and indignation throughout the peoples of Africa and Asia, of Europe and America, who are bitterly opposed to the policy of terror and oppression in Kenya and other parts of Africa."

#Africa #KenyanHistory #Kenya #BlackHistory #World

Thursday, 23 October 2025

DEDAN KIMATHI WACIURI

Dedan Kimathi Waciuri ~Overall Commander-in-Chief of the Kenya Land Freedom Army (Mau Mau) Fighter(Pictured) Dedan Kimathi and his brother Wambararia in 1953. This photo was left outside a British military camp in Muranga.

The story was the British were wondering who was the leader of the resistance movement and he decided to make their work easier.

He was born on 31st October 1920 at Thegenge Village, North Tetu location, Nyeri District, in Central Kenya. He was a Mumbui wa mbari ya Gituiku, of the Maina ruling generation.

He joined Karunaini Primary in 1934. He was a brilliant student; always ahead of his classmates.

He was circumcised in 1938 at Ihururu, Nyeri, thus of the Thukia Mataha/Gichuri age-group,

He joined the King’s African Rifles at the beginning of 1941, during World War 2. He became rebellious to colonialists for what he termed injustice, and deserted after 3 months.

He returned home and continued with his education at Tumutumu CMS. In 1944 he could no longer pay school fees and was finally expelled from school. He tried his hand at various jobs after leaving school including teaching and clerical work.

He married his wife Elsie Mukami in 1949 and they settled in Thomson’s Falls area in 1950.

Kimathi expressed a strong desire to liberate his fellow Africans from the colonial government, which was treating our people as slaves. From 1946 he became a disciple of KAU, which was agitating for Kenya’s Independence. He attended meetings frequently and kept himself informed. 

He was elected secretary general of KAU Thomson’s Falls branch (1952) during which time he preached and motivated the desire to fight for our land and freedom to thousands of people in Thomson’s Falls, Ol Kalou, Leshau and nearly half the Nyeri district.

After majority of the Gikuyu tribe had taken the Mau Mau Unity Oath, administration of the second oath began. This was called the Warrior Oath. Some of the countries most devoted and dedicated men like Dedan Kimathi, Stanley Mathenge and General China, among others, emerged and volunteered to lead the already organized groups of Mau Mau fighters.

He became a great oath administrator, acting as master of ceremony in oath administrations. Towards the end of 1952 his name had become closely connected with Mau Mau activities.

After the elimination of Senior Chief Nderi Wang’ombe, on October 22, 1952, in Kimathi’s home location at an oathing ceremony, just two days after the declaration of the State of Emergency, Dedan Kimathi became a wanted man, with a Ksh.10,000 reward offered.

He entered the Aberdare forest with a big following from North Tetu division and other parts of Nyeri district. His entry into the forest was later to be hailed by the composition of a song: “RIRIA KIMATHI WITU AMBATIRE”. The whole country looked to him for victory and ceaselessly prayed to Ngai to send him courage to defeat the white man.

He rose fast to become the overall leader of the Kenya Land and Freedom Army. By 1954 he had been elected Prime Minister of Kenya by his comrades and given the title ‘Field Marshal Sir Dedan Kimathi, Matemo, Knight Commander of the African Empire.

He established fighting camps, drafted codes of rules and regulations, organized supply of recruitments, arms, clothing and medical supplies. He kept relations with passive supporters from outside the forest. He visited other Freedom fighters in Nyandarua Mountains, as well as Murang’a, Kiambu and the Reserves, boosting their morale and helped them in organizing their men into effective fighting units. He also established contact with Mau Mau leaders in the Mt Kenya forest led by General China. He organized many raids and always demanded a full report on how they were carried out. He was also their spiritual leader, leading Mau Mau freedom fighters in prayers facing Mount Kenya, and in traditional Agikuyu ceremonies.

In August 1954 he formed 8 armies, assigning leaders to each and their area of operations. He was responsible for coordinating all forest fighters in countering the Government offensive. He was a leader of exceptional organizational skill. A great patriot. The symbol of the country’s heroism. He wanted bounty freedom and a better life for the future generations of this country. 

Through his letters to the government and other Mau Mau leaders, he became the most famous and undisputed leader of all freedom fighters. He was a great hero. Everybody wanted to meet him. After Mau Mau raids, notes would be found after they had left, reading, “Kimathi was here, Ithaka na Wiyathi, Land and Freedom, is what we’re fighting for.” Throughout Kimathi’s writings and speeches and in the reports of meetings held by forest groups, he emphasized on the need for justice, on the possibility of reconciliation on the right to self government.

His total commitment to the struggle and his understanding of the needs of the revolution, despite the hardships faced in the forest, ensured that the KLFA army kept up its offensive at the enemy throughout the entire Freedom Struggle. He led the Kenya Defense Council, Kenya Parliament and founded the Kenya Young Stars Association.

He was finally captured on October 21, 1956, and executed in a Nairobi prison on February 18, 1957. Six years later Kenya gained its independence from the British. Kimathi and the Mau Mau left their imprint in the Kenyan history of resistance against oppression and injustice. It stands in history as one of the greatest liberation struggles ever. Long live Njamba Ya Ruriri/Muthuuri 

Mugathe/Kienyu kia Ngai/Hinya wa KLFA/Itugi ria Hicituri ya Kenya ti Dedan Kimathi! Long live Mau Mau! Long live the freedom of Kenya, which he fought and brought.

“But even if we die before achieving our fundamental goal – our country, our rivers, and these forests, shall testify for our heroism and our undying love for our homeland.”

“In working for our people, we are doing God’s work.”

“Let us sacrifice our lives. Let us liberate our motherland.”

“Truly I say unto you we are the heroes that will be remembered by future generations for ever.”

“Gūtirī kīndū kīrī riiri, kīrī mūrīo, kīrī bata, ta kūrūīra wīyathi wa būrūri.”

“This land of ours – Gīkūyū, Ngai blessed it to us and declared that we shall never depart from it.”

#DedanKimathi

Wednesday, 22 October 2025

Defections, Tinubu, And The Return of Abacha Democracy, By SKC Ogbonnia

A famous American journalist, Sydney J. Harris, once wrote that, "History repeats itself, but in such cunning disguise that we never detect the resemblance until the damage is done."

Once upon a time Nigeria had a military Head of State, Sani Abacha, who ruled as a maximum dictator. He would eventually yield to pressure to transition the country to a democracy, but he also plotted to succeed himself as the president.

Keenly aware that he was unpopular and had no chance of winning the presidency in any free and fair election under a multiparty democracy, Abacha turned to unholy schemes. His regime staged an aggressive montage of propaganda to launder his image behind a facade of positive narratives–all suggesting a show of overwhelming public support for the military head of state to succeed himself. They portrayed him as the best leader ever and his candidacy as the second coming of the Messiah. But that was not all.

Buoyed by the false public support, General Sani Abacha used the instrument of power to coerce opposing political parties to endorse him as a sole candidate. All coasts were clear for him to enthrone a sham democracy featuring only one party and, of course, without internal or external opposition. But providence has a way with destiny, as well as with ambitions. Sani Abacha died unexpectedly. And his brand of democracy also died suddenly, or so we thought. That was in 1998!

Fast forward to 2025, history is repeating itself in a disgusting disguise. The objective fact is that the Abacha model of democracy or resemblance of it is back in our naked eyes, and the man in charge has a similar trait and background.  Like Sani Abacha, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu did not gain power by popular account. While Abacha became Head of State by the way of a military coup, a majority of Nigerian voters (64.7%) rejected Tinubu in the election that he used to assume power. Like Abacha, Tinubu is widely rated as one of the most corrupt leaders in the world. Like Sani Abacha, amid a woeful record of performance, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is employing underhand tactics, undermining democratic norms in order to win a re-election.

So far, the former Lagos governor is in full control of both the Legislature and the Judiciary. The gravest of all, however, is a grand design to emulate the Abacha model by using all manner of political intimidation to decimate the structures of the opposition parties. The objective is a one-party state or a semblance of it. This explains the wave of defections of legislators and governors to Tinubu's ruling APC. Nothing more!!

Of course, the defecting politicians or the Tinubu enablers have continued to labour so hard to offer nothing but tantalizing reasons for abandoning the people and the parties that brought them to power. However, every reason or excuse they have offered is in conflict with history and common sense.

Interestingly, the governors who have decamped so far happen to hail from the South-East and South-South zones of the country. This is a region that ‘aligned with the center’ for 16 of the 25 years in the Fourth Republic. This is a region that has produced a President, Vice President, Senate Presidents, Deputy Senate Presidents, Deputy Speakers, Ruling Party Chairmen, and some of the other most powerful portfolios when PDP held sway. Yet, there is nothing to show for the support or the patronage. Needless to remind them that this same region includes Imo and Ebonyi states, which have been under the control of the same APC since the previous regime; yet, such a gesture did not stop Bola Ahmed Tinubu from waging a shadow war against the Igbo people of Nigeria.

Let us even choose not to factor the common knowledge above, but common sense dictates that only an enemy of Nigeria will be singing praises of the APC regime that has plunged the country into untold hardship with no end in sight. Only a corrupt mind would be rushing to a ruling party that is leading the most criminal and unjust regime in national history.

The truth of the matter is simple: Their reason for the defections is purely for selfish interests. Specifically, these defecting politicians are lily-livered leaders who lack principle and  have either corrupt baggage, afraid of winning elections on their own merit or those eager to benefit from the ruling party's corrupt ecosystem. The whistling charm is the prevailing pledge by the then National Chairman of the APC, Adams Oshiomhole, that the sins of the members of the opposition parties would be forgiven if they defect to the ruling party.

Former British Prime Minister, Sir Winston Churchill, probably had in mind the type of unfolding political crisis in Nigeria, when he noted that, "Those that fail to learn from history are doomed to repeat it".

Bola Ahmed Tinubu ought to be able to dig deeper in history and remember that brute attempts by then ruling parties to win broad political mandate was the central reason commonly cited for the fall of both the First and Second Republics.

Recall the situation under the very Second Republic. Similar to the case of Tinubu, President Shehu Shagari (who scored only 33.7% of the votes ) failed to garner majority votes through the 1979 polls. The National Party of Nigeria (NPN), being the ruling party at the time, was desperate for a clear majority in the subsequent election of 1983. It followed the mission by boasting and threatening that it must capture the states where the regional capitals of the First Republic–namely Enugu, Kaduna, and Ibadan–were located. The NPN brushed aside the fact that those states were controlled by political parties featuring popular native presidential candidates, namely Nnamdi Azikiwe, Aminu Kano, and Obafemi Awolowolo, respectively. 

With the timber and calibre of the ruling NPN behind him, Shagari threw caution to the wind and went ahead to deploy heavy duty federal might to deliver those former regional capitals through the 1983 elections. Accordingly, the election result was greeted with  mass discontent and unrest. Not surprisingly, mass jubilation greeted the military coup of 1983 that overthrew the Shagari government. While military coups must no longer be an option, Tinubu can learn from recent history that the restive masses have become even more potent.

In sum, it is clear that Nigeria's hard earned democracy is at its lowest ebb. This failure is because the overbearing influence of the Executive branch under President Tinubu has weakened institutional independence and, by consequence, lack of checks and balances, dictatorship,  systemic corruption, and abuse of civil liberties. Today, Mr. Tinubu is widely seen to be above the law. He is widely seen to dictate who gets what, who wins or who loses. Sadly, instead of holding the ruling party accountable, the opposition leaders are succumbing, defecting to become a part of the state corrupt ecosystem. The posterity beckons!

October 20, 2025

SKC Ogbonnia, a former APC Presidential Aspirant, writes from Houston, Texas.

Tuesday, 21 October 2025

I AM BIGGER THAN MICHEAL JACKSON----SIR SHINA PETERS

𝐒𝐡𝐢𝐧𝐚 𝐏𝐞𝐭𝐞𝐫𝐬 𝐂𝐥𝐚𝐢𝐦𝐬 𝐇𝐞 𝐇𝐚𝐬 𝐌𝐨𝐫𝐞 𝐄𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐠𝐫𝐞𝐞𝐧 𝐀𝐥𝐛𝐮𝐦𝐬 𝐓𝐡𝐚𝐧 𝐌𝐢𝐜𝐡𝐚𝐞𝐥 𝐉𝐚𝐜𝐤𝐬𝐨𝐧.

' I have four block buster music albums. They were great commercial hits. Micheal Jackson only had two."

Michael Jackson's Thriller has sold over 70 million copies worldwide, making it the best-selling album of all time.

Global breakthrough: Released by Island Records, Juju Music became King Sunny Adé's first worldwide release and was instrumental in launching the "worldbeat" genre in the United States.

Billboard chart success: The album spent 29 weeks on the US Billboard 200 chart in 1983, a remarkable achievement for a Nigerian album at the time.

Critical acclaim: The New York Times called it "the year's freshest dance-music album" in 1982, and it earned high praise from publications like New Musical Express.

Legacy: Its success spurred greater international interest in Nigerian music, leading to more Western exposure for other artists like Ebenezer Obey and Fela Kuti. 

Other commercially successful juju albums

Synchro System (1983) by King Sunny Adé: Following the success of Juju Music, this album was also a major commercial hit and earned Adé his first Grammy nomination.

Ace (Afro-Juju Series 1) (1989) by Sir Shina Peters: This album fused juju with Afrobeat and sold double-platinum in Nigeria, making it a huge success within the country.

Albums by Ebenezer Obey: A major rival to King Sunny Adé, Chief Commander Ebenezer Obey and his band released numerous popular and highly acclaimed albums during the 1970s and 1980s.


Sunday, 19 October 2025

The Mentality That Holds Nigeria Back

Until Nigerians change their mentality, the dream of producing a reasonable, selfless, and visionary leader for Africa will remain far-fetched. The greatest obstacle to Nigeria’s progress is not just corruption or bad governance it is the deeply rooted mindset of division and selfishness that dominates the hearts of its people.

In Nigeria, tribal loyalty often outweighs national interest. People identify more with their ethnic groups Hausa, Igbo, Yoruba, and others than with the nation itself. When elections come, competence and integrity are rarely the criteria for leadership; instead, the focus shifts to “our own person,” regardless of merit or vision. This tribal mentality has made unity impossible and progress a distant dream.

True nation-building requires a collective consciousness a sense of belonging that transcends tribal lines. But in Nigeria, each tribe wants to dominate, each group wants to rule, and each region fights for its share of the “national cake.” As a result, the country remains trapped in a cycle of mistrust, inequality, and underdevelopment.

Until Nigerians rise above ethnic sentiments and embrace a national identity built on justice, equality, and patriotism, they will continue to recycle the same kind of leaders greedy, divisive, and unpatriotic. The change Nigeria needs will not come from the top; it must begin in the minds of the people. Only when Nigerians see themselves first as Nigerians before any tribe can the nation produce leaders worthy of leading Africa toward greatness.

#Africa #Nigeria #World

Saturday, 18 October 2025

PRESS RELEASE : DHQ NEVER MENTIONED ANY COUP ATTEMPT

PRESS RELEASE : DHQ NEVER MENTIONED ANY COUP ATTEMPT 

(1).  The attention of the Defence Headquarters (DHQ) has been drawn to a false and misleading report by an online publication insinuating that the cancellation of activities marking Nigeria’s 65th Independence Anniversary was linked to an alleged attempted military coup. The report also made spurious references to the recent DHQ press release announcing the arrest of sixteen officers currently under investigation for professional misconduct.

(2).  The Armed Forces of Nigeria (AFN) wishes to categorically state that the claims by the said publication are entirely false, malicious, and intended to cause unnecessary tension and distrust among the populace. The decision regarding the cancellellation of 65th independence anniversary parade  was  to allow Mr President attend a strategic bilateral meeting outside the country and for members of the AFN to sustain the momentum on the fight against terrorism, insurgency and banditry.

(3).  Furthermore, the DHQ wishes to reassure Nigerians that the ongoing investigation involving the sixteen officers is a routine internal process aimed at ensuring discipline and professionalism is maintained within the ranks. An investigative panel has been duly constituted, and its findings would be made public.

(4).  The DHQ calls on all peace loving citizens to continue to provide necessary support to the security agents. The FG, the legislature and the judiciary are working closely for the safety, development and well being of the nation. Democracy is forever. 

(5).  The DHQ urges members of the public to disregard the falsehood being circulated by the purveyors of misinformation and enemies of our nation. The Armed Forces of Nigeria remains firmly loyal to the Constitution and the Federal government under the leadership of the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR.

Signed:

TUKUR GUSAU

Brigadier General

Director Defence Information, Abuja

18 October 2025

THE UNPARDONABLE MISTAKES IN THE PARDONS

There were indications on Thursday that some names on the presidential pardon list approved by the Council of State, as presented by the Attorney-General of the Federation, Prince Lateef Fagbemi (SAN), may be dropped.

The development comes amid growing public outcry over the inclusion of certain high-profile and violent offenders among those pardoned by President Bola Tinubu.

The presidential pardon, usually granted to mark national occasions, was also meant to decongest prisons and promote reconciliation.

The presidential statement noted that the decision followed recommendations by the Presidential Advisory Committee on the Prerogative of Mercy, chaired by the Attorney-General.

It added that the list of beneficiaries was divided into six categories: Those granted pardon, posthumous pardon (including the Ogoni Nine), victims of the Ogoni Nine honoured, presidential clemency (clemency beneficiaries), inmates recommended for reduced terms of imprisonment, and inmates on death row whose sentences were commuted to life imprisonment.

However, the latest episode has reignited debate over the transparency and integrity of Nigeria’s pardon process.

On Thursday, Fagbemi (SAN), however, clarified that the Presidential Prerogative of Mercy recently announced by the President was still under review and had not been finalised.

Controversy has continued to trail the inclusion of some names, with anti-graft and security agencies, including the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission and the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency, reportedly moving to halt the release of some individuals on the list.

Fagbemi, at the Council of State meeting convened on October 9, 2025, had listed illegal miners, white-collar convicts, drug offenders, foreigners, Maj Gen Mamman Vatsa, Prof Magaji Garba, Ken Saro-Wiwa and the Ogoni Eight, as well as capital offenders such as Maryam Sanda, among the 175 convicts and former convicts who received presidential pardon.

The full list was released in a statement from the Presidency on Saturday, October 11, 2025.

While some names of Politically-Exposed Persons on the list, like Herbert Macaulay, Farouk Lawan, among others, did not raise dust, the inclusion of certain individuals linked to violent crimes and security breaches sparked outrage.

One of the names was Maryam Sanda, who was convicted in 2017 for stabbing her husband, Bilyaminu Bello, to death.

While some members of Bello’s family rejected the pardon for Maryam, the father, Alhaji Bello Isa, alongside Maryam’s father, Alhaji Garba Sanda, addressed a press conference to accept the presidential pardon.

The President also pardoned Major S. Alabi Akubo, who was sentenced to life imprisonment for illegal possession of prohibited firearms, among others and one Kelvin Prosper Oniarah, whose kidnapping terror spanned Delta, Edo, Rivers, Abia, Benue, and Oyo states, with detention camps in Warri and Kokori (Delta), Ugbokolo (Benue), Benin City (Edo), and Aba (Abia).

The names of those convicted for killing security agents, illicit drug couriers, and others tried for money laundering, among other offences, were queried on the list.

The uproar has reportedly prompted a review of the clemency process, with the Presidency considering dropping controversial names that generated public criticisms.

Security Agencies Kick:

A presidential aide with knowledge of the matter, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorised to comment on the matter, said the EFCC, Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission, NDLEA and lead security agencies had raised strong objections to the list, insisting that some of the names were “smuggled in” and not part of those recommended by the presidential committee that screened applicants for clemency.

He said anti-graft agencies warned that releasing some of the convicts could undermine the ongoing fight against corruption and organised crime.

He said a top security source disclosed that some of the proposed beneficiaries “can never be released,” particularly those convicted of killing security operatives or engaging in kidnapping and other capital offences.

“The list was too wide, and some of the names did not pass the necessary security vetting.

“The EFCC, NDLEA, and other security agencies have insisted that the list must be pruned down. Not all the names came from the committee that reviewed the cases,” the presidential aide said.

Officials also familiar with the matter said the final list would likely exclude those whose release could pose security risks or undermine confidence in the justice system.

“The list will be trimmed to reflect only those who genuinely deserve the President’s mercy. Those whose inclusion created controversy will be expunged,” a senior official, who also spoke on condition of anonymity, told The PUNCH on Thursday.

Another official in one of the security agencies said, “Some low-level officers at the level of the committee smuggled in some names. Obviously, the President is unaware of some of the names on that list.

“They have now sent the list to NDLEA and other security agencies for review. Some of the names on the list did not meet the criteria. Some low-level officers bypassed the criteria.

“In fact, some of the cases are still fresh. The good thing is that they are still in custody; they have not been released.”

An official of one of the anti-graft agencies also spoke under the condition of anonymity.

He told The PUNCH, “I am aware the ICPC and the police are not comfortable with the list because the names of some convicts who are not supposed to be on that list are there.”

When reached for comments by The PUNCH, officials of the agencies were not ready to speak on the matter officially.

List For Review:

On Thursday, Fagbemi (SAN) stated that the Presidential Prerogative of Mercy recently announced by the President was still under review and had not been finalised.

In a statement in Abuja, the minister clarified that no inmate approved for clemency under the recent exercise had been released from custody.

According to Fagbemi, “The process remains at the final administrative stage, which includes a standard review to ensure that all names and recommendations fully comply with established legal and procedural requirements before any instrument of release is issued.”

He further explained that after the approval by the Council of State, the next step in the process was the issuance of the formal instrument implementing the President’s decision for each beneficiary.

“This stage affords an opportunity for a final review of the list for remedial purposes, if necessary, before the instrument is forwarded to the Controller-General of Corrections for necessary action.

“This verification process is part of the standard protocol and reflects the government’s commitment to transparency and due diligence,” the AGF said.

Fagbemi appreciated the public’s vigilance and constructive feedback, describing it as a sign of Nigerians’ deep concern for justice and good governance.

“There is no delay in the process; it is simply following the law to the letter to ensure that only those duly qualified benefit from the President’s mercy. As soon as all legal and procedural checks are concluded, the public will be duly informed. The rule of law does not rush; it ensures fairness.”

Thursday, 16 October 2025

FACTS ABOUT THE 1993 TINUBU $460,000 FORFEITURE CASE (U.S.)

IS TINUBU A DRUG BARON AS CLAIMED BY OPPOSITION? FACT vs PROPAGANDA

•No Arrest or Indictment: Bola Ahmed Tinubu was never arrested or charged for drug offenses in the United States. He served as a Senator in 1992 and led MKO Abiola’s Lagos West campaign in 1993, during the same period.

•Nature of the Case: It was an 'in rem' (civil forfeiture) case; the funds, not Tinubu himself, were investigated. The U.S. government targeted accounts linked to associates suspected of drug trafficking, not Tinubu directly.

•Investigating Agency: The lead investigator was Kevin Moss, a U.S. IRS Special Agent, not the DEA. IRS cases deal with tax violations, not narcotics prosecution.

•Outcome:

•Tinubu forfeited $460,000 linked to tax irregularities.

•Over $1 million was refunded to him; a rare outcome inconsistent with drug convictions.

•The DEA was not involved, confirming no narcotics charges.

•U.S. Government Actions:

•No extradition request was ever sent to Nigeria.

•In 1993, the U.S. granted Tinubu a multiple-entry visa/asylum status; impossible if he were under drug indictment.

•Verification

•Gani Fawehinmi’s suit against Tinubu in Nigeria was dismissed.

•The PDP-led Federal Government (2003–2007) petitioned the U.S. on the same issue; Washington officially cleared Tinubu.

Summary:

Bola Ahmed Tinubu was never arrested, indicted, or convicted for drug trafficking in the U.S. The $460,000 forfeiture stemmed from IRS tax issues, not drugs. Reviving the case today is purely political propaganda, not fact.

So you believe the U.S. seized about $1.95 million from accounts linked to drugs, then forfeited only $460,000 and returned over $1.5 million to that same person?

You either too stupid to understand how the U.S. justice system works, or Tinubu is somehow bigger than the United States of America.

Wednesday, 15 October 2025

BRIGADIER BENJAMIN ADEKUNLE

In August, 1977, that's three years after he left the Nigerian Army, Brigadier Benjamin Adekunle, told Muyiwa Adetiba, a journalist: 

"I had been labelled as a legalised murde3er by the society called Nigerians.

Right now, I will do any job that will lead to the saving of souls of fellow Nigerians. Not that I regrët my period as a soldier, or my kill!ng days as some people would like to refer to it. But there are certain times when you need to do some reassessments. To be a soldier can be a cūrse in that you are branded. People look at you as if there is no good in you, as if you are just a bløød-thirsty cãnnibāl."

Some have argued that Benjamin Adekunle's success in Eastern Nigeria during the battle to keep the country as one was partly because he once served as Aide-de-Camp to the Governor of the Eastern Region, Sir Akanu Ibiam, in 1962. They argue that he might have mastered the terrain before he was deployed to the battlefield. Others say he only showed his passion as a soldier. He was just 31 when the wãr started.

Born in Kaduna, Nigeria; his father was from Ogbomoso, Oyo State. He completed secondary education at Government College, Okene and enlisted in the Nigerian Army in 1958 and commissioned as 2nd Lieutenant on 15 December 1960.

During the Civil Wãr (1967-1970), he led the amphibious assāūlt on Bonny Island in July 1967 (sometimes called the 'Bonny landing'), one of the early successes for Federal førces. 

- He commanded Operation Tiger Claw, captūring the important Biafran port of Calabar.

- Under his command, the 3rd Marine Commando Division (which he renamed to underscore its amphibious/riverside operations) achieved many victories in riverine and coastal areas: taking control of places like Escravos, Burutu, Urhonigbe, Owa, Aladima, Bomadi, Patani, Youngtown, Koko, Sapele, Ajagbodudu, Warri, Ughelli, Orerokpe, Umutu, Itagba Uno.

- His forces’ operations were strategic in cutting off Biafra’s supply routes via coast and riverine areas, helping to isolate Biafra. 

In 1972, he was promoted to Brigadier and was put in charge of decongesting the Lagos ports, a significant logistical/economic task, and succeeded in reducing congestion. He retired from the Nigerian Army on 20 August, 1974. He was 38 then.

He said in the interview with Adetiba: "I wanted to do 22 years in the Army. I only did 14."

He passed away on September 13, 2014 at age 78.

Credit: Ethnic African Stories

Tuesday, 14 October 2025

‎OGBIDI OKOJIE: THE UNYEILDING UMRELLA OF UROMI

In the heart of Uromi kingdom, in what is now Edo State, Nigeria, the year 1857 witnessed the extraordinary birth of a child destined to defy empires. Ogbidi Okojie entered the world in his seventh month of gestation, a premature arrival that foreshadowed a life that would never conform to ordinary expectations. Born into the royal Okojie dynasty, he was the 14th in line to the Uromi throne, a position that would eventually place him at the center of one of colonial Africa's most determined resistances against British expansion.

‎From his earliest days, Ogbidi was immersed in the traditions and responsibilities of monarchical leadership. As an African monarch, he developed an unwavering belief in his divine right to wield absolute power over his subjects, who in turn looked to their king for protection, guidance, and justice. This reciprocal relationship between ruler and ruled would form the foundation of his worldview—a worldview that would inevitably clash with the advancing British colonial system that sought to subjugate independent African kingdoms under the Crown's authority.

‎By the end of the nineteenth century, the British colonial machine was steadily advancing across Nigeria. After the Royal Niger Company transferred its territories to the British government in 1900, colonial authorities began expanding and strengthening their control, systematically unseating traditional rulers who refused to acknowledge British supremacy. The British had already deployed brutal force to subjugate the Benin Kingdom in 1897, where they spent thirteen days conquering, burning, and looting the ancient city before exiling Oba Ovonramwen to Calabar.

‎Emboldened by their success in Benin, the British turned their attention to the Esan kingdoms, expecting similar quick victories. What they encountered instead was a resistance that would surprise them with its tenacity and strategic sophistication. The Esan people, particularly those of Uromi kingdom, were prepared to defend their sovereignty with everything at their disposal.

‎On March 16, 1901, the British invasion of Uromi began in earnest. The colonial forces arrived with overwhelming military superiority—over 200 troops armed with 100 cannons and numerous modern shotguns. Against this formidable force, Prince Okojie (who had not yet been formally crowned king) could only muster fighters equipped with Dane guns, bows, arrows, and spears. Despite this dramatic disadvantage in weaponry, the Uromi resistance would prove unexpectedly formidable.

‎The British expected a swift victory similar to their Benin campaign, but instead found themselves mired in a protracted guerrilla war that would last six month. Prince Okojie demonstrated remarkable military leadership, leveraging his forces' knowledge of the terrain and employing hit-and-run tactics that frustrated the British expeditionary force. Despite inflicting heavy collateral damage on Uromi villages and farms, the British could not break the spirit of resistance.

‎The resilience of the Uromi fighters under Okojie's command was so surprising that British forces eventually shifted strategy. Rather than continuing direct engagement with the elusive guerrilla forces, they focused on capturing leadership figures. They first seized King Okolo, Ogbidi's father and the reigning Onojie of Uromi, on March 20, 190. When the king died in captivity eight days later, the British expected the resistance to collapse. Instead, unaware of his father's death, Prince Okojie continued to lead and inspire the resistance with even greater determination.

‎Frustrated by their inability to quell the resistance through conventional military means, the British employed psychological warfare and deception. They widely publicized the capture of King Okolo (concealing his death), hoping to demoralize the Uromi fighters. When this only partially succeeded, they proposed a truce meeting, promising the release of King Okolo if Prince Okojie would attend personally.

‎Seeing an opportunity to free his father, Okojie agreed to the meeting. This decision would prove fateful. Upon his arrival at the designated place, he was immediately arrested by British forces. The promised release of his father was revealed to be a ruse—King Okolo had already been dead for weeks. Okojie was tried on charges of inciting his people against British rule and, on April 30, 1901, was exiled to Calabar.

‎In Calabar, Okojie joined other exiled monarchs who had resisted British expansion, including Oba Ovonramwen of Benin. This gathering of deposed kings created a unique community of resistance leaders who shared experiences and strategies, further solidifying Okojie's antipathy toward colonial rule. Despite the hardship of exile, he maintained his royal dignity and continued to regard himself as the legitimate ruler of Uromi.

‎Remarkably, Okojie's exile lasted less than a year. The British, recognizing his enduring influence among his people, decided to return him to Uromi in 1901 under their system of indirect rule. After performing the necessary funeral rites for his father, he was officially crowned the 14th Onojie of Uromi in 1900 (though some sources indicate the coronation occurred upon his return in 1901).

‎The British appointed Okojie as President of the colonial-created Native Court, tasking him with administratively assisting the District Officer in overseeing Uromi territory. Superficially, he appeared to cooperate with colonial authorities between 1901 and 1917. During this period, Uromi showed increased primary school enrollment, higher revenue generation from court fines and taxes, and greater participation in colonial activities.

‎However, this outward compliance masked a sophisticated strategy of passive resistance. Okojie continued to exert his traditional authority alongside his colonial duties, governing his subjects as his ancestors had done and maintaining royal privileges. He established his court at Ubiaja as the Divisional Supreme Judge, hearing criminal cases from across the region. This dual governance allowed him to preserve Uromi's traditional structures while ostensibly cooperating with colonial authorities.  

‎Okojie's subtle resistance eventually provoked British authorities again. In 1918 he was exiled for the second time this time to Benin City. His presence there unsettled Oba Eweka II, the reigning Benin monarch who operated under British supervision. The cultural precedent of having two monarchs in one city—one reigning under colonial authority and another maintaining traditional legitimacy—created tension that undermined British authority.

‎During his second exile, Okojie wrote repeated petitions to British authorities, insisting he was needed back in Uromi to provide leadership for his people. In 1922, he even wrote to the Lieutenant-Governor of the Southern Provinces, offering to return as a private citizen if necessary. This request was denied, with the British instead suggesting that more of his wives be sent to join him in exile—a attempt to normalize his permanent removal from Uromi.

‎Refusing to accept his exile, Okojie made a dramatic escape in 1926, traveling back to Uromi himself. His return was celebrated by his subjects, but British authorities quickly recaptured and transferred him to Ibadan, further from his homeland. Throughout these years of exile, the people of Uromi continued to regard Okojie as their legitimate ruler, adhering to the Esan cultural principle that a properly crowned king remains king regardless of location.

‎Okojie was finally released in 1931 and returned to Uromi to resume his kingship. Despite his years in exile, he returned with undiminished authority and immediately began consolidating his power and developing his kingdom. He built schools to support higher learning and constructed roads connecting Uromi to Ilushi, Agbor, and Ehor, facilitating trade and mobility. He served as the supreme judge for criminal cases across the region, hearing murder trials at Agbede, Esan, Kukuruku (now Auchi), and Ologhodo (now Agbor).

‎Okojie's aspiration for African independence manifested not only in his own resistance but also through his descendants. His grandson, Chief Anthony Enahoro, would initiate the self-government motion in the Western House of Assembly in 1953—a crucial step toward Nigerian independence, which was achieved on October 1, 1960. Other distinguished grandchildren include Peter Enahoro, the renowned pan-African journalist; Cardinal Anthony Okogie, the first Esan Cardinal; and Dr. Robert Okojie, a NASA scientist.

‎When Ogbidi Okojie died on February 3, 1944, he left behind an extraordinary legacy. He was survived by over sixty wives, forty concubines, and innumerable children and grandchildren. His people remembered him as "Ogbidi the Uromi umbrella" and "the white son of Olokun"—titles that reflected their reverence for his protective leadership and mystical attributes. Folk traditions attributed to him the ability to transform into a girl, lion, or leopard at will, and to command the rain to fall and the air to stand still.

‎Ogbidi Okojie's resistance against British colonial rule represents a significant chapter in the history of anti-colonial movements in Africa. His story is particularly remarkable for its demonstration of how traditional rulers could employ both military and non-military strategies to oppose foreign domination. Where direct confrontation proved impossible, Okojie adapted with passive resistance and cultural preservation, always maintaining his people's sense of autonomy and self-determination.

‎The duration and sophistication of Uromi's resistance against the British—lasting up to six months against overwhelming military superiority—distinguishes it from many other colonial conflicts in the region. This resistance was made possible by Okojie's strategic leadership, his fighters' knowledge of the terrain, and the widespread support from the Uromi people who refused to surrender their sovereignty without extraordinary effort.

‎Today, Ogbidi Okojie remains a powerful symbol of dignity and resistance in Esanland and beyond. His descendants continue to honor his legacy across various fields—from politics to science to journalism—demonstrating how the spirit of resistance can transform into nation-building and cultural advancement. The story of his life serves as a testament to the fact that even when military victory is impossible, the preservation of cultural identity and dignity through strategic resistance constitutes a form of victory in itself.

‎"He is still remembered by his people as Ogbidi the Uromi umbrella, the white son of Olokun, Okun the greatest native doctor that ever lived and ruled the native people of Uromi..."

#BlackHistory ‎#Africa #Nigeria #World

Monday, 13 October 2025

YORUBA: A NATION OF 27+ TRIBES, ONE ANCESTRAL ROOT

A nation isn’t just about borders. It’s about shared language, culture, ancestry, values, and memory. The Yoruba Nation—descended from the ancient city of Ilé-Ifẹ̀, the spiritual and cultural cradle of the Yoruba civilization—is one of the most historically unified nations in Africa.

Despite modern efforts by some to redraw identity lines for political or social gain, genealogy, culture, oral traditions, and historical migration records affirm the Yoruba ancestry of all its subgroups—including those across modern-day Nigeria, Benin, and Togo.

The Yoruba Nation comprises 26+ tribes, each distinct yet united in culture, language dialects, spiritual systems, and ancestry:

🔸 Yoruba-Ife

🔸 Yoruba-Oyo

🔸 Yoruba-Ijesa

🔸 Yoruba-Egba

🔸 Yoruba-Ijebu

🔸 Yoruba-Awori

🔸 Yoruba-Yewa

🔸 Yoruba-Remo

🔸 Yoruba-Akure

🔸 Yoruba-Ondo

🔸 Yoruba-Ikale

🔸 Yoruba-Ilaje

🔸 Yoruba-Owo

🔸 Yoruba-Akoko

🔸 Yoruba-Ibarapa

🔸 Yoruba-Igbomina

🔸 Yoruba-Ekiti

🔸 Yoruba-Oworo

🔸 Yoruba-Owe

🔸 Yoruba-Onko

🔸 Yoruba-Ohori (Benin Republic)

🔸 Yoruba-Ana or Ife (Togo)

🔸 Yoruba-Itsekiri (of mixed Yoruba-Bini heritage)

YORUBA IN KOGI STATE – THE ÒKÙN PEOPLE

Often overlooked in broader Yoruba discourse, the Òkùn Yorùbá of Kogi West are undeniably Yoruba by origin, language, and culture.

They include:

🔹 Ọ̀wọ̀rò

🔹 Òwè

🔹 Ìgbómìnà (in Yagba and Mopa-Amuro)

🔹 Ìjùmú

🔹 Bùnú

🔹 Ẹ̀gbá Ọ̀kùn

Major Yoruba Cities as Tribal Melting Pots:

▪️ Lagos – Awori, Egba, Remo, Ijebu, Yewa

▪️ Ibadan – Oyo, Egba, Ijebu, Remo

▪️ Ilorin – Oyo, Igbomina, Ekiti, Oworo, Owe

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