NOW TRUMP WANTS TO FIND JESUS.

A month ago, President Donald Trump unabashedly celebrated the death of former FBI Director Robert Mueller. “Good, I’m glad he’s dead,” Trump said. “He can no longer hurt innocent people!”

On Monday, Trump and his White House responded to a shooting at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner this weekend by decrying Democrats’ supposedly beyond-the-pale rhetoric and labeling them a “cult of hatred.”

Their chief example of this kind of rhetoric? ABC comedian Jimmy Kimmel telling a joke that made light of Trump’s potential demise. Days before this weekend’s shooting, Kimmel joked that first lady Melania Trump had “a glow like an expectant widow.”

Apparently, it’s OK for Trump to celebrate a public servant’s death; it is not OK for Jimmy Kimmel to joke about Trump’s.

The shooting at this weekend’s dinner has yet again led Trump and his White House to focus on Democrats’ rhetoric, despite Trump’s own demonstrated history of extremely ugly rhetoric. Republicans are largely repeating a blame game they waged after Charlie Kirk’s assassination last year.

Thus far, the strategy hasn’t appeared to work. Polls show Americans generally view the right’s rhetoric as more violent and dangerous.

This political violence stems from a systemic demonization of [Trump] and his supporters by commentators, yes, by elected members of the Democrat Party, and even some in the media,” White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt said Monday. “This hateful and constant and violent rhetoric directed at President Trump, day after day after day for 11 years, has helped to legitimize this violence and bring us to this dark moment.”

The first thing to note is that definitive statements about alleged shooter motivations this early are generally speculative, at best. Often, reports surface that suggest the perpetrators had mental health issues.

The accused attacker, Cole Tomas Allen, apparently left a paper trail that provides clues about his potential motivation, including social media posts that compared Trump to Adolf Hitler and encouraged others critical of his presidency to purchase guns.

DEATH BY THE POND: THE ASSASSINATION OF ASIPA AMUDA OLORUNOSEBI

The name Yusuf Ayinde Amuda Afolabi, popularly known as Amuda Olorunosebi, occupies an important place in the traditional history of Oyo Alaafin. As the Asipa of Oyo Kingdom, he was one of the principal members of the Oyo Mesi, the council of kingmakers responsible for the selection and oversight of the Alaafin. The office of Asipa, historically regarded as a position of municipal authority, has long been recognized as central to the governance of Oyo. Early historical accounts, including those documented by Reverend Samuel Johnson, describe the Asipa as a leading voice in the administration of the town.

Amuda Olorunosebi rose to this distinguished position in 1976 during the reign of Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III, a period that also witnessed the creation of Oyo State from the former Western Region. His tenure was marked by influence, wealth, and extensive social connections across Yorubaland. Beyond his traditional responsibilities, he was widely known for his involvement in agriculture. His fish farming operations in the Ijawaya and Ajegunle areas of Oyo were among the most expansive in the region, and he was regarded as a strong advocate for farming as a sustainable occupation, particularly for young people.

In early November 1992, two individuals identified as Segun Oduneye and Abiodun Faseyitan paid him a visit, claiming to represent an agricultural enterprise seeking land for a fishery project in Oyo. They presented a letter of introduction and were received in accordance with customary hospitality. Following initial discussions, the Asipa directed his aides to show them suitable land at Ijawaya. The visitors expressed satisfaction with the land and indicated their readiness to proceed. Over the following days, they made repeated visits and eventually requested that the Asipa personally accompany them to the site to confirm ownership.

On 26 November 1992, after attending a family event, the Asipa agreed to visit the farmland in their company. He was accompanied by aides, including Ganiyu Ajiboye and Raimi Ishola. Upon arrival at the site in Ijawaya, the situation changed suddenly when an armed individual, whose identity was concealed, emerged and opened fire. In the confusion that followed, one of the aides managed to escape, while another sustained serious injuries. The Asipa was left at the scene with the attackers.

The incident was reported to the police shortly thereafter, prompting an immediate response led by the Divisional Police Officer in Oyo, while higher authorities in Ibadan and Lagos were also notified due to the status of the victim. Upon arrival at the scene, the body of Asipa Amuda Olorunosebi was discovered near his fish ponds. Preliminary findings indicated that although a firearm had been used, the gunshot alone did not immediately result in death. Evidence suggested that the attackers subsequently employed sharp weapons, confirming that the killing was both premeditated and executed with calculated brutality.

The assassination of the Asipa represented a significant moment in the traditional and social history of Oyo. As a prominent member of the Oyo Mesi, his death raised serious concerns about security and the vulnerability of high-ranking traditional figures. It also highlighted the use of deception as a method of gaining access to influential individuals. The death of Amuda Olorunosebi remains one of the most notable criminal incidents in the history of Oyo in the late twentieth century, serving as a lasting reference point in discussions on leadership, trust, and the preservation of traditional institutions.

Source: Onigegewura

MICHAEL JACKSON FLEW TO JAMAICA WITH A $50M OFFER — BOB MARLEY SAID NO

When the world's biggest pop star flies to Jamaica with an offer that could make you the richest reggae artist in history, most musicians say yes immediately. But when Michael Jackson sat face-to-face with Bob Marley in a Kingston hotel suite in 1978 and proposed a collaboration that would have created the most explosive musical partnership of all time, Bob's response shocked the King of Pop and proved that some artists value message over money, soul over stardom, and spiritual integrity over commercial success. The conversation that followed would reveal the fundamental difference between entertainment and enlightenment and show why the greatest collaborations sometimes never happen. If stories of legendary artists choosing principle over profit and staying true to their spiritual mission move your soul, subscribe to Bob Marley: The Final Note and hit that like button.

Because sometimes the most powerful statements are made by saying no. Los Angeles, California. October 20th, 1978. 2:15 p.m. Michael Jackson sat in his Beverly Hills recording studio, nervously adjusting his sequined glove as he reviewed documents his management team had prepared. At 20 years old, Michael was transitioning from Jackson 5's teen heartthrob to a solo superstar and he needed something that would establish his credibility as a serious artist capable of bridging different musical worlds. That something, he believed, was Bob Marley. The studio around Michael represented everything he had achieved and everything he hoped to transcend. Gold and platinum records lined the walls, achievements that had made him wealthy beyond imagination, but hadn't satisfied his artistic ambitions. Michael wanted respect from serious musicians, critics who dismissed pop music, and audiences who craved substance along with entertainment.

Michael's management team had spent months researching the viability of collaborating with Bob Marley. The numbers were staggering. Michael's pop audience combined with Bob's growing international following could create a market of over 100 million potential record buyers. But for Michael, the appeal went deeper than commercial success.

He genuinely admired Bob Marley's music and the profound impact it had on people. Michael's mind flashed back to 1975 when Jackson 5 had performed in Kingston, Jamaica. That night, backstage at the National Stadium, Michael had met Bob Marley for the first time. The encounter had left an indelible impression on the young entertainer.

While Michael commanded stages through choreography, costume changes, and spectacular production, Bob's power came from something entirely different, spiritual authority that needed no enhancement. Michael remembered watching Bob perform that night from the wings. There were no costume changes, no elaborate stage effects, no choreographed dance moves.

Just Bob, his guitar, and a message that seemed to flow directly from his soul to the audience. Bob had been gracious but enigmatic during their brief meeting, treating the famous Jackson brother with the same humble respect he showed everyone. Michael remembered being struck by Bob's calm intensity, the way he seemed to be listening to something beyond the conversation, the profound peace that surrounded him despite the chaos of the music industry.

"Young Michael," Bob had said, placing a gentle hand on the teenager's shoulder, "God has given you great gifts. Use them to uplift people's spirits." At the time, Michael had interpreted this as encouragement for his entertainment career. Now he wondered if Bob had meant something deeper. Three years later, Michael was ready to bridge their two worlds.

He had prepared extensively, studying Bob's interviews and understanding Rastafarian philosophy. But this wasn't something that could be handled through phone calls or intermediaries. Michael knew he needed to travel to Jamaica and meet Bob face-to-face to demonstrate the seriousness of his proposal. After 3 days of coordination through Chris Blackwell at Island Records, a meeting was arranged for October 23rd at the Pegasus Hotel in Kingston.

Michael flew to Jamaica specifically for this encounter, understanding that the success of his proposal would depend on earning Bob's respect through direct, honest conversation. Kingston, Jamaica. October 23rd, 1978. 8:30 p.m. The exclusive Pegasus Hotel's penthouse suite was buzzing with quiet conversation when Michael Jackson walked through the heavy wooden doors.

The meeting had been arranged through Chris Blackwell, who thought the two music legends should discuss Michael's proposal face-to-face. But Michael had an agenda beyond social pleasantries. He wanted to propose something that would reshape both their careers forever. The contrast between the two men was immediately striking.

Michael wore an expensive silk shirt, perfectly tailored pants, and his signature sequined glove, representing everything successful about the American music industry. Bob, in contrast, wore simple jeans and a cotton shirt, his dreadlocks flowing naturally, embodying the authentic spiritual energy that had made him reggae's most respected voice.

Bob was sitting in a corner chair, quietly tuning his acoustic guitar while discussing Rastafarian philosophy with several elders. Despite the hotel's upscale atmosphere, Bob's presence seemed to transform the space into something more sacred than commercial. Bob looked up as Michael approached, setting down his guitar with the measured calm that characterized everything he did.

"Michael Jackson," Bob said with a slight smile, gesturing to the empty chair across from him, "the prince of pop music. Bless up, bredren." Michael slid into the chair, immediately struck by the difference between this intimate setting and their brief backstage encounter 3 years earlier. Here, face-to-face, he could see the profound intelligence in Bob's eyes, the spiritual weight he carried, the way he seemed to be listening to something beyond their conversation.

"Bob, it's an honor to finally sit with you properly," Michael said, his nervous energy evident despite his attempt to appear confident. "I've been hoping for this opportunity for years." Bob's expression remained warm but curious. "What brings the King of Pop to Jamaica, Michael? What's on your heart?" Michael leaned forward across the small table between them, his excitement building as he outlined his vision.

"Bob, I want to propose something that could change music history. A full collaboration, an album, a world tour, maybe even a concert film. We could combine your consciousness with my reach, your message with my platform." Bob studied Michael's face carefully, reading not just his words but his intentions.

The hotel suite's ambient noise, clinking glasses, muffled conversations, soft jazz, created a backdrop that somehow made their conversation feel both private and significant. "Tell me more about this vision," Bob said, folding his hands on the table. Michael's excitement grew as he painted his picture, gesticulating with typical enthusiasm.

"Picture this. Your spiritual lyrics with my melodies and production values. Your authentic message reaching mainstream audiences who have never heard conscious music. We could reach 100 million people with messages about unity, love, and social justice." Michael outlined the scope of his vision with genuine passion.

Record executives had estimated the project could generate over $50 million in revenue. The tour would hit every major American city, introducing reggae to audiences who had never heard conscious music before. Bob listened intently, occasionally nodding, but his eyes never left Michael's face.

Across the table, he could sense Michael's genuine enthusiasm, but also the fundamental misunderstanding that lay beneath the proposal. "And how would this collaboration work practically?" Bob asked quietly. "Would my message change to fit your audience, or would your audience change to receive my message?" The question hung in the air between them like smoke from sacred fire.

Michael hadn't expected such a direct philosophical challenge, and Bob's steady gaze made it impossible to avoid the deeper implications of what he was proposing. "We could find a middle ground," Michael suggested hopefully. "Keep your message but make it more accessible to mainstream audiences who might not be ready for the full intensity of Rastafarian philosophy.

"Bob leaned back slightly, creating physical space that somehow made his next question more powerful. "What does more accessible mean, Michael?" Sitting across from Bob in the intimate setting of the suite, Michael felt the weight of having to articulate something he'd never fully examined. "Maybe less political content.

More universal themes like love and unity that don't make people uncomfortable. Songs that can play on mainstream radio without causing controversy." Bob's response was gentle but penetrating, his voice cutting through Michael's commercial enthusiasm like truth through illusion. "Universal love that avoids uncomfortable truths isn't universal love, Michael. It's comfortable love.

And comfortable love never changed anything." The face-to-face setting made every word feel more significant, more personal. Michael could see the compassion in Bob's eyes, but also the unwavering commitment to principles that couldn't be compromised for any amount of success. Bob continued with an insight that would haunt Michael for years.

"When you perform, Michael, what are you trying to accomplish? What do you want people to carry with them when they leave your concert?" Michael straightened in his chair, suddenly feeling like a student being examined by a master teacher. I want to entertain people, make them happy, give them an escape from their problems.

And I want to wake people up, Bob replied, his voice carrying the same authority that made his music so powerful. To help them understand their problems and find the strength to solve them. Both callings have value, but they cannot be the same thing. Bob's voice took on the teaching quality that made his conversations as influential as his songs.

Michael, you have tremendous talent, tremendous gifts from Jah. Your ability to move people through music is extraordinary, but this collaboration you're proposing, it would require one of us to compromise our essential nature. The conversation continued for over an hour, with Bob patiently explaining his philosophy, while Michael tried desperately to find ways to make the collaboration work.

But sitting face-to-face, seeing Bob's unwavering spiritual commitment up close, Michael began to understand that this wasn't about business strategy or creative compromise. It was about two fundamentally different approaches to the purpose of music. Michael, Bob continued with profound gentleness. When Marcus Garvey spoke about black pride, white people were uncomfortable.

When Martin Luther King spoke about justice, white people were uncomfortable. When Jesus spoke about loving your enemies, everyone was uncomfortable. Discomfort is often the first sign that consciousness is awakening. Bob paused, allowing his words to settle. When you perform, you give people what they want.

ANTI-APARTHEID ACTIVIST, ABRAM LOUIS 'BRAM' FISCHER

Today would’ve been the 118th birthday of Afrikaner lawyer and anti-apartheid activist, Abram Louis ‘Bram’ Fischer. 

He came from an aristocratic family; his grandfather Abraham Fischer was Prime Minister of the Orange River colony before the 1910 unification, and his father Percy Fischer, was Judge President of the Orange Free State. His family played a prominent role in the Afrikaner struggle for independence from British colonial rule. 

He was schooled at the prestigious Grey College in Bloemfontein and attend Grey University College (predecessor to the modern University of the Free State). A staunch and unwavering nationalist from a young age, he was elected Nationalist Prime Minister of a student parliament at university. In 1930 he was awarded a Rhodes scholarship and went on to New College, Oxford. During his time in Europe, he would take the opportunity to visit the Soviet Union. It was also around this time he would meet Molly Krige, who would later become his wife and political partner. She was a distant relative of Jan Smuts. Upon his return, he became a sought after lawyer, specialising in mining law and mineral and water rights. 

His political awakening came after he joined (at the behest of his mentor, Leo Marquard) Bloemfontein’s Joint Council of Europeans and Africans, an interracial, liberal and multiracial body established in 1921 to prompt racial harmony, social welfare, and improvements in the living conditions of Africans. At his very first meeting, he shook hands with a black man for the first time in his life. Due to the racial indoctrination he had received from childhood, this would be an uncomfortable experience for him but one that would become his Road to Damascus. 

In 1935, he joined the Johannesburg Bar, and he would marry Molly in 1937. They would also become members of the Communist Party in 1942, which would put them in touch with like-minded individuals and organisations working to oppose racial segregation in South Africa. His political views did little to deter his career at the time, with many looking forward to him climbing the political ranks and perhaps be Prime Minister one day. All that changed when the National Power and its coalition partners gained power in the 1948 elections and instituted the policy of apartheid. The Suppression of Communism Act killed any communist ambitions and in put the Fischers in the regimes crosshairs. 

In 1952, he defended Nelson Mandela and 19 other ANC leaders for their participation in the Defiance Campaign. In 1953, he was banned for the first time under the Suppression of Communism Act. He was also involved in the mammoth Treason Trial of 1956-1961, where all the defendants were acquitted. Nonetheless, he continued being a brilliant legal mind and by 1961 was elected chairman of the Johannesburg Bar Council. The events of the 21 March 1960 Sharpeville massacre brought widespread changes in South Africa. It introduced the General Law Amendment Act of 1962 aka the Sabotage Act of 1962, which gave the state powers to detain a person without trial for up to 90 days and to impose restrictions such as house arrest and banning orders. Bram and his wife were subjected to the statues of this law on countless occasions. 

When Lilliesleaf farm was raided on 11 July 1963, it resulted in the arrest of the then newly-formed High Command of uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK), and saw Nelson Mandela being brought to the mainland from Robben Island where he was serving a five-year prison term for inciting a strike and leaving the country illegally. Fischer was once again at the forefront of the legal defence during the Rivionia Trial (1963-1964). Although the state prosecutor Percy Yutar sought the death penalty, Mandela and his co-accused were spared and instead sentenced to life imprisonment. A few month later, on 23 September 1964, Fischer himself was arrested and charged with being a member of a banned organisation (the South African Communist Party). 

Fischer then abandoned bail and went underground. His actions went against the advice of Mandela who wanted him to use his legal prowess to challenge the apartheid regime in the court room. After his disappearance, he was struck off the advocate’s roll in 1965. After 290 days underground, Fishcher was finally apprehended by the law. He had assumed a new name and went by “Douglas Black”. In March 1966, he was put on trial on charges of furthering the aims of a communist organisation and conspiracy to overthrow the government. He was found guilty and sentenced to life imprisonment and sent to Pretoria Central Prison (now called Kgosi Mampuru II Management Area). 

In 1967, he was awarded the Lenin Peace Prize. His years in prison were harsh, since he was looked at as a traitor to his own people (Afrikaners). Prison authorities singled him out for unfair treatment and punishment. By 1974, there was a noticeable deterioration in his health. Denis Goldberg, one of the Rivonia Trial defendants Fischer represented, made urgent appeals to prison authorities about Bram’s health. Goldberg kept a secret diary of his medical care which was subsequently smuggled out of prison. Authorities denied him the use of a crutch and instead, a broom was used when his hip began giving him problems. A fall in the shower resulted in a fractured femur and neck. He endured the pain for 13 days until prison authorities sent him to a hospital. Upon his return, he was unable to look after himself and Goldberg petitioned the prison to allow him to take care of Fischer in his cell. It was later discovered that he was suffering from cancer. 

After news of his illness made the news, there was public outcry for him to be released on medical grounds. But since he was a political prisoner, he was required to serve his sentence daily. The apartheid regime only relented in April 1975 and released him into his brother’s care in Bloemfontein. It had been officially designated part of the prison estate so that his visitors could be restricted. He died on 8 May 1975. In one final act of cruelty, the apartheid regime confiscated his ashes, and were never returned to his family. The Department of Prisons did this to prevent his gravesite from becoming a “shrine” for the struggle against apartheid. 

At the time of his death, Fischer had two daughters, Ruth and Ilse. His youngest child, a son Paul, died of cystic fibrosis at age 23. His wife Molly tragically drowned when Bram swerved off the road to avoid a cow. The car landed in the Kool Spruit, near Ventersburg. The couple were on their way to Cape Town to celebrate Ilse’s 21st birthday. 

The township of Bram Fischerville, one of the first major post-apartheid housing projects, was named after him. In 2003, he was posthumously awarded the Order for Meritorious Service in Gold. He became the first South African to be posthumously reinstated to the Bar. In 2004, Stellenbosch University posthumously awarded him an honorary degree, a decision that rubbed alumni and management the wrong way. New College of Oxford University has held the annual Bram Fischer Memorial Lecture since 2007. In 2012, Bloemfontein International Airpot was renamed Bram Fischer International Airport. In 2015, the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits) posthumously awarded him an honorary doctorate. In 2017, a feature film called Bram Fischer / An Act of Defiance was released. It starred Peter Paul Muller as Bram Fischer. 

Hendrik Verwoerd Drive—named after the former prime minister known as the "architect of apartheid"—was renamed Bram Fischer Drive. The University of the Free State, his alma mater, hosts the annual Bram Fischer Memorial Lecture. The National Museum in Bloemfontein has a permanent Bram Fischer exhibition and compiled the 'Bram Fischer Trail', to  indicate the location of all the buildings and sites in and near Bloemfontein that are associated with Bram. The trail consists of a map with photographs and a short description of each building and site. These include, among others, Harmonie, the Fischer family’s home in President Reitz Street, and Ramblers Club in Aliwal Street where Bram played for the Free State rugby team against the visiting All Blacks in 1928. 

#BramFischer #Birthdays #OnThisDay #World

WHERE WERE YOU IN 1987?

~ Professor Yemi Osinbajo was then a Special Assistant to the Attorney General of the Federation.

That was the year Oba Yesufu Oloyede Asanike, Olubadan of Ibadan made history. Olubadan installed Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola as the Bashorun of Ibadan. It was a prestigious title befitting of a distinguished personality in the mould of MKO Abiola.

That was the title of  the legendary Bashorun Oluyole who was the paramount chief of Ibadan in 1850. It was also the title of Bashorun Ogunmola who reigned between 1865 and 1867. It was therefore historic that exactly 120 years after the death of Ogunmola, MKO Abiola became the fourth person to be conferred with the prestigious title.

It was indeed a befitting honour for someone who had amassed chieftaincy titles from almost every town in Nigeria. As of the time of his installation in 1987, MKO Abiola was reputed to have over 150 chieftaincy titles. He was the Bobajiro of Ode-Remo. He was the Bada Musulumi of Gbagura Egba.

As he drove out of the palace of Oba Asanike that fateful day with his son by his side, MKO must have thought that he had reached the peak of traditional chieftaincy in Nigeria.

He was just settling down in his Ikeja home when he was informed that he had a call. Who was on the line? He asked before collecting the phone. It was the Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III.

MKO snatched the phone. “Iku Baba Yeye, Igbakeji Orisa! Kabiyesi!” The newly installed Bashorun paid his homage to the foremost traditional ruler. Alaafin must be calling to congratulate me, MKO thought. Kabiyesi was however not calling to congratulate the business magnate.

“We have decided that you are to be conferred with the title of Aare Ona Kakanfo!” Kabiyesi informed him.

The phone nearly dropped from the hand of Bashorun. Aare Ona Kakanfo! The Generalissimo of Yoruba race! The Field Marshall for all descendants of Oduduwa! The portfolio held by Afonja, the founder of Ilorin! The title of Aare Obadoke Latosa of Ibadan – the scourge of Efunsetan Aniwura! The position held by the last premier of Western Region, Ladoke Akintola of Ogbomoso! 

For a single person to be Bashorun and Aare was unheard of. It was the ultimate! Traditionally, Bashorun is the Prime Minister. Aare is the Field Marshall. When Bashorun Gaa moved against Alaafin Abiodun around 1770, it was Oyalabi from Ajase (now Republic of Benin), the Aare Ona Kakanfo that came to the powerful monarch’s rescue. Now, Abiola was going to be both the Prime Minister and the Field Marshall!

Alaafin had spoken. MKO Abiola had no choice. The news spread like wildfire. Congratulatory messages poured in from all over the globe. Aare Ona Kakanfo was not just another title. It was the title. It was the father of all traditional titles. Father ke? No, it was the Grandfather of All Titles. If it were to be a national honour, it would be the equivalent of the Grand Commander of the Federal Republic!

Everybody in and outside Yorubaland was ecstatic at the choice of Abiola as the 14th Aare Ona Kakanfo. Well, almost everybody.

It happened that the Ashipa of Oyo, Chief Amuda Olorunosebi was not pleased with the choice of Bashorun MKO Abiola as the Aare. Ashipa was one of the prominent chiefs of Alaafin. He objected to the choice of the flamboyant publisher, an Egba man, as Aare Ona Kakanfo.  He went to Kabiyesi to protest. Iku Baba Yeye was adamant that MKO was eminently qualified to be the Aare Ona Kakanfo.

The Ashipa went back to his quarters at Isale Oyo. As MKO Abiola and the Alaafin were preparing for the installation of Bashorun, Chief Amuda was consulting with his lawyers. This was however unknown to the Alaafin. It was assumed that the Ashipa had been convinced to support Abiola’s candidacy.

Abiola was no ordinary person by any standard. He was larger than life. He was flamboyance personified. He was determined to make the chieftaincy installation as grand as possible. He invited all his contacts from all over the world. All the military governors were invited. A special invitation was delivered to the President, Ibrahim Babangida, who was a close friend of the Bashorun. African Heads of States cleared their schedules in order to honour MKO. Nigerian Embassies were issuing visas on daily basis. It was going to be a grand occasion.

Then the unthinkable happened! It started as a rumour. It was days to the installation.

‘Eti Oba nile, eti Oba l’oko, eniyan lo n je be.’ - The ear of a king is everywhere. Iku Baba Yeye was in his palace when he heard from the grapevine that a case had been filed to stop the occasion! “Ewo! Sango o ni je! Abiodun o ni je! Aole o ni je!” Kabiyesi went on to invoke the names of his predecessors on the royal throne of Alaafin!

It was around noon when the phone rang in Ibadan. It was from the Palace, Oyo Alaafin. Chief Afe Babalola, the famous legal practitioner, picked the phone. After exchange of homage and royal blessings, Alaafin informed Afiwajoye of Ado Ekiti that Ashipa had filed a suit against the installation of MKO Abiola. Not only that, a motion ex parte for interim injunction had also been filed. It was apparent that Ashipa was not ready to gamble with his chance.

Though Kabiyesi did not say it, Chief Afe knew the urgency involved. Installation was on Saturday. The call came in on Tuesday.

Less than thirty minutes after the call, Chief Afe was almost at Oyo. The legendary lawyer covered the 57 kilometres between Oyo and Ibadan as if he was on a chariot. He proceeded to court where he met the court registrar. Of course, the registrar knew Chief Babalola. It is doubtful if there is anyone in the Judiciary who does not know the Mayegun of Modakeke. Mayegun paid the requisite fees and conducted a search of the court’s file. It was there! Alaafin’s information was correct!

Iduro ko si, ìbèreè ko si fun eni ti o gbe odó mi - A person who swallows a pestle can neither stand nor sit comfortably. Installation was on Saturday. The search was conducted on Tuesday! The motion ex parte was to be heard the following day, Wednesday.

Time was of the essence! Chief Afe turned his car around, off to Emmanuel Chambers, Ibadan. Before the car reached Fiditi, he had mentally finished composing the processes. He was nodding as the cases and other relevant authorities began to surface in his mind.

By the time he reached his office, the mental process was complete. In a minute the Counter-Affidavit was ready. There was no need for a Written Address. Professor Yemi Osinbajo was then a Special Assistant to the Attorney General of the Federation. It would be years later before he introduced Written Address as the Lagos State Attorney General. The counter-affidavit was filed and served on counsel to the Ashipa.

On Wednesday, the court was full. Chief M. L. Lagunju, Ashipa’s counsel was in court. He adjusted his wig and checked his books. He smiled. It was a Motion Exparte. It won’t be contested. He checked his time. Then there was some commotion at the entrance of the court.

Chief Lagunju blinked! He blinked again! Walking in majestically was the Afiwajoye of Ado-Ekiti, the Balogun of Mobaland, the Mayegun of Modakeke, Chief Afe Babalola in flesh! He was followed by a host of other lawyers, each armed with bags of legal authorities enough to open a law library. Chief Lagunju didn’t know when he said: “The game is up!”

On the dot of 9 O’clock, the Court began sitting. The trial judge was a royalty himself. Justice Aderemi’s father was the late Ooni of Ife, Oba Sir Tadenikawo Adesoji Aderemi, the first Governor of Western Region. The case was called.

The plaintiff’s counsel sought to move his application. The learned counsel informed the court that it was an ex parte application and therefore the other party had no right of audience.

His Lordship turned to Chief Afe Babalola. The court was as silent as a ghost town. Young lawyers craned their necks to hear what the Legend was going to say. They have been taught in law school that Ex Parte Motion was for only one party. Some of them must have been wondering what magic the Mayegun of Modakeke was going to perform.

Chief Afe Babalola brought out the White Book. Oh! Sorry, you don’t know the White Book? The White Book is an important book for lawyers. It contains the sources of law relating to the practice and procedures of the High Court. Ask your lawyer friend to show you a copy. He won’t charge you, unless you open it.

The Legal Colossus was on his feet. He was vibrating like a trumpet, but his voice was as soft as velvet. He began to reel out authorities after authorities to the effect that a defendant who became aware, anyhow, that a party had gone to court and was about to obtain an order ex-parte that would affect him, had a right to appear in court and to insist on being heard.

His Lordship – a brilliant Judge from the Source of Yoruba Race – was nodding as he scribbled down the authorities being cited by the Legendary Advocate. His Lordship was not the only one writing. Most lawyers in court were writing furiously. One old man turned to his friend and whispered: “I don’t mind selling my house, Mufu, my son must become a lawyer like this man. Look at the way he is speaking English as if he is chanting oriki Sango!”

“There is merit in the case of the Defendants. I agree with Chief Afe Babalola, the Defendants deserve to be given the right to be heard. Case is hereby adjourned to tomorrow for arguments on the Motion on Notice.” His Lordship rose. 

It is doubtful if the parties involved in the case slept that night. Whilst the lawyers checked and re-checked the authorities, the litigants were in anxiety mode. Chief MKO Abiola’s invited guests had started arriving from their various bases. Musicians engaged for entertainment had begun to set up their instruments in Oyo and Ikeja. Caterers had booked all the cows in Ilorin, Oyo and Ibadan. Local drummers had cancelled all engagements. The royal poet, Lanrewaju Adepoju had finished composing his masterpiece. All roads led to Oyo Alaafin.

If the court was filled to the brim on Wednesday, it was spilling over on Thursday. Litigants, journalists, lawyers, in fact everybody was in court that day. Chief Lagunju stood up. The learned counsel knew what was at stake. He argued his application expertly. He guessed the likely issues that Chief Afe would raise. He addressed each comprehensively. It was advocacy at its best.

Then the Balogun of Mobaland stood up. Like a surgeon, Chief Afe surgically cut through the issues deftly. He was not going to take any prisoner. After cutting through the issues, the authorities followed. From Halsbury’s Law of England to Commonwealth Law Reports, from decisions of House of Lords to decisions of Court of Appeal, from WACA to White Book, and then finally to the Supreme Court. The authorities were flowing like water from Asejire Dam. There was no stopping the deluge.

“In the light of the copious authorities cited by the learned counsel for the plaintiff and the defendants, the Court will be adjourning to…” There was pin-drop silence in Court. The installation was only two days away.  “... Friday” Ha! Palpable relief went through the court.

On Friday, Chief Afe Babalola’s phone began to ring from dawn. “Chief, E ma lo gba ruling yin l’Oyo loni o. Please send your junior o.” Clients, friends and well wishers who witnessed or heard of the tension soaked session in court on Thursday were justifiably apprehensive. But Chief Afe was not the Balogun of Mobaland for nothing. A General must not be afraid of the warfront. Off to Oyo.

Chief Afe had hardly left Ibadan when he started seeing policemen at strategic junctions on the road to Oyo. As they approached Fiditi, the number of policemen increased. By the time they got to Jobele, it was as if the Police College had moved its campus there. In the forest, on top of trees, in the bushes, and on top of buildings, the police were everywhere.

The Courtroom itself was no exception. More than fifty police officers joined lawyers and litigants in the courtroom. If you were not wearing a wig and you were not a party to the case, you would have to stay outside.

Court!

Justice Aderemi went straight to the business of the day. “RULING” His Lordship began. Time stood still as His Lordship went on to review the facts of the application and the authorities cited by the counsel for the parties. “In the final analysis…” Counsel and cops in the court became tense.

“This application fails and is hereby dismissed.”

As if by telepathy, the crowd outside heard the ruling immediately! Shouts of joy erupted. Drummers who must have been hiding theirgangan drums under their agbada sprang out.Sekere came out. Agogo was not to be left behind. Chief Afe Babalola was pulled out of his car, The Balogun was placed squarely on the roof of the car. Women danced, men jumped. I’m not sure but one of the songs on that day must have been “Ajekun Iya ni o je”. I have to confirm this from Chief. May God preserve his life.

Alaafin was waiting in the Palace with his Council Members. For a moment, the Sango of our time, Iku Baba Yeye was close to tears. It was an emotional moment. MKO Abiola was called. The Bashorun shouted: “Allahu Akbar! Alhamdulillah.”

On Saturday, January 14, 1988, Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III installed Bashorun Moshood Kashimawo Abiola as the 14th Aare Ona Kakanfo. The famous Yoruba Poet, Lanrewaju Moshood Adepoju was then called to the podium. In his deep and flawless Yoruba, Adepoju movingly rendered traditional poetry tracing the history of the title and the qualities of the new Aare Ona Kakanfo.

Abiola smiled.

It was indeed a glorious day for the husband of Simbiat Atinuke. 

In recognition of his service to the Crown and the Law, Alaafin later conferred Chief Afe Babalola with the prestigious title of Aare Bamofin of Oyo Empire.

Source: Onigegewura

YOU CANNOT READ.—ABUBAKAR ATIKU

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has launched a sharp rebuttal against President Bola Tinubu,

accusing him of hypocrisy, distortion of history, and political desperation—while pointedly declaring that “it is not my fault that you can’t read.”

The response was contained in a statement issued in Abuja on Friday morning, by Atiku’s Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication, Phrank Shaibu, who signed the release on behalf of the former Vice President.

“It is not our fault that the President does not and can not read,” the statement said, adding that a proper understanding of Nigeria’s reform history was clearly documented in ‘The Accidental Public Servant’ authored by Malam Nasir El-Rufai.

In the strongly worded statement, Atiku described Tinubu’s recent remarks as a “reckless tirade” that exposes “a troubling pattern of hypocrisy and historical amnesia.”

“Atiku Abubakar’s attention has been drawn to the latest reckless tirade by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu—a performance that exposes not just desperation, but a troubling pattern of hypocrisy and historical amnesia,” the statement read.

The former vice president expressed surprise that a sitting president, who has faced scrutiny over his own credentials, would attempt to discredit others with what he described as verifiable records of public service.

On the issue of privatisation, Atiku’s camp argued that Tinubu’s criticisms were inconsistent with his current policies, noting that the president had previously opposed reforms he now appeared to be implementing.

According to the statement, Atiku had long advocated the privatisation of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPc) and the sale of refineries to credible investors, a stance Tinubu allegedly resisted at the time.

However, it claimed the current administration is now overseeing what it described as a flawed system.

“This is not reform; it is privatisation without accountability,” the statement declared, alleging a lack of transparency and clear valuation in ongoing processes.

The statement further defended Atiku’s role in Nigeria’s economic reforms, citing companies such as Oando Plc, Conoil Plc, Ardova Plc, Indorama Eleme Petrochemicals, Benue Cement Company, and Transcorp Hilton Abuja as examples of successful privatisation outcomes.

In a direct attack on the president’s intellectual posture, the statement said Tinubu’s comments reflected a failure to engage documented history.

It added that Tinubu’s remarks suggested ignorance of publicly available records and credible accounts of past reforms.

“You cannot oppose reform when it demands courage and then execute a shadow version of it in power,” the statement added.

Atiku’s camp also criticised the tone of the president’s comments, describing them as dismissive and lacking substance.

“The President’s attempt to reduce a serious economic legacy to playground ridicule only underscores a deeper problem: a leadership more comfortable with insults than with facts,” it said.

The statement further highlighted the current economic situation in Nigeria, pointing to rising hardship among citizens.

“Across the country, families are skipping meals, businesses are shutting their doors, and hardworking citizens are watching their incomes evaporate under the weight of relentless inflation and a collapsing purchasing power,” it stated.

It added that what has been presented as reform has translated into worsening living conditions for many Nigerians.

“This is the true state of the nation, and no amount of rhetoric can mask the pain etched into the lives of ordinary Nigerians,” the statement said.

The statement concluded by asserting that Atiku’s record remained “clear, documented, and defensible,” while urging restraint on the part of the president.

“A leader who has not fully resolved questions about his own background should exercise restraint before casting aspersions on others,” it added, ending with a warning: “Nigerians are watching.”

𝐈𝐧𝐬𝐢𝐝𝐞 𝐆𝐞𝐝𝐢 𝐑𝐮𝐢𝐧𝐬, 𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐊𝐞𝐧𝐲𝐚𝐧 𝐂𝐢𝐭𝐲 𝐓𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐃𝐢𝐬𝐚𝐩𝐩𝐞𝐚𝐫𝐞𝐝 𝐖𝐢𝐭𝐡𝐨𝐮𝐭 𝐚 𝐓𝐫𝐚𝐜𝐞

Hidden within a thick coastal forest near Malindi lies one of Kenya’s most fascinating and mysterious historical sites, Gedi Ruins. At first glance, it looks like a quiet collection of old walls and stone structures. But behind those ruins is the story of a once-thriving city that rose, flourished, and then disappeared without a clear trace.

𝐀 𝐎𝐧𝐜𝐞-𝐓𝐡𝐫𝐢𝐯𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐒𝐰𝐚𝐡𝐢𝐥𝐢 𝐂𝐢𝐯𝐢𝐥𝐢𝐳𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧

Gedi was a well-organized Swahili town believed to have been established as early as the 12th century. 𝐀𝐭 𝐢𝐭𝐬 𝐩𝐞𝐚𝐤, 𝐢𝐭 𝐰𝐚𝐬 𝐡𝐨𝐦𝐞 𝐭𝐨 𝐛𝐞𝐭𝐰𝐞𝐞𝐧 𝟐,𝟓𝟎𝟎 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝟑,𝟎𝟎𝟎 𝐩𝐞𝐨𝐩𝐥𝐞, 𝐜𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐚𝐛𝐨𝐮𝐭 𝟒𝟓 𝐚𝐜𝐫𝐞𝐬 𝐨𝐟 𝐥𝐚𝐧𝐝. The city was carefully planned and divided by social class. 𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐰𝐞𝐚𝐥𝐭𝐡𝐲 𝐥𝐢𝐯𝐞𝐝 𝐢𝐧𝐬𝐢𝐝𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐢𝐧𝐧𝐞𝐫 𝐰𝐚𝐥𝐥, 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐦𝐢𝐝𝐝𝐥𝐞 𝐜𝐥𝐚𝐬𝐬 𝐨𝐜𝐜𝐮𝐩𝐢𝐞𝐝 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐚𝐫𝐞𝐚 𝐛𝐞𝐭𝐰𝐞𝐞𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐭𝐰𝐨 𝐰𝐚𝐥𝐥𝐬, 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐩𝐞𝐚𝐬𝐚𝐧𝐭𝐬 𝐥𝐢𝐯𝐞𝐝 𝐨𝐮𝐭𝐬𝐢𝐝𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐦𝐚𝐢𝐧 𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐥𝐨𝐬𝐮𝐫𝐞. These strong perimeter walls also served as protection, showing that Gedi was both important and secure.

𝐑𝐞𝐥𝐢𝐠𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐂𝐮𝐥𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐚𝐥 𝐋𝐢𝐟𝐞

Religion played a central role in the lives of the people who lived here. Archaeological findings show that the residents were Muslims, with 𝐚𝐭 𝐥𝐞𝐚𝐬𝐭 𝐞𝐢𝐠𝐡𝐭 𝐦𝐨𝐬𝐪𝐮𝐞𝐬 𝐝𝐢𝐬𝐜𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐞𝐝 𝐰𝐢𝐭𝐡𝐢𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐫𝐮𝐢𝐧𝐬. Some of these mosques date back to the 15th century and reveal thoughtful design and structure.

They had designated spaces and entrances, a raised platform for sermons, and architectural features that allowed sound to travel clearly across the building. Nearby tombs with Arabic inscriptions, including one dated to 802 in the Islamic calendar, further connect Gedi to a broader Islamic world.

𝐀𝐝𝐯𝐚𝐧𝐜𝐞𝐝 𝐖𝐚𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝐒𝐲𝐬𝐭𝐞𝐦𝐬

One of the most impressive aspects of Gedi is its level of innovation, particularly in water management. The city had wells strategically placed near important structures like mosques. Water used for washing was not wasted. Instead, it was channeled through a system where it passed through sand and porous coral, naturally filtering it before returning clean to the well. I think that this kind of water recycling shows just how advanced the people of Gedi were.

𝐔𝐫𝐛𝐚𝐧 𝐏𝐥𝐚𝐧𝐧𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐃𝐚𝐢𝐥𝐲 𝐋𝐢𝐟𝐞

Daily life in Gedi reflects a society that was far from primitive. The city had narrow but well-planned streets, and houses were built using thick coral walls that kept interiors cool even during hot days. There were also basic sanitation systems, including designated toilet areas with drainage. At the center of it all stood a large royal palace, the biggest structure in the city, which served as a place of leadership and governance.

𝐅𝐨𝐫𝐞𝐢𝐠𝐧 𝐓𝐫𝐚𝐝𝐞𝐬

Gedi was not isolated from the rest of the world. Excavations have uncovered objects from different parts of the globe, showing that the city was part of a wide international trade network. Items such as coins from China, glass beads from Venice, scissors from Spain, and lamps from India were found within the ruins. Even cowry shells from the Maldives, used as currency, were discovered. These findings prove that Gedi was connected to global trade routes long before modern globalization.

𝐒𝐮𝐝𝐝𝐞𝐧 𝐃𝐢𝐬𝐚𝐩𝐩𝐞𝐚𝐫𝐚𝐧𝐜𝐞

Despite its success, the city was 𝐜𝐨𝐦𝐩𝐥𝐞𝐭𝐞𝐥𝐲 𝐚𝐛𝐚𝐧𝐝𝐨𝐧𝐞𝐝 𝐢𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝟏𝟕𝐭𝐡 𝐜𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐲. Historians believe this may have been caused by a mix of water shortages, disease outbreaks, and conflict. There are also accounts of migrating groups entering the region and forcing the original inhabitants to flee. Whatever the exact reason, the result was the same: the city was left empty, and over time, nature began to reclaim it.

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐅𝐞𝐚𝐫 𝐭𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐏𝐫𝐞𝐬𝐞𝐫𝐯𝐞𝐝 𝐢𝐭

After its abandonment, Gedi took on a different kind of identity. Local communities began to believe that the place was haunted, and this fear kept people away for generations. Because no one settled there again, the ruins remained untouched, slowly preserved by the surrounding forest. Even today, some locals still speak of the site with caution, describing it as a place with a mysterious presence.

𝐑𝐞-𝐝𝐢𝐬𝐜𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐲

The ruins remained largely unknown to the outside world 𝐮𝐧𝐭𝐢𝐥 𝟏𝟖𝟖𝟒, 𝐰𝐡𝐞𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞𝐲 𝐰𝐞𝐫𝐞 𝐛𝐫𝐨𝐮𝐠𝐡𝐭 𝐭𝐨 𝐩𝐮𝐛𝐥𝐢𝐜 𝐚𝐭𝐭𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 by the explorer Sir John Kirk. Later, in 1927, Gedi was officially declared a historical monument, and restoration efforts began in the following years. In 1948, archaeologist James Kirkman carried out extensive excavations, uncovering many of the artifacts that help tell the story of this lost city.

Today, Gedi Ruins stands as both a historical site and a forest reserve. Much of the ancient city is still hidden beneath thick vegetation, waiting to be uncovered. Walking through the ruins, you pass old mosques, palace remains, tombs, and narrow pathways that once carried the daily life of a thriving community.

What makes Gedi truly unforgettable is its mystery. It is a place that proves how advanced African civilizations were, how connected they were to the world, and how easily even the most organized societies can vanish.

#Africa #BlackHistory #Kenya #African #World

"LADY SINGS THE BLUES: THE UNFORGETTABLE VOICE OF BILLIE HOLIDAY"

Few artists in history have wielded music with the raw, aching emotion of Billie Holiday (1915–1959). Known as “Lady Day,” Holiday wasn’t just a jazz singer; she was a living embodiment of the struggles, passions, and contradictions of 20th-century America. Her voice, at once fragile and powerful, told stories that transcended time, speaking to pain, love, injustice, and resilience in ways no one else could.

Early Life: A Troubled Beginning

Billie Holiday was born Eleanora Fagan in Baltimore, Maryland, in 1915. Her childhood was marred by hardship: her parents’ separation, periods of neglect, and brushes with poverty shaped her early life. Despite these challenges, music became her sanctuary. Holiday’s earliest influences were the church hymns of her youth and the jazz and blues records she secretly listened to. Her raw talent emerged in adolescence, as she began singing in Harlem nightclubs in New York City during the vibrant jazz scene of the 1930s.

The Rise of Lady Day

Holiday’s first major break came in 1933 when she joined pianist Benny Goodman’s band. Her voice—hauntingly lyrical and deeply emotional—soon caught the attention of jazz legends like Count Basie and Artie Shaw. What set Billie apart was her ability to infuse songs with a profoundly personal interpretation. She didn’t just sing the lyrics; she became the lyrics, bending rhythm, stretching phrases, and allowing silence to speak as loudly as her notes.

A Voice That Changed Jazz

Billie Holiday’s style revolutionized jazz singing. Her phrasing was unconventional, often singing behind the beat to create a languid, soulful tension that became her signature. Songs like “God Bless the Child”, which she co-wrote, and “Strange Fruit”, a haunting protest against lynching, revealed the depth of her artistry. Holiday could transform heartbreak into beauty, and pain into something almost sacred. “Strange Fruit”, in particular, remains one of the most politically powerful songs in American history—an early and courageous act of using music as social commentary.

Personal Struggles and Tragedy

Behind the glamour of jazz clubs and recording studios, Billie’s life was tumultuous. She battled poverty, racism, addiction, and abusive relationships. Her struggles with drugs and alcohol became notorious, affecting her career and health. Yet, even in her darkest moments, her voice retained an unmatched emotional power. This paradox—brilliance amid despair—became part of her legend.

Legacy and Influence

Billie Holiday’s influence on music cannot be overstated. She paved the way for future generations of jazz and blues singers, including Nina Simone, Ella Fitzgerald, and Amy Winehouse, who cited Holiday as an inspiration. Beyond technique, she showed that music could carry weight: it could confront social injustice, express vulnerability, and embody resilience. Her recordings remain timeless, a masterclass in emotional storytelling through song.

The Enduring Myth of Lady Day

Holiday passed away at just 44, in 1959, but her spirit endures. Her life and music have inspired countless books, films, and tributes, including the acclaimed biopic “Lady Sings the Blues” (1972) starring Diana Ross. To listen to Billie Holiday is to experience a window into a soul that lived, suffered, and sang with unparalleled authenticity. She didn’t just perform music—she inhabited it, leaving a legacy that is eternal.

Conclusion

Billie Holiday remains one of the most iconic voices in jazz and blues history. She was more than a singer; she was a storyteller, a revolutionary, and a symbol of artistic courage. Her music, imbued with heartbreak and beauty, continues to move audiences, reminding us of the power of voice, emotion, and truth. As Lady Day herself once said: “If I’m going to sing like someone else, then I don’t need to sing at all.” In every note, Billie Holiday sang as herself—and that is why she remains unforgettable.

#UnitedStatesOfAmerica #Austria #Historical #Colonialhistory #Colonialism #Afrique  #UnitedKingdom2025 #Colonizers #Africa  #AfricanCulture #AfricanHistory #Canada #AfricanHeritage #Germany #Australia #unitedkingdom #unitedstate #UnitedNations #AfricaDiaspora #World

THE MAYOTTE PEOPLE

I'll be fair about Mayotte, a French Region, that will have its President fly for more than ten hours to reach it.

Within its stages of growth, with its small population, I'd say it's managable.

You can imagine, in their 2023–2024 estimates, the total population of Mayotte is roughly 350,000, with approximately 48% to 50% being immigrants.

That means real Mayotteans or Mayottans, are in the scope of an approximate 180,000 people.

So; guess who damages the French Region?

I came to understand, that Mayottan culture, despite Islam being the main religion, is predominantly matriachal, and  property is passed down from Woman to Woman, and not Man to Man.

That means; Men live in houses belonging to Women, and I'd say, it is out of this matriachal thought, which is within it's culture, that society knew itself and opted for a French President.

Which actually worked for them.

Having a population of 180,000 people, isn't really a burden for the French economy, adding the evaluation and prospects of the island, given its location and many other variants, I'd say it is quite profitable for the French to have Mayotte as its territory, and profitable for the locals as well.

Bearing this in mind, Mayotte has French infrastructure (the island operates with European-standard roads, public services, schools, and hospitals funded and built by France) a superior welfare system, better healthcare, and higher wages (sometimes eight times higher) compared to the independent Union of Comoros. 

No wonder Congo, Rwanda, Burundi and Madagascar made their way to what they considered a safe heaven.

Carrying along with them, all the problems Mayotte is facing today. 

But I'd also say, some of these problems are French created, especially in consideration of the Genocide witnessed in Rwanda And Burundi, Congo as well, instability in Madagascar and the Comoros.

So I believe, it shouldn't be a Mayottan burden, but a French one.

#Africa #BlackHistory #French #African #World

PETER MAMPOGOANE NCHABELENG

Today marked the 40th anniversary of the death in detention of trade unionist and anti-apartheid activist, Peter Mampogoane Nchabeleng. 

Affectionately known as ‘The Lion of the North’, Nchabeleng was brought up in the village of Apel in Sekhukhuneland. He was the sixth child of Zebulon and Salome Nchabeleng. After attending high school in Pretoria, he found employment at the Government Printers (now called the Government Gazette). It would during this time that he would become politically active and became the African National Congress’s (ANC) Atteridgeville branch secretary. Not only that, but he also held South African Communist Party (SACP) members and was embroiled in the trade union movement by being the regional secretary of the Allied Workers’ Union and later on for the South African Congress of Trade Union (SACTU). 

He was also a member of Sebatakgomo, a peasant resistance movement opposed to the introduction of Bantu Authorities in Sekhuhuneland. It later changed its name to Fetakgomo, as the organisation was falsely accused of wanting to kill white people. This name was derived from a Sepedi proverb, "Fetakgomo o sware motho, mafetakgomo ke moriri o a hloga", which in essence means that people must value life and people, and forget about material possessions because they can be replaced.

As a Pedi speaker, he acted as interpreter for the late Joe Slovo, who regularly defended many individuals involved in the peasant revolt in Sekhukhuneland. Following the 1960 Sharpeville Massacre, the apartheid regime outlawed political activity by introducing the Unlawful Organizations Act of 1960, effectively banning the ANC, the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) and other political organizations. In 1962, Nchabeleng fell foul of the law and was charged with furthering the aims of a banned organisation (ANC) and sabotage. He was sentenced to and eight-year prison term on Robben Island in 1964. After his release, Nchabeleng and his family were banished from Atteridgeville to Apel, his homeland. 

The banishment did little to quell his political activity and his home in the region became the bedrock for ANC activists. In 1974, he was arrested for contravening the terms of his banning order by being in communication with trade unionist Stephen Dlamini. The state had evidence of this and he received a three-year sentence suspended for three years. In 1977, he was charged with harbouring and recruiting people for military training along with Joe Gqabi. In the same year, he was part of the Pretoria 12 terrorism trial alongside his son Elleck, Joe Gqabi, Tokyo Sexwale, Bafana Mohlamonyane, Naledi Tsiki, Nelson Diale, and Martin Ramokgadi. He, Diale (he was on Robben Island during the same period as Nchabeleng) and Gqabi were acquitted, but his son and the other defendants were convicted; Elleck did six years on Robben Island; Sexwale did 13 years of an 18-year sentence; Tsiki received a 14-year sentence. In 1978, Nchabeleng’s banning order was renewed for another five years. 

The 1980s would represent a turning point in the struggle against apartheid. Political resistance increased, which coincided with a sharp rise in law enforcement violence. Gqabi would later go into exile but in 1981, he was assassinated by the former South African Defence Force in Harare, Zimbabwe, where he was the ANC Chief Representative in that country. In 1982, Nchabeleng escaped an assassination plot when a letter bomb placed inside his son’s school report was discovered. Sensing that his life was in danger, he appealed to the ANC leadership in exile he wanted to leave South Africa, but they declined his request, as they saw his role as important to the liberation struggle in the country. In 1983, PW Botha’s government introduced a new constitution which abolished the office of Prime Minister and combined its powers with the ceremonial post of State President to vest power in an Executive Presidency. It also introduced a new Tricameral Parliament - which represented White, Coloured, and Asian political interests but still left Africans disenfranchised. On 20 August 1983, the United Democratic Front (UDF) was formed in retaliation against apartheid reform ambitions. Nchabeleng was elected President of the UDF’s Northern Transvaal region in February 1986. 

He was instrumental in establishing community and youth structures in the Sekhukhune region. He worked with youth leaders such as Peter Mokwana, France Mohlala, Ephraim Mohale and his son, Elleck. According to Nchabeleng’s wife, Mrs Matsatsi Gertrude, the Lebowa North Riot Squad and Security Branch showed up at their home on 9 April 1986 and took her husband away to Schoonoord Police Station. They assaulted him in her presence and enquired if he had imprisoned before. He informed them that he had been on Robben Island before, to which the police replied and said that this time they were going to kill him. Two days later on 11 April, the police returned to tell them of Nchabeleng’s death in detention of a heart attack. He was only 58 when he died. The state gave his family the runaround concerning his remains, which they ultimately found in Groblersdal. An inquest into his death revealed the police severely wounded him with his injuries causing him to lose consciousness and then to suffocate. His funeral was attended by over 20,000 mourners and was under heavy police presence. Peter was the 63rd person to die in police detention. His passing sparked a consumer boycott of white towns in the Northern Transvaal. 

Nchabeleng left behind his wife and his eight children, some who were also politically active as him. In July 1997, his widow and one of his sons, Maurice, gave testimony to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) about the events prior and after Nchabeleng’s detention and subsequent murder. A secondary school, hall, and complex bare his name, as well as a street in Mokopane. In 2009, former President Jacob Zumba posthumously awarded Nchabeleng the Order of Luthuli in Gold for his exceptional contribution to the fight against the apartheid system in South Africa. His son Mpho wrote a book titled 'The Lion of the North', which chronicles and honours his father's political legacy. 

#OnThisDay #PeterNchabeleng #BlackHistory #World

THE SAME GANG THAT BROUGHT TINUBU TO POWER WILL REMOVE HIM FROM POWER. - DELE MOMODU

Chieftain of the African Democratic Congress, ADC, Dele Momodu, on Wednesday said the “gang” that brought late former President Muhammadu Buhari to power in 2015 are ready to help the party’s presidential candidate defeat President Bola Tinubu in 2027.

Momodu identified the “gang” to include former governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai, ex-Attorney General of the Federation, AGF, Abubakar Malami, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, and ex-Sokoto State governor, Aminu Tambuwal, who are all members of the ADC.

In an interview on Arise News Morning Show, Momodu identified Atiku as his preferred candidate for the ADC’s presidential ticket.

Momodu said, “We have in ADC today two of the leading presidential contestants in the last election, so you do not need to reinvent the wheel. To win an election is not just the crowd or the noise, not just the ideas or how brilliant you are.

“Go back to the drawing board and look at how Buhari captured power in 2015, I was a part of those who worked at that time, I wasn’t a member of APC.

“Tinubu is so formidable that you are not just going to produce a candidate that would take him out, it doesn’t work that way and I will go around the world. You will remember that Joe Biden was removed by the Democrats in America, then they brought Kamala Harris.

“She raised a lot of money which I liked but at the end of the day she could not defeat Trump. Everything was said against Trump but he was able to defeat Kamala.

“I have my preference and that is Atiku, in matters of strategy, ADC must go to the part of the country where they are most disgruntled against the ADC. The people who worked for Tinubu to become President were partly in Buhari’s gang and today they are angry that they have been abandoned.

“El-Rufai in languishing somewhere in detention, Malami is running up and down, so that team is waiting for ADC to capture. When you go in that direction, you have Atiku, Tambuwal, El-Rufai, and others.

“Let ADC go all out to capture, if you pick Atiku he comes from the North-East where APC has the vice president and the region will be very happy to have a President for the very first time.”

BARRISTER SHOOK EBUTE ERO

Despite my youthful age and many unpleasant occurrences that defined my childhood, one of the mesmerizing joys that heralded life in Ebute Ero was music; yes, the influx of music in an astonishing variety.

I was sent by my parents to Ebute Ero at age 7 and eloped at age 15. That was 9 years of lessons of a lifetime! I was an apprentice vulcanizer. Right opposite our workshop was a mosque belonging to the Nawair-Ud-Deen Society of Nigeria on Kosoko Street. Most of us were Muslims, the mosque was our refuge.

There were two vulcanizers’ workshops: one at the far end, under the shed of the mosque and our own, opposite. At night when our bosses had closed and gone home, we - apprentices, urchins, motor boys called omo ijeka, and hangers-on - slept under the shed of the mosque. Under the same shed were Buoda Dele’s makeshift stall where padlocks were sold. There was also a record store, which made it possible for us to be the first to listen to any new release by such musicians as Sikiru Ayinde Barrister, Sunny Ade, Ebenezer Obey, Haruna Ishola, Ayinla Omowura, Dauda Epo Akara, Admiral Dele Abiodun, Sir Shina Adewale, and a host of other music stars of the time. Of them all, Sikiru Ayinde Barrister was outstanding. He was my favourite. I loved his many insightful philosophies that would later shape my life’s essence and direction.

My boss who doubled as my guardian and his wife (my aunt) with their children lived at Mustapha Street, Oke Arin – about 5-minute trekking distance from the workshop. Occasionally, I slept at home, but I mostly passed the night under the shed of the mosque with my colleagues. Not far from our workshop and our Oke Arin home was Iga Olusi (Olusi Palace) sandwiched in Oke Arin Market; one of the biggest markets on Lagos Island.

Olusi Palace was home to musicians on weekends. On each weekend (Saturday to be precise), the palace was in the practice of bringing a popular musician to perform live to the mixed audience of Lagosians and other indigenes who resided in Lagos at the time. On such occasions, all roads leading to the palace from all angles were blocked by humans in their large number – no vehicular movement at all. Oftentimes, the musician and his band, stationed in from of the palace, would start their performance from 9.00 pm and run the show through the night. This was where I had my first encounter with such musicians as Haruna Ishola, Yusuf Olatunji, Sunny Ade, Ebenezer Obe, Ahuja Bello and, of course, Sikiru Ayinde Barrister, just to mention a few. They were young, they were energetic, they were full of vigour and entertainment; they were profound stars of the time. Of them all, it was Sikiru Ayinde Barrister who often commanded the largest crowd. There was always hardly any free space to stand to watch him perform, but one could not miss the sound; his speakers were loud and heavy. In the night, his music pierced the air like an arrow and hit every home around. When he performed, people thronged the venue and perched at available spaces to get thrilled - some on the roof of cars and buses parked by the roadsides. Barrister was indeed a spectacle to behold.

One night, I spent the night at our Oke-Arin home instead of the workshop. I was between 9 and 10 years old. As I prepared to go to sleep, my aunt directed me to go and fetch water from Oke Arin Market. The market was just a stone throw from us, and not far from the Olusi Palace on the opposite axis. It was around 10.00 pm. I took the metal bucket called koroba and headed for the market. On my way, I started hearing some familiar music tunes blaring from the palace. I wondered who the musician was. It became clearer when I got to the tap. It was Barrister! Wow! My favourite! I dropped the bucket by the tap and sped to the performance arena.

As I found myself at the performance space, the crowd was so large and closely knitted that it took a great gusto and stubbornness on my part to push my tiny body through the crowd until I pushed the crowd behind me and found myself standing close to the band. The nostalgic feeling of seeing Barrister performing live was simply an impression that arrested my whole being. I felt transformed like I was in the presence of a deity. The music pierced my soul and serenaded me like cocaine. I was high. My spirit floated with a tingling feeling of reinvigoration. I relished the lyrics and internalized them. The beat, the sound, the drums, Barrister’s mouth organ – they all enveloped and took me to a different level of existence – like cloud 9. I was in a mixed state of ecstasy and utopia.

Suddenly, while I was still enjoying the melody of the music, Barrister rendered his usual closing line: E rora maa jo/ Lo sori ijoko yin/ Won ni e see gan. Salalah…

As the music rolled and faded to a stop, I snapped back into myself and now remembered the errand I was o; then the metal bucket! I ran like a thief back to the tap. To my surprise, the metal bucket was missing! “I am dead” was all I could whisper to myself. I quickly prepared my mind for the beating of the night and sluggishly returned home.

The main entrance door was still open. So, I slid in and faced our room. I stood in front of the door and did all the prayers I could to prevent any form of beating…even though my inner feelings kept throwing the prayers away and urging me to get prepared for the beating.

As I entered the room, my aunt was there, seated at the edge of the bed. My boss, facing the wall on the bed, was asleep. My ‘siblings’ (3 of them) were on the floor, sleeping on the mat.

“You’ve been gone for 3 hours! What happened?” That was when it dawned on me that I had been away for that long. In my mind, I didn’t spend more than 10 minutes in front of Barrister.

“Somebody stole the bucket,” I lied.

“How did they steal the bucket?”

“I went to urinate. By the time I came back, I couldn’t find the bucket.” Even as I said this, I knew it was a weak lie. A large gutter ran past the tap. This was where most of the guys selling meat at the market took their bath at night. We often saw them doing it. I could have urinated there without leaving the tap.

At this point, my aunt terminated the interrogation and descended on me with everything available: punches, pinching, biting, slapping and all. I screamed myself hoarse; our household was used to it. So, nobody intervened or interfered. I carried the cross, but deep inside of me, the music of Ayinde Barrister soothed and healed me faster. I did not cry. I knew I deserved the beating. I would do it again, given another chance! It was Barrister we were talking about here! Nobody would separate me from him and his music.

As I lay on the mat, facing the hollow underneath of the bed, what did I see smiling at me? The metal bucket!

By Mufu Onifade, Ph.D

TINUBU GAVE IT TO CHAGOURY….AGAIN

Indications have emerged that ITB Nigeria, a construction firm owned by a Lebanese-Nigerian businessman and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s longtime associate, Gilbert Chagoury, will execute the renovation contract of Lagos Tin Can and Apapa Ports.

Tinubu had, in January, conferred the Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger (GCON), Nigeria’s second highest honour, on Chagoury “because of his contributions to the country.”

Last week, Nigeria and the United Kingdom during a meeting between Prime Minister Keir Starmer and President Tinubu at Downing Street in London, sealed a £746 million export finance deal to support the refurbishment of the two major ports in Lagos.

Checks showed that Chagoury, whose conglomerate operates through the Chagoury Group, was part of the delegation to London where the financing agreement for the Lagos ports refurbishment project was sealed during President Tinubu’s two-day state visit to the UK.

A report by Africa Intelligence in March 2025 had revealed that the Federal Executive Council’s meeting in February 2025 selected Chagoury Group and its subsidiary, ITB Nigeria, for the contract.

The Minister of Marine and Blue Economy, Gboyega Oyetola, had also confirmed on October 22, 2025 that the federal government approved a sum of $1 billion (N1.4 trillion) for the modernisation of the Apapa and TinCan Island seaports in Lagos.

The minister spoke in Lagos at the 2025 Chartered Institute of Logistics and Transport (CILT) Nigeria Conference, with the theme ‘Enhancing Logistics and Transport for a Sustainable Blue Economy in Nigeria.’

Chagoury’s key projects in Nigeria

Chagoury co‑founded the Chagoury Group in Lagos in 1971, building it into a sprawling conglomerate with interests in construction, real estate, hospitality, manufacturing, infrastructure, among others.

Through the Chagoury Group, Gilbert Chagoury has built one of the most influential business empires in Nigeria, with interests spanning construction, manufacturing, real estate, and energy.

The Chagoury Group is handling the N15 trillion 700-kilometer 10-lane Lagos-Calabar Coastal Road project designed to connect Lagos to Cross River State, passing through Ogun, Ondo, Delta, Bayelsa, Rivers and Akwa-Ibom states.

The section one, phase one of the project, handled by Chagoury’s Hitech, has been concluded.

Among its most prominent undertakings is the Eko Atlantic City project, a sprawling urban development built on reclaimed land along the Atlantic coastline.

The initiative has been widely described as a response to coastal erosion and urban expansion pressures in Lagos.

Chagoury Group’s role in delivering Eko Atlantic has earned it recognition as a key player in Nigeria’s infrastructure transformation, though the project has also attracted criticism over environmental and socio-economic concerns.

Key assets constructed by Chagoury included major property developments like Banana Island and ongoing large‑scale projects such as the Eko Atlantic City urban development through South Energyx Nigeria Limited, among others.

Lagos-focused ports upgrade deepens regional imbalance – Experts

The federal government’s plan to channel the United Kingdom-backed loan into the development of Lagos ports has triggered widespread criticisms, with stakeholders accusing the authorities of deepening infrastructural imbalance by prioritising already functional facilities over neglected ones in other parts of the country.

Maritime operators and regional advocates argue that the move underscores a persistent policy tilt towards Lagos, despite repeated calls for the revitalisation of ports in the eastern and Niger Delta corridors, many of which remain underutilised due to years of neglect.

Industry players say the decision to invest fresh loan funds in Lagos, where port activities are already thriving, raises concerns about fairness and strategic planning.

According to them, ports such as Onne, Warri, Calabar and Ibom, and lately Baro Port in northern part of Nigeria, have suffered from poor infrastructure, low draught levels, security concerns and limited connectivity to major economic centres.

The Sea Empowerment and Research Centre (SEREC), in a statement titled ‘Re-balancing Nigeria’s Maritime Future: Integrating Port Decentralisation into National Reform Agenda Amid Lagos-Centric Investments’, signed by its Head of Research, Dr Eugene Nweke, said while the centre acknowledged the economic importance of ongoing upgrades in Lagos ports, it was concerned about “the continued structural neglect of other national port assets” which, according to him, poses long-term risks to trade efficiency, foreign exchange stability and inclusive economic growth.

The centre said it had critically reviewed the government’s recent port infrastructure financing arrangement supported by UK Export Finance, alongside the broader trajectory of Nigeria’s maritime development strategy.

It stated: “Nigeria’s maritime system remains heavily concentrated in Lagos, which currently accounts for the majority of cargo throughput.

“However, this concentration has resulted in persistent congestion and logistics inefficiencies, increased cost of imports and exports, overstretching of port and road infrastructure.

“At the same time, strategic ports in: Port Harcourt, Warri, Calabar and Onne, without mincing words, remain significantly underutilised due to policy neglect, inadequate infrastructure linkages and inconsistent investment priorities.”

The centre said the current port imbalance is not merely a logistics issue, but a macroeconomic concern with direct foreign exchange (FX) implications.

It further stated that overdependence on Lagos ports would ultimately drive up import handling costs and also encourages congestion-induced inefficiencies.

“It will effect port inefficiency and geographic concentration contribute indirectly to pressure on the Naira and Nigeria’s external reserves.

“The federal government’s investment in Lagos port infrastructure—though necessary—reflects a short-term efficiency-driven approach that is inconsistent with broader national objectives of trade facilitation, export diversification and regional economic inclusion,” the statement added.

A maritime expert and former Director of Operations at the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA), Captain Warredi Enisuoh, said the government should redesign the available space at the different ports for ports automation, warehouse automation so that “Ñigeria could rake in more money instead of the economy stuck in traffic and ships waiting at anchorage which is the order of the day.”

He said the Nigeria-UK deal “should have been geared towards decentralization and automation which will bring down operational cost of shipping.”

A businessman, Okey Okonkwo, expressed concerns that the government should have considered upgrading ports in other parts of the country as well.

He said: “This deal is a clear example of the federal government’s lack of commitment to developing the Niger-Delta region. We have ports in Warri, Port Harcourt, and Calabar that are in dire need of upgrade, but the government is only focusing on Lagos.”

Lucky Amiwero, a shipping expert and maritime industry activist, also queried the rationale behind signing the loan deal for ports infrastructure upgrade.

Amiwero, who is also the president of the National Council of Managing Directors of Licensed Customs Agents and CEO of Eyis Resources Limited, noted that revenue from the port is more than enough to carry out any upgrade.

He queried what happened to the money realised from terminal operators when the nation’s seaports were concessioned in 2006.

He advised the government to utilise revenue collected from port operations for any future upgrade.

“Having stated all these, the next question is what happens to other ports? Why is government neglecting ports in other regions. Why not make viable them if they are not. It will improve efficiency and eliminate congestion that has bedeviled all the ports in Lagos.

“The government’s focus on Lagos ports is short-sighted and neglects the economic potential of other ports. We need to develop our ports in a way that promotes economic growth and development across all regions, not just Lagos,” he said.

Ohanaeze Youth Council alleges marginalisation of S/East

The Ohanaeze Youth Council, in a statement yesterday by its president, Igboayaka Igboayaka, alleged that the Nigerian government’s £747million port rehabilitation agreement with the UK was a further indication of the “marginalisation” of the South-East.

The council warned that the continued neglect of seaport infrastructure in Igbo-dominated areas could deepen separatist sentiments.

It alleged that the focus on Lagos ports ignored what it described as historically viable maritime locations in the South-East, including Ose-Akwa/Ose-Moto in Ihiala and Oguta, Azumini Blue Sea in Abia State, and Ozziza Beach in Ebonyi State.

“Neglected seaports in Igboland, specifically Ose-Akwa Ose-Moto Sea at Ihiala/Oguta, Obeaku Ndoki Sea, Azumini Blue Sea Ukwa-East Abia State, and Ozziza Beach Afikpo Ebonyi State, demonstrate the empirical evidence of the long-standing injustice and marginalisation faced by Ndigbo, which has led to the call for Biafra Restoration under the leadership of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB).

“Regrettably, the British Government agreed to refurbish two ports in Lagos, specifically Apapa and Tin Can Island standing at 60 nautical miles to Atlantic Ocean, also undermined the dredging of Ose-Akwa Ihiala Anambra Sea and Ose-Moto Oguta Sea in Imo State in 1958, a site boasting a natural harbour depth of 22m and a mere 18 nautical miles from the Atlantic Ocean,” the council said.

It demanded the immediate dredging of the proposed Ose-Akwa/Ose-Moto seaport channel, estimated at 18 nautical miles to the Atlantic, as well as similar projects in Abia State.

Nigeria taking loans to fund British economy – ADC

The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has described the Lagos ports upgrade deal with the UK as a “mugu” deal, saying it disproportionately favoured the UK and its economy while leaving Nigeria with a massive debt.

The national publicity secretary of the ADC, Bolaji Abdullahi, said while the All Progressives Congress, APC had tried to pass off the deal as President Tinubu’s achievement, it is in fact an achievement of the “UK Government, which, through this deal, has managed to save its steel industry, protect thousands of UK jobs, and get Nigeria to pay for it.”

The party called on the federal government to provide full transparency by disclosing comprehensive details of the agreement, including the applicable interest rates, repayment terms and any local content provisions or obligations associated with the deal.

It[b] stated: “Based on information available on the UK Government website, which described the deal as a major vote of confidence in UK manufacturing, the £746 million agreement will be delivered through UK Export Finance’s (UKEF) Buyer Credit Facility and arranged by Citibank, N.A., London Branch.

“UKEF is the UK government’s export credit agency. Its buyer credit facility enables foreign buyers to access financing from commercial banks to procure UK goods and services, typically for projects that require significant UK content participation.

[/b]

“In simple terms, UKEF guarantees a loan obtained by a foreign buyer from a commercial bank, which is then used to pay for UK goods and services, with the bank paying the UK exporter directly on behalf of the buyer.

“Under this agreement, at least £236 million of the £746 million in supplier contracts will be awarded to British companies, while British Steel will supply 120,000 tonnes of steel billets under a £70 million contract, representing its largest UKEF-backed export order, for port rehabilitation projects.

“The ADC is particularly concerned that the Nigerian government has entered into an agreement that leaves the country at a clear disadvantage, seemingly in exchange for a few hours of pomp and pageantry, and as part of a broader attempt to secure foreign validation, even as millions of Nigerians continue to face poverty, unemployment, and worsening insecurity.

“There are still several unanswered questions regarding this agreement. These include: what are the repayment terms of the commercial loan, including its duration and applicable interest rate? What percentage of local goods, services, and subcontracting is involved in the port rehabilitation project? How many direct and indirect jobs will be created for Nigerians? What is the project timeline, and when will the ports become fully operational? What provisions exist for training, apprenticeships, and skills transfer? Finally, what are the limits on expatriate staff, and are there defined quotas for SMEs and community benefit obligations?”

WE WILL NOT ALLOW INSECURITY TO OVERSHADOW OUR EFFORTS AT HELPING THE VULNERABLE, PRESIDENT TINUBU SAYS

President Bola Tinubu, on Sunday in Lagos, said his administration will intensify efforts to tackle the challenges of insecurity across various parts of the country, assuring that the safety and well-being of citizens featured at the meetings held in the United Kingdom. 

President Tinubu, who hosted the Vice President Kashim Shettima and 23 governors at his Lagos home for the Eid el-Fitr, said that he had followed up on support for modern security interventions with French President Emmanuel Macron.

“Your presence here today and the number show your sincerity, commitment and value for friendship and togetherness. 

“The next phase of our struggle is staring us in the face, and that is the challenge of insecurity in the country. 

“I am making all the efforts to ensure that we collectively share the joy of our victory over tyranny. Insecurity is an enemy of development, progress, and prosperity. I am glad you are all mindful of the challenge. 

“For me, I have committed to strengthening further the contacts and networks that are necessary. One of the major discussions in the United Kingdom was on equipment and support. 

“I can report to you that yesterday, again, I had a lengthy discussion with French President Emmanuel Macron. They are collaborating with us for equipment and support. I am also making frantic efforts to contact other nations,’’ he stated. 

President Tinubu and First Lady, Oluremi Tinubu, returned on Friday from a three-day State Visit to the United Kingdom, where King Charles III and Queen Camila hosted them. 

The President also held a meeting with the British Prime Minister, Keir Starmer, before his return to Nigeria for the Eid-el-fitr.

“We should care more for the vulnerable. I know this Middle East crisis will spike inflation and affect our purchasing power. The labour union and others will be gearing to ask us to support more due to the effect of the Middle East war and crisis,’’ the President added.

The President urged the state governors to remain steadfast and resilient in translating their ideas and visions into policies and programmes that directly impact citizens' livelihoods, and to support the government in tackling the “tyranny” of criminals.

President Tinubu advised the governors to provide further incentives to cushion the inflationary impact of the war in the Middle East on energy and transportation prices.

He thanked Vice President, Sen. Kashim Shettima, for the condolence visit to Borno State, assuring the people of the state of stronger protection through new technology.

In his remarks, the Chairman of the Nigerian Governors Forum, and Governor of Kwara State, AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq, thanked the President for his intervention in the states with the visionary Renewed Hope Agenda.

“On behalf of my colleagues, the governors, we bring your excellency, season greetings from the people of our various states. We thank the Almighty God for His mercies that saw us through the month of Ramadan.

“We pray that the Almighty God will see us through the period of Lent, and grant us sustainable peace,’’ he said.

The Chairman of NGF congratulated the President on the successful State Visit to the United Kingdom and the investment agreements reached.

“While our mission has been to have a good relationship with the United Kingdom, the State Visit, first in 37 years, is bold and significant. It speaks to new levels of relationship with Nigeria, and we thank you for it.

“Together, we must see that the issue of insecurity comes to an end. Regarding state police, discussions are ongoing with various security agencies led by the National Security Adviser, and the NGF has made its contributions. The NGF will take the document to the National Assembly to see how we can have a legislative framework for the state police,’’ the governor noted. 

Governors at the meeting were: Sen. Hope Uzodinma, Imo State; Alex Otti, Abia State; Umo Eno, Akwa Ibom State; Douye Diri, Bayelsa State; Hyacinth Alia, Benue State; Bassey Otu, Cross River State; Sheriff Oborevwori, Delta State; Francis Nwifuru, Ebonyi State; Monday Okpebholo, Edo State; Peter Mbah, Enugu State; Mohammed Inuwa Yahaya, Gombe State; and Umar Namadi, Jigawa State.

 Others: Abba Kabir Yusuf, Kano State; Dikko Umaru Radda, Katsina State; Ahmed Usman Ododo, Kogi State; Babajide Sanwo-Olu, Lagos State; Abdullahi Sule, Nasarawa State; Caleb Mufwang, Plateau State; Siminalayi Fubara, Rivers State; Agbu Keffas, Taraba State; Mai Mala Buni of Yobe State and Lucky Aiyedatiwa, Ondo State. 

The deputy Governor of Borno State, Umar Usman Kadafur, was also at the meeting. 

Bayo Onanuga 

Special Adviser to the President

(Information & Strategy) 

March 22, 2026

THE PREVIOUS AND PRESENT LEADERS OF IRAN FROM THE TIME IMMEMORIAL

These are the supreme leaders of Iran since the establishment of the Islamic Republic in 1979.

The Supreme Leader of Iran is the highest authority in the country. He is both the religious and political leader. He makes major decisions, controls the armed forces, and has final say on government policy.

How is he elected?

The Supreme Leader is not elected by the people. He is chosen by a group of senior religious leaders called the Assembly of Experts. Once chosen, he remains in power until he dies or steps down.

Below the Supreme Leader, there is the president. This president is NOT the head of state. He functions more like a prime minister with limited authority. In many ways, the president of Iran's powers are similar to the prime minister of Russia. They both have limited authority. 

The comparison is not perfect of course, because the Iranian president is directly elected by the people every four years. He runs the day-to-day affairs of government, such as the economy, ministries, and some areas of diplomacy. But just like the Russian prime minister, he does not control the military or make the final decisions on major national issues.

There are 9 people who have served as president

▪️ Abolhassan Banisadr - 1980–1981

▪️ Mohammad-Ali Rajai - 1981

▪️ Ali Khamenei - 1981–1989

▪️ Akbar  Rafsanjani - 1989–1997

▪️ Mohammad Khatami - 1997–2005

▪️ Mahmoud Ahmadinejad - 2005–2013

▪️ Hassan Rouhani - 2013–2021

▪️ Ebrahim Raisi - 2021–2024 

▪️ Mohammad Mokhber - Acting-2024

▪️ Masoud Pezeshkian - Current president

As you can tell from the list above, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei served as president before becoming Supreme Leader. He was president from 1981 to 1989. He only became Supreme Leader after the death of the first Supreme Leader, Ruhollah Khomeini. 

However, the presidency is only one part of Iran’s political system. Other institutions also play a role in governance.

One of these institutions is parliament, known as the Majlis. Its role is to make laws.

However, every law passed by parliament must be approved by the Guardian Council. This council has twelve members. Six are directly appointed by the Supreme Leader. The other six are nominated by the judiciary and approved by parliament.

If a law does not match Islamic law or the constitution, it is rejected.

The constitution, written in 1979 after the revolution, defines Iran as an Islamic Republic. It combines elections with religious authority, but places ultimate power in the hands of the Supreme Leader. All this started in 1979, after the Iranian Revolution.

What was the Iranian Revolution?

Remember, before 1979, Iran was not an Islamic Republic. It was a Western-aligned constitutional monarchy, ruled by the Pahlavi family. This family ruled Iran for 54 years, from 1925 to 1979.

They used the title Shah, which can be translated as King. Since Iran was a constitutional monarchy, it meant that the Shah originally did not have absolute power. The government of Iran was formally run by the prime minister. During this time, Iran was not governed as an Islamic system, even though Islam was very important culturally.

In 1951, a new Prime Minister came to power. His name was Mohammad Mosaddegh. He nationalized the oil industry. He also became very critical of Western countries, particularly the United States and Britain.

Before this, British companies controlled most of Iran’s oil and made large profits, while Iran received a smaller share. Mosaddegh wanted Iran to control its own resources and keep more of the money.

Britain strongly opposed this and tried to pressure Iran economically. When that failed, Britain turned to the United States for help.

At the same time, this was during the Cold War. The United States was deeply concerned about the spread of communism. It feared that a government that was not pro-Western could create conditions in which communist groups might gain influence and power within the country.

So, in-order to protect Western oil interests and to prevent possible communist influence in Iran, the United States and Britain sponsored a coup in 1953. This coup removed Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddegh from power.

After this, the Shah slowly became more powerful and ruled more like an absolute monarch. His government used force against opponents. Despite his authoritarian rule, the United States continued to support him because Iran remained an important ally. 

Over time, these conditions led to growing anger inside Iran. Many people were unhappy with the Shah’s rule, including religious groups, students, and workers.

One of the most well-known critics was a religious leader named Ruhollah Khomeini. Because of his opposition to the Shah, he was arrested and later forced into exile, meaning he had to live outside Iran for many years.

By the late 1970s, protests had spread across the country. This growing unrest eventually turned into a full revolution.

In 1979, the Shah was removed from power. Khomeini then returned from exile to Iran and became the central figure in establishing the Islamic Republic.

Later in 1979, after a new constitution was approved, Khomeini became the first Supreme Leader of Iran. He remained in that position until his death in 1989. 

Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini was replaced by Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who ruled from 1989 until he was assassinated on February 28, 2026. After his death, his son Mojtaba Khamenei was chosen as the new Supreme Leader. He was officially appointed on March 8, 2026.

#Iran #MiddleEast #History #World

JIMOH IBRAHIM, IN BROAD DAYLIGHT

I have spent time on the Third Floor of the United Nations Headquarters in New York, where the press corps works. It is not a gentle place. The journalists there are seasoned professionals drawn from every region of the world: people who have reported wars, corruption scandals, and the fall of governments. They are interested in facts, not impressed by titles.

They ask the question behind the question, and they do not move until they have an answer. When a Permanent Representative walks into that building to speak for 220 million people, the world watches. And so, on behalf of those 220 million people, I am watching too.

I am watching with grief.

Last week, President Bola Tinubu appointed Senator Jimoh Ibrahim to New York as Nigeria’s Permanent Representative to the UN. The congratulatory messages arrived immediately, as they always do in Nigeria, where appointment is confused with achievement and proximity to power as evidence of character. 

The Ooni of Ife called him the right man for the job. Former Senate President Ahmad Lawan called him one of the finest Nigerians he had worked with. Governor Dapo Abiodun said something about a “distinguished career.”

I invite these men to examine the record.

Ibrahim’s business career is not one of creation or upliftment.  It is of acquisition and collapse. That is why, for years, his name has circulated in connection with financial disputes, asset issues, indebtedness, investigations, forgery, tax allegations, embezzlement, money laundering, and massive debt recovery proceedings. 

Consider: NICON Airways: acquired, collapsed, approximately 300 workers left without wages from May 2007. The National Industrial Court awarded those workers N1.5 billion in 2013. Ibrahim appealed. The Court of Appeal dismissed the appeal in 2017.

In 2024, a statement from former staff representatives confirmed that N808.7 million in salary arrears remained unpaid, along with N8.1 million in pension contributions that had been deducted from workers’ salaries but never remitted. Nearly two decades later, that money—their money, taken from their wages—has cruelly not reached them.

Air Nigeria: taken over in 2010, collapsed in 2012. The National Assembly’s own Joint Committee on Aviation stated on the record that the airline was grounded because Ibrahim diverted a N35.5 billion government intervention loan—guaranteed by UBA, funded by the Bank of Industry—into his family company, NICON Investment Limited.

His Finance Director, John Nnorom, a qualified accountant who resigned and was then prosecuted on Ibrahim’s initiative, submitted detailed evidence to a Senate committee in 2016, including the acquisition of Energy Bank of Ghana with Afrexim loan funds registered not in Air Nigeria’s name but in Ibrahim’s personal name. He was later discharged and acquitted. The Senate’s 2014 resolution directing the CBN Governor to recover the aviation funds from Ibrahim was never enforced.

NICON Insurance: acquired, gutted. Former managers say Ibrahim fired 85 per cent of staff, and the company went from national market dominance to less than one per cent of its pre-privatisation client base. In 2016, the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) sealed its offices for N182.7 million in unremitted taxes.

FIRS filed a 10-count criminal charge against Ibrahim personally—not his company, him—for five years of unpaid taxes totalling N4.86 billion and for producing and presenting forged Tax Clearance Certificates to renew expatriate quota positions for 30 persons. That charge sits in the Federal High Court in Abuja. 

In November 2020, the Asset Management Corporation of Nigeria seized 12 named properties from Ibrahim over a N69.4 billion debt. AMCON said publicly that Ibrahim and his companies had been “recalcitrant and unenthusiastic” about repayment despite multiple exit opportunities. The court filing—Suit No. FHL/L/CL/776/2016—was filed in 2016. It took four years to obtain the seizure order. How much of that N69.4 billion has been recovered?  

Remember the famous NewsWatch magazine?  Until a court stopped him, Ibrahim was the one who tried to rip it out of the soil and throw it away.

In New York, Aersale Inc. dragged Ibrahim to the US District Court, claiming over $7.68 million for breach of aircraft lease agreements in which he had signed as personal guarantor. In 2012, EFCC agents interrogated him for hours; sources at the time reported he had burned documents before the interrogation and sustained visible injuries in the process.

These are the credentials of the man being promoted by Aso Rock to represent Nigeria at the UN.

Now consider the environment. The Nigerian Mission’s anaemic website is a monument to institutional abandonment. Its most recent UNGA session archive stops at the 72nd session, which ended in 2018. There are no recent events or records, and no evidence of a functioning communications operation.

The building, just one block from the UN, is, in effect, a ghost. Into this ghost is Nigeria thrusting an operative who will abandon hundreds of unpaid workers, billions in court-ordered debts, criminal charges, a burned archive of documents, and the wreckage of at least three institutions that Nigerians trusted.  What message will he bring to the world: that he represents Nigerians?

The timing makes it worse. Ibrahim travels to the media capital of the world that already knows Bola Tinubu by name.  Sadly, that is not from reporting great success on the UN podium of conquering insecurity in Nigeria or in implementing the Sustainable Development Goals.  Instead, it is from the federal courthouse in Chicago, where the drug scandal of 1993 is a matter of permanent public record and in a country where Tinubu is begging to hide his records because they would do him “irreparable harm.”  International journalists know about these ghosts.  And when they want to ask about them, who will answer for Nigeria?

Apparently: Jimoh Ibrahim.  

This is not governance. It is the re-circulation of embarrassment. It is what happens when a government has contempt for its own people, when it trusts that outrage will not last, that the congratulatory messages will drown out the record.

Ibrahim’s appointment is not a diplomatic strategy. It is a confession: that in the grotesque estimation of this administration, Nigeria’s seat at the world’s most important table is a reward to be bestowed, not a trust to be honoured.

I have written previously about the comatose state of the Nigerian Mission to the UN. I write again now, with the same outrage—and something heavier than outrage. I write with grief. The grief of a country that keeps asking its citizens to lower their self-esteem. The grief of workers in Abuja waiting for wages since 2007. The grief of a continent that could be represented with distinction.

Only last week, in front of an international TV audience, presidential adviser Daniel Bwala infamously demonstrated the pain and humiliation of a compromised operative being ruthlessly disrobed.  Several of the ambassadors that the Tinubu government is currently trying to shoehorn into relevance are known to be of the same mould of hypocrisy and charlatanism. Nigerians are being systematically desensitised to shame by a government with a sense neither of smell nor of vision.

This is an insult in real time.  It is irreparable harm to Nigeria.

Sonala Olumhense

NB: IS THERE STILL ANY NIGERIA TO BEQUEATH TO OUR CHILDREN, A PLACE WHERE ANYTHING GOES ONCE YOU ARE CONNECTED TO THE POWER THAT BE?