QUESTION FOR NUHU RIBADU

Former Kaduna State governor, Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai, has asked the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA), headed by Nuhu Ribadu, to immediately clarify reports that the office imported a highly poisonous substance, thallium sulphate, from Poland.

El-Rufai raised the issue on Sunday in a post on X, where he disclosed that he had written formally to the National Security Adviser seeking explanations over the alleged transaction.

He said the information available to opposition political leaders suggested that the ONSA recently brought in about 10 kilograms of thallium sulphate from a foreign supplier.

“As part of my duty as a citizen, I wrote to the NSA to seek clarification on reports about the importation by his office of thallium sulphate, a very dangerous toxin,” El-Rufai said, adding that the substance was “odourless and colourless”, making its presence even more worrying.

In the letter, the former governor described thallium compounds as extremely hazardous and subject to strict international controls, arguing that the alleged importation raised serious questions around public safety and transparency.

He asked the security office to state the purpose for which the chemical was procured, the intended end-user, the company that supplied it, and whether the importation was authorised under any valid chemical or defence permit.

El-Rufai further requested details on the exact quantity and concentration reportedly acquired, as well as how the substance would be stored and secured.

He also sought to know whether relevant regulatory and public-health authorities, including the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control and the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control, were involved in assessing potential risks or developing safety and mitigation plans.

According to him, “public confidence in national institutions” requires that the matter be addressed promptly and transparently.

The Office of the National Security Adviser had not issued any official response as of press time.

AMERICA IS WELCOME TO BOMB NIGERIA.--- SENATOR NDUME

Senator Ali Ndume, who represents Borno South Senatorial District, has explained he would again support another US military airstrikes against insurgents operating in parts of North-East Nigeria.

Ndume made the remarks on Friday while speaking on Politics Today, a programme on Channels Television.

He said his call is being driven by the prolonged activities of Boko Haram insurgents in communities within his constituency, particularly around the Mandara Mountains.

According to the lawmaker, insurgents have maintained a presence in the mountainous areas for over a decade, forcing residents to flee their homes and farmlands.

He said sustained and consistent military offensives are necessary to eliminate the group and enable displaced persons to return home.

The lawmaker said residents of Gwoza and surrounding communities would be receptive to such support, stressing that security concerns have prevented him from visiting his village for years, even under escort.

Ndume maintained that his position reflects the desperation of communities that have endured prolonged insecurity and are seeking decisive action to end insurgency in the region.

Ndume said: “I called for it. In fact, I was thinking that they will start from my local government. Yes, because the Boko Haram, the issue of you know, have dominated for the past 15 years.

“They have dominated the Mandara Mountain up till now. And we had wanted, and have been calling that there must be consistent and sustained attack until they are all eliminated.

“That’s when our people that are still in the IDP camps, you know, under the mountain, can go back, because there are peoples who still live in the mountains and farm in the mountains, but they have to run away. Boko Haram chase them. There are some of them that are still captives.

“In fact, we want the… I’m speaking for my people, especially my own local government. If the 200 Americans that Nigerians are talking about now don’t have…they are not comfortable, please let them go to my local government and stay and operate from there, our people will be happy.

“I can move out of my house in Gwoza for they to come over my house for them to stay as long as we will have peace.

“You know what, for the past 16 years I cannot go to my village, especially this time around, no matter what, even under escort, you don’t risk going from now.”

HE IS THE MOST DANGEROUS MAN IN NIGERIA. THE FEAR OF HIM IS THE BEGINNING OF YOUR SANITY

Someone I Know Tapped the Phone of the National Security Adviser for me , and we listened to his conversation 

- Nasir El-Rufai, former Governor of KADUNA State

So during this interview with Arise Television the former Governor of Kaduna State Nasir El-Rufai El-rufai admitted that someone  tapped (literally hacked ) the phone of the National Security Adviser, NSA Nuhu Ribadu for him and he was able to listen to the NSA conversation.

According to Rufai ,why justifying the tapping, "The NSA’s call was tapped. They do that to our calls too, and we heard him saying they should arrest me."

The Interviewer Charles Aniagolu, shocked by the revelation briskly interjected that that was an illegal action. El-Rufai agreed with him , that what he did was  an  illegality but said it was justifiable because " the government also listen to our own  too. The Government thinks they are the only one who listen to calls, we have our way too. "

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo described Nasir El-Rufai as a talented but immature leader with a "pathological" penchant for disloyalty and reputation-savaging during his time as FCT Minister (2003–2007). Obasanjo confirmed rejecting pressure to make El-Rufai his 2007 successor, citing a need for "maturity" and alleging that El-Rufai lacked consistent loyalty to anyone but himself. 

Key details regarding Obasanjo's assessment of El-Rufai include:

Talent vs. Character: While acknowledging El-Rufai's high intelligence (referred to as "elephantine brain" in his book), Obasanjo criticized his character, stating he was a "pathological purveyor of untruths" and prone to betraying friends and colleagues.

"Small Man Syndrome": In his 2014 memoir, Obasanjo stated that El-Rufai is plagued by "small man syndrome," suggesting a need to "play himself up to give himself more 'height' than he has".

2007 Succession: Obasanjo confirmed that he rejected the proposal to make El-Rufai his successor, noting that even El-Rufai later admitted, upon reviewing his own performance years later, that Obasanjo was right about his need to mature.

Need for Supervision: Despite his criticisms, Obasanjo acknowledged El-Rufai's performance in his administration and believed he could be useful in public service, but only "under guidance and sufficient oversight".

These remarks highlight a complex relationship where Obasanjo recognized El-Rufai's competence as a technocrat but found him unfit for supreme leadership at the time due to character flaws.

THE MANDINKA PEOPLE OF GAMBIA

The Mandinka are a major ethnic group in Gambia. They are related to the first people who lived in the Sudanese Belt in the Stone and Iron Ages. The first people who lived on Earth were hunters who made and used knives, axes, scrapers, tools, and needles out of stone and iron.

After that, they made spears, harpoons, sticks, shields, blowguns, bows, and arrows, among other things.

Before the year 700, the black people who lived in the Sudanese Belt only lived in a small part of the area. They kept working in farmland and were able to have bigger and denser communities than people whose main job was raising cattle.

In the end, they settled in the forests of West Africa. Beginning around 700 BCE and going through the early Islamic contact period, trade over long distances became more and more important in shaping the economic, social, and political trends of western Sudan.

A lot of money was made in some parts of West Africa through trade, which helped build social classes and states. When the kingdom of Ghana was formed, the Mandinkas were part of the Soninke Clan, which was made up of people who spoke Mande. The people who lived in Mande were also called Manden, Malinke, or Mndinka, for short.

All of the former tributary states that made up the empire of Ghana got their freedom back after it fell in 1076. A small Mandinka kingdom didn’t start to form until 1235. A Mandinka king named Sundiata Keita ruled the country. He was known for building the strong Mali Empire’s foundations.

According to stories told by older people, the Mandinka first moved into Gambia when Sundiata was in charge in the 1300s. Mandinkas moved to other areas of the country in both peaceful and violent ways. Before the Mali Empire was formed, some Mandinka people went to the Senegambia area.

Early settlers went south and west to find better land for farming, food, and a place to live. Along with these people, some traders and hunters went to Senegambia, which had a lot of water. The people who moved there farmed and married into the local ethnic groups after they settled down.

#Africa #Gambia #BlackHistory #World

When Murtala Was Assassinated, I Was There, There Was Nothing Left for Me In The Military Govt– OBJ

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo has reflected on the assassination of General Murtala Ramat Mohammed, describing it as a turning point for Nigeria’s military leadership.

According to a report by Nigerian Tribune on Thursday, February 12, 2026, speaking in Abuja at the Murtala Muhammed International Lecture and Leadership Conference, Obasanjo said he was present when Murtala was killed during the February 1976 coup. He explained that the tragic event forced the military government to confront serious weaknesses in the country’s security system. According to him, the assassination revealed dangerous negligence and led to a complete reorganisation of Nigeria’s security structure.

Obasanjo noted that some of the coup plotters were people who had been close to Murtala, including trusted associates. This made the incident even more shocking and painful. He said the experience taught the leadership the importance of strong institutions and proper safeguards rather than relying only on personal loyalty.

He also recalled the period after the civil war, explaining that disagreements within the Federal Government nearly weakened the country’s efforts. He said the leadership realised Nigeria first needed to stabilise its political structure before moving forward effectively.

Obasanjo described Murtala as a disciplined and patriotic leader who lived a simple life. He said the late Head of State avoided luxury and focused on serving the nation.

Reflecting on leadership, Obasanjo stated that Murtala’s greatest achievement was leaving behind a successor who could continue his vision. He admitted that later leaders, including himself, had struggled to do the same.

In his words, "When Murtala was assassinated, I was there. There was nothing left for me in the military government. We had given our best

The Voice of the Great Migration: The Man Who Mapped a Path to Freedom

In the early 20th century, as the terror of Jim Crow lynching gripped the South, a single newspaper became the most powerful weapon against it and the most influential guide to a new life. Robert Sengstacke Abbott, a soft-spoken lawyer turned publisher, started The Chicago Defender in 1905 with 25 cents and a mission. He didn't just report the news; he weaponized journalism to physically redistribute the Black population of the United States and psychologically liberate a generation, building the most influential Black newspaper in American history.

Full Name: Robert Sengstacke Abbott

Key Achievement: Founded and built The Chicago Defender into a national institution.

Core Campaigns: The anti-lynching crusade and the orchestration of the Great Migration.

Era: Early to Mid-20th Century (1870–1940)

---

A Newspaper with a Battle Plan

From its first issue, The Defender broke journalistic conventions. It was not objective; it was an activist organ, written in a bold, sensational style that spoke directly to the pain and aspirations of its readers.

· Crusading Journalism: While white papers ignored or justified racial violence, the Defender put lynchings on the front page, naming victims and perpetrators. Its headlines screamed: "SOUTH IS DRENCHED IN BLOOD" or "500 BLACK PEOPLE MURDERED BY WHITE MOBS." It launched national anti-lynching fundraisers and exposed the horrors with a moral fury absent from the mainstream press.

· The Migration Blueprint: Abbott's most profound impact was turning the Defender into the primary catalyst for the Great Migration. He framed the North not just as a place, but as "The Promised Land." The paper ran blistering exposes of Southern oppression alongside glowing stories of high wages, good schools, and political freedom in Chicago and other Northern cities.

· Practical Instructions: The Defender didn't just inspire; it provided a practical guide. It published train schedules and job listings from Northern companies. It advised migrants on what to pack, how to act, and where to stay. Abbott even organized "migration clubs" to help families move together.

A National Network Built on Trust

The Defender's reach was nationwide, even though it was banned in many Southern towns.

· The Pullman Porter Network: Black Pullman porters, who worked the railways, became the paper's secret distribution agents. They would smuggle bundles of the Defender south in their luggage and drop them off at Black barbershops, churches, and cafes, creating a clandestine information network.

· The "Defender Wants to Know": Abbott encouraged readers to write in, and he published their first-person accounts of discrimination and violence under this heading. This created a powerful national conversation and made the paper a trusted, community-owned platform.

· Champion of Black Excellence: Beyond hard news, the Defender dedicated extensive space to Black society, sports, and arts. It covered Black baseball leagues, celebrated Black entrepreneurs, and reviewed plays and music, creating a positive, proud mirror for a community that was otherwise only depicted in caricature.

The Architect of a New Demography

Robert Abbott, a man who faced poverty and prejudice himself, died a millionaire and one of the most powerful Black men in America. His legacy is measured in demographic shifts and cultural awakening.

· The Numbers: Historians credit the Defender with persuading over 1.5 million Black Southerners to move North between 1915 and 1925, transforming cities like Chicago, Detroit, and New York and altering the nation's political and cultural landscape forever.

· A Lasting Institution: He built a media empire that remained under family control for decades. His nephew, John H. Sengstacke, took over and continued its mission, even playing a key role in persuading President Truman to desegregate the military.

· The Blueprint for Advocacy Journalism: The Defender proved that a free Black press was not a luxury but a necessity for survival and progress. It demonstrated that journalism could be a direct agent of social change, a model that would inspire the Black press throughout the Civil Rights Movement.

In summary, Robert S. Abbott was the great strategist of Black aspiration. With a printing press and relentless courage, he didn't just document history—he engineered it. He gave a people the information, the inspiration, and the practical instructions to vote with their feet for their own freedom, making The Chicago Defender the most important travel guide in American history.

#Africa #BlackHistoryMonth #African #World

US JUDGE WANTS TINUBU'S CRIMINAL RECORDS RELEASED IMMEDIATELY

Angry U.S. judge lambasts FBI, DEA for delaying release of Tinubu’s criminal records, issues final ultimatum

The judge ordered the FBI to provide sworn statements on why it has been missing deadlines to frustrate the release of Mr Tinubu’s records.

U.S. judge Beryl A. Howell lashed out at the FBI and Drug Enforcement Administration for employing delay tactics to frustrate the release of President Bola Tinubu’s records based on a 2022 Freedom of Information request by transparency campaigner Aaron Greenspan, who was assisted by investigative journalist David Hundeyin.

Ms Howell of the U.S. Court for the District of Columbia in Washington, D.C., on February 3, rebuked the FBI and DEA for holding up the release of Mr Tinubu’s records, expected to shed light on a narcotics-trafficking ordeal that made him surrender $460,000 to the U.S. government in the early 1990s. Mr Greenspan, CEO of Plainsite, a data transparency advocacy group, first filed the FOI in June 2022.

The sluggishness of the FBI and DEA to honour court submissions, with incessant postponements, has caused the case to linger for more than three years without any headway in sight, Ms Howell said in her opinion, while issuing fresh ultimatums that must not be missed, according to court filings seen by Peoples Gazette.

The FBI in 2023 announced plans to release 2500 pages of Mr Tinubu’s records in monthly batches of 500 pages. But the release was stalled after Mr Tinubu fiercely opposed it and sought a reprieve to protect his records, pending a Nigerian Supreme Court judgment that he was then praying to uphold his election victory. He claimed that he would be “adversely affected” if his FBI records were released prematurely.

Ms Beryl approved his request then, but even though Mr Tinubu’s presidential victory was upheld, the FBI and DEA continued to delay, begging for new dates to process and release the long-sought records anticipated to clarify the decades-long controversy about Mr Tinubu’s role in a cocaine trafficking scheme. The Nigerian president denies any wrongdoing.

The bureau, which ought to submit an updated report in May 2025, adjourned for several months until January 2026, when it requested a new date for February. The latest motion to extend the processing and submission date to February provoked the ire of Ms Howell.

“Defendant FBI has produced no records, despite initially anticipating completion of searches by August 1, 2025, Joint Status Report (May 1, 2025), later pushed to September 1, 2025, [51] Joint Status Report (June 30, 2025); and production to begin by December 1, 2025, [51] Joint Status Report (June 30, 2025), later pushed to January 23, 2026, [62] Joint Status Report (December 1, 2025), and pushed again, with minimal explanation, to February 13, 2025,” Ms Howell said.

“Similar to the current posture of the DEA in this case, the FBI has provided no reliable end date for the processing and production of responsive records,” the judge stressed.

Ms Beryl shot down the DEA’s argument to have released some documents while withholding other pages for over six months. The DEA claimed that the so-called files were “out for consult” with other agencies but failed to state when the documents could be available to Mr Greenspan.

“Defendant DEA has produced some documents; see [54] Joint Status Report (August 7, 2025), but has parroted the same message for the past six months and four joint status reports regarding twelve remaining pages not yet produced,” the judge said.

Consequently, she ordered the DEA to furnish Mr Greenspan with a Vaughn index detailing the reasons for redacting 50 pages and withholding 172 pages of Mr Tinubu’s records.

For the separate 12 records sent to unspecified agencies, Judge Howell ordered that a DEA agent must file sworn affidavits explaining, page by page, when each record was sent to the agencies for consultation, when the review is expected to be completed, and the steps taken so far to expedite the release of Mr Tinubu’s records.

Ms Howell ordered the FBI to provide sworn statements explaining why the bureau has been missing crucial deadlines to frustrate the release of Mr Tinubu’s records as requested by Mr Greenspan.

The judge further asked the FBI to turn over all non-exempt documents concerning Mr Tinubu, as the bureau promised to do in availing Mr Greenspan “its first interim response within two weeks of January 30, 2026.”

The FBI was further directed to provide a timetable detailing how the bureau intends to submit the second batch of 500 pages by March 13 and ensure that the last batch will be released by June 1, 2026.

“Submit to the court a detailed status report on how the FBI is fulfilling its representation that ‘the second interim response is anticipated for March 13, 2026,’ id., with production of segregable non-exempt information at the rate of 500 pages reviewed per month, and a plan to complete such processing and production by June 1, 2026,” court filings stated.

The judge asked both the FBI and DEA to file a joint status report on their progress “every 14 days” starting February 27, until all processing and production of responsive records is completed.”

In April 2025, the judge granted CIA’s motion to be left out of the case after successfully arguing that there was no evidence the agency had collected any intelligence on Mr Tinubu.

PEOPLE LIKE DONALD TRUMP RESPECT US. BUT NIGERIANS DO NOT.— REMI TINUBU

The First Lady of Nigeria, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, has said many Nigerian leaders enjoy deep respect and honour internationally but are often criticised, abused and undervalued by citizens at home, blaming the trend on hate-driven narratives and political manipulation.

]b]Mrs Tinubu made the remarks in a post on her Facebook page on Friday, days after United States President Donald Trump publicly described her as a “very respected woman” during the National Prayer Breakfast held in Washington, DC[/b].

The annual event, which was attended by members of the US Congress, religious leaders and international guests, saw Trump single out the Nigerian First Lady while addressing participants on faith, leadership and global religious freedom.

During his speech, Trump acknowledged Remi Tinubu’s presence and praised her role as both Nigeria’s First Lady and an ordained pastor in the Redeemed Christian Church of God, one of the country’s largest Pentecostal denominations.

“We’re honoured to be joined today by the First Lady of Nigeria, who also happens to serve as a Christian pastor at the largest church in Nigeria.

“A very respected woman. First Lady, please, where are you? Thank you very much. It’s a great honour. Very respected person, too,” Trump said.

Reacting to the recognition, the First Lady lamented what she described as a growing disconnect between international respect for Nigerian leaders and the treatment they receive from their own people.

]b]According to her, many Nigerians have been influenced by persistent negative narratives promoted by political interests, leading to hostility and intolerance towards leaders, even when such leaders are acknowledged abroad for their contributions and standing[/b].

In her post, she said, “Most of our leaders are highly respected and honoured abroad, yet many Nigerians fail to value what they have because of hatred and the narratives planted in their minds by political paymasters, which have also hardened their hearts.”

She further criticised what she described as a culture of public ridicule and online abuse directed at Nigerian leaders, warning that such attitudes undermine national unity and collective progress.

“They bully these leaders, speak ill of them, demean them, curse them, and even seize upon their mistakes to drag them across social media, ridiculing and mocking them publicly,” she added.

Mrs Tinubu stressed that Nigeria’s strength lies in unity, mutual respect and collective effort, urging citizens to support their leaders rather than tear them down.

“Nigeria is built on love, unity, and collective effort toward shared success. Let us come together to support our respected leaders and work hand in hand with them to make our country great,” she said.

Her comments come amid renewed international focus on Nigeria’s security situation, following claims by Trump and some US lawmakers that Christians in Nigeria face widespread violence.

In late 2025, the United States designated Nigeria as a “country of particular concern” over alleged attacks on Christians, a move that drew strong criticism from the Nigerian government.

The Federal Government rejected the designation, describing it as inaccurate and harmful to national cohesion, and maintained that Nigeria’s security challenges are driven by terrorism and criminality affecting citizens across religious and ethnic lines.

THE FRENCH AMBASSADOR

NIGERIA IS A MASSIVE CRIME SCENE.

For those who may not be aware, I will share a little true-life story that will shock you to the bones about this money.

Actually the money found in this Lagos apartment in 2017 was not only 43million dollars. They also found £28,000 and 23million naira ALL IN CASH at the apartment. Yes, ALL IN CASH.

Guess who the owner of that apartment is? A former director of the NIA and former ambassador of Nigeria to commonwealth. A gentleman called Chief Ayo Oke.

By February 7, 2019; two years later after the money was found in his apartment, the Federal High Court in Lagos issued a warrant for the arrest of Chief Oke, former director general of the National Intelligence Agency (NIA), and his wife Folasade following an application by EFCC. Just before their court date, they reportedly left the country for “medical treatment”.

 The EFCC then declared the couple wanted after their failure to respond to court summons. They were charged with the theft and laundering of staggering amous of public money. One of the EFCC charges relates to roughly $43 million, £28 thousand, and ₦23 million—all in cash—that the EFCC found in this their Lagos apartment following the 2017 raid.

Another charge by the EFCC against th couple relates to $160 million that the couple allegedly diverted from the Nigerian federal government for their own use.

In 2017, after this scandalous discovery of money in his apartment, Chief Oke was suspended as director general of the NIA. The then Vice president of Nigeria, Professor Yemi Osinbajo headed a committee that investigated the incident and recommended to President Buhari that the director general be removed. 

Till today, NOBODY knows what happened to that money and where that money is right now. As I said above, it was not just 43 million dollars found in that house. They also found £28,000 and 23 million Naira ALL in cash. In that same apartment. On that same day in April 2017.

Now for the icing on the cake:

Guess where Chief Ayodele Oke is now?

He is quietly back in the country after Tinubu freshly nominated him few weeks ago as an ambassador. Yes, the same man who fled the country and evaded the courts when suspicious millions of dollars was found in his apartment. He is now an ambassador representing our country before the international community.

And no, what you just read now is NOT fiction, it is not nollywood and it is not a wild imagination.

Every single detail I shared here is true. You can google it and fact-check me.

Proto-Bantu Sacred Chiefdoms and the Origins of Central African Kingdoms

The kingdoms of Kongo, Luba, Kuba, Lunda and other powerful states in central and southwestern Africa had a much older and ancient origin.

Although it is widely known that they emerged from the population movements of Bantu-speaking peoples, these kingdoms did not appear suddenly.

Their predecessor political formations were known as “Proto-Bantu sacred chiefdoms”, existing during the period c. 1500–500 BCE. These chiefdoms represent one of the earliest forms of political and religious organization among ancient Bantu peoples, where political and religious power were inseparable. 

Their social structure and sacred policies later provided the ideological, ritual, and political foundation for the creation of the kingdoms mentioned and other empires in Central Africa.

In ancient times, these chiefdoms extended across southern Nigeria, the Cameroon Grassfields, and the Congo region, organized into communities and clans with strong ties to the land and founding ancestors.

People were under the authority of a sacred chief or sacralized leader, whose role was not merely political but also ritual and spiritual.

The authority of these chiefs was based on four key elements:

• Sacred kingship (before “kings”):

Leaders were ritual specialists, not just warriors, and were believed to ensure rainfall, the fertility of the land and people, and protection from spirits. This model was the direct ancestor of later Central African divine kingship.

• Iron = power:

Early ironworking (c. 1500 BCE) gave chiefs enormous authority. Smiths were considered sacred figures, and control of iron tools meant control over agriculture, surplus production, and social hierarchy. Iron was religious and symbolic, not just economic.

• Ancestral shrines instead of temples:

There were no stone temples; sacred spaces included forests, earth mounds, and ancestor houses, which functioned as temples, courts, and ritual archives.

• Land and lineage:

Authority was tied to first settlers and clan founders, as well as the control of ritual land rights. This system survives today in many Central African societies.

The existence of these chiefdoms is also supported by archaeological evidence:

• Early iron sites: Obobogo in Cameroon, southern zones related to the Nok culture, and the Upemba Depression in present-day Congo (DRC).

• Ritual objects, iron slag, and burial patterns demonstrate the presence of social hierarchy and ritual power, confirming that these societies combined political and sacred authority from very early times.

In these societies, political and religious power went hand in hand, and this conception of sacred leadership persisted and transformed into the great Bantu kingdoms that followed, establishing models of kingship, ritual, and organization that influenced centuries of Central African history.

Text from The Chronicle of Time . Oumar Xavier

Sources:

References (Spanish)

• Fernandez Martinez, V. (1999). Prehistoric archeology of Africa. Synthesis.

• UNESCO (Comp.). General History of Africa (Volume on iron expansion and Proto-Bantu societies). UNESCO.

• (Optional) Bantu languages of Central Africa. Linguistic compendium.

References (English)

• Coutros, P. , Doman , J. , Thank you Sakala, I. R. , & Boston, K. , eds. (2025). An Archaeology of the Bantu Expansion: Early Settlers South of the Congo Rainforest. Routledge.

• Huffman, T. N. (1970). The Early Iron Age and the Spread of the Bantu. South African Archaeological Bulletin, 25(97).

• Boston, K. , et al. (200). The Beginning of the Iron Age South of the Congo Rainforest (BantuFirst Project report).

• Clist, B., et al. West‑Central African Diversity from the Stone Age to the Iron Age. Brill.

• “Kisalian Graves.” Current Anthropology. Burial evidence from the Upemba Depression showing hierarchy and ritual authority.

#Africa #BlackHistory #Congo #World

OBA JIDE KOSOKO!!!!!

The King Kosoko Royal Family has declared veteran Nigerian actor and director, Jiide Kosoko, as the Oloja of Lagos-elect.

The 72-year-old was declared the Oloja of Lagos-elect at the King Kosoko Palace, Ereko, Lagos Island, before hundreds of members of the Royal Family who witnessed the event.

The actor was announced and presented to the gathering by the Olori Ebi General of the King Kosoko Royal Family, Mutiat Ali-Balogun.

Mrs Ali-Balogun raised her father’s hand to actress Sola Kosoko in affirmation, in accordance with long-standing custom at the palace, which is filled with traditional rites and prayers.

Mrs Ali-Balogun was assisted by the Deputy Olori Ebi General, Oyindamola Ayepola, who is also the Head of Meshimo Ruling House.

Backstory

The actor’s declaration comes amid an appeal by the Akinsanya Olojo Family, a branch of the King Kosoko Royal Dynasty in Lagos, urging Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu to approve the installation of Abiola Olojo-Kosoko as the next Oloja of Lagos.

In December 2025, The Punch reported that the family maintained Mr Abiola was chosen as Oloja-elect on 12 December 2020, but had not yet been installed more than four years later.

The appeal was contained in a formal statement addressed to the governor and circulated to key state officials, including the Secretary to the State Government, the Commissioner for Justice and Attorney-General, the Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, the Chairman of Lagos Island Local Government, and the Council of Heads of the Kosoko Royal Family.

The General Secretary of the Akinsanya Olojo-Kosoko Ruling House, Theophilus Olojo-Kosoko, reiterated the family’s stance, disclosing that a follow-up letter dated 28 November 2025 had been submitted to the relevant authorities to press for urgent intervention.

Succession process

He added that following the death of Mr Ige, a 16-member committee was constituted to review the succession process, after which the King Kosoko Royal Family formally instructed the Akinsanya Olojo Ruling House to present a nominee in line with established customary and chieftaincy procedures.

Mr Olojo-Kosoko added that the screening and traditional interviews, conducted at the Kosoko Palace on 7 October 2020, featured four contenders: Abiola, the late Shola Olojo-Kosoko, Issa Aregbesola, and Abiola Aromashodu of the Odunsi Ruling House.

According to him, the kingmakers ultimately found Mr Abiola to be the most qualified. Consequently, they proclaimed him Oloja-elect on 12 December 2020, in accordance with the Lagos State Obas and Chiefs Law and the subsisting 1983 Registered Declaration.

Traditional installation

The actor now awaits his traditional installation and capping by the Oba of Lagos, Oba Rilwanu Akiolu, in line with the state’s traditions and palace protocols.

The actor, who studied business administration at Yaba College of Technology, began his acting career as a child actor in 1964 in the television production Makanjuola.

He has featured in several Nollywood movies in both English and Yoruba languages.

The Bunyoro Resistance: The Kingdom That Refused to Collapse

Fighting neighbors and invaders for centuries, Some kingdoms disappear quietly. Others refuse. Bunyoro was the second kind.

For centuries, in the heart of what is now western Uganda, the Kingdom of Bunyoro stood under constant pressure—attacked, divided, weakened, and written off more times than history cares to count. Yet every time its enemies expected collapse, Bunyoro adapted and endured.

This is not a story of one great battle. It is the story of survival as strategy. A Kingdom Built to Last

Bunyoro was one of the oldest and most respected states in the Great Lakes region. Its strength did not come only from weapons, but from systems—organized clans, strong kingship, and control of fertile land and trade routes.

Its rulers, known as the Omukama, understood a simple truth:

A kingdom that survives must learn to bend without breaking. That lesson would be tested again and again. Enemies on Every Border. Bunyoro’s location made it powerful—and vulnerable.

To the south and east rose Buganda, aggressive, ambitious, and expanding. To the west and north, rival states and raiders pressed constantly. Later came a new kind of enemy—foreign invaders, backed by guns, treaties, and divide-and-rule politics.

Bunyoro rarely enjoyed peace.

Battles were fought over land, tribute, and influence. Sometimes Bunyoro lost territory. Sometimes it lost kings. Sometimes it lost both. But it never lost its identity.

Resistance Without Illusion

Unlike kingdoms that relied on dramatic final stands, Bunyoro practiced long resistance. When defeat was certain, it withdrew. When alliances failed, it regrouped. When weapons were outmatched, it used terrain, timing, and patience. This was not cowardice. It was calculation.

Bunyoro knew that survival mattered more than pride. Villages were abandoned to protect people. Fields were hidden to starve invaders. Knowledge of forests and swamps turned geography into a weapon. The kingdom fought when it had to—and endured when it could not.

Facing the Age of Empires

By the 19th century, the pressure intensified. Buganda allied with British colonial forces, tipping the balance of power. Bunyoro faced not just rivals, but an imperial system designed to erase resistance. The loss of territory was severe. The humiliation was deliberate.

Still, Bunyoro refused to vanish.

Rebellions continued. Cultural structures survived underground. Loyalty to the Omukama endured even when political power was stripped away. Colonial officials called it stubbornness. Bunyoro called it memory.

Why Bunyoro Matters

Because Bunyoro teaches a different lesson about African resistance. Not every victory is loud. Not every survival is visible. Not every kingdom falls just because history says it should. Bunyoro resisted not through a single heroic moment, but through centuries of refusal—refusal to forget, to dissolve, to surrender identity.

Empires rose and fell around it. Borders were redrawn. Names were changed. Yet Bunyoro remained. And sometimes, that is the greatest victory of all.

PARENTING THE CHILD WITH DISABILITIES: The Pain, Consolation, Healing, and Prevention

Parenting a child with disabilities is one of the most sacred yet challenging journeys a parent can experience. It is a path that demands love beyond limits, patience beyond measure, and faith beyond sight. Beneath the smiles and resilience lies a world of silent tears, unspoken fears, and the daily effort to hold everything together.

The Pain

The pain begins with the shock of realization, when expectations meet reality. Many parents mourn the child they imagined while learning to embrace the one they have. There is pain in watching your child struggle with things others take for granted, speech, movement, understanding, or independence. There’s also the sting of societal misunderstanding, the looks of pity, the whispers, the exclusion. At times, parents feel guilt, wondering, “Did I cause this?” or “Could I have done something differently?” This pain, though often hidden, is real and consuming.

The Consolation

Yet, within this pain, there is consolation. Consolation comes from love, that sacred bond that grows deeper with every act of care. It comes in the child’s laughter, in small milestones achieved, and in the pure joy that innocence brings. Consolation also comes from faith, the awareness that every life, regardless of ability, carries divine purpose. The presence of supportive communities, compassionate teachers, therapists, and understanding friends can transform isolation into belonging. Many parents find that their child’s limitations awaken their own strength, empathy, and capacity to love without condition.

The Healing

Healing doesn’t mean forgetting the struggle; it means learning to live with peace despite it. Healing begins when parents accept that their child is not a problem to be fixed but a person to be loved, guided, and celebrated. It comes through sharing burdens with others, through support groups, counseling, prayer, and honest conversation. Healing grows as parents forgive themselves for what they cannot change and celebrate what they can nurture. Spiritually, healing is also recognizing that divine strength often hides in human weakness, that through this child, grace becomes visible.

The Prevention

While not every disability can be prevented, awareness and proactive care can make a difference. Proper maternal health, early medical checkups, vaccinations, nutritional care during pregnancy, and avoidance of harmful substances all contribute to prevention. Just as important, societal prevention includes breaking the stigma, educating communities, promoting inclusion, and ensuring access to early intervention programs. Preventing pain is not only biological but also social: it means building a world where every child, regardless of ability, is valued and supported.

Reflection

Parenting a child with disabilities is not a tragedy, it is a calling. Though it begins with pain, it can become a journey of transformation. Every tear shed waters the roots of compassion. Every act of care writes a story of love that outlives the struggle. In the end, healing is not found in changing the child, but in changing how we see, to see beauty where the world sees limitation, and strength where others see weakness.

DUNCAN CHEGE

HOW Duncan Chege Managed to run away from Russia war To Kenya –a powerful warning to any African considering traveling abroad for “quick money” jobs.

Dancan was promised a well-paying job as a driver in Moscow, with assurances of big pay once he arrived. Together with 10 other Kenyans, he traveled to Russia believing his life was about to change for the better. Instead, the moment they landed, their dreams turned into a nightmare.

They were taken straight to a military camp and forced to sign contracts to fight for Russia in the Ukraine war. None of them had military experience. Yet after only one month of rushed training, they were sent directly to the battlefield. The promised money never came. Excuses replaced salaries.

Within one week at the warfront, all 10 of his fellow Kenyans were killed. Their families were never officially informed, and their bodies were never returned home. Dancan was the only survivor.

Facing almost certain death, he made a desperate decision. On the battlefield, he pretended to have gone mad  firing aimlessly, rolling on the ground, acting uncontrollable. His commanders believed he had lost his mind and ordered him evacuated back to Russia for medical evaluation.

From one hospital to another, Dancan stayed in character. From his hospital bed, he crafted another bold move. He convinced doctors that his entire family back in Kenya had died in an accident and that he needed to be released. Eventually, he was discharged under escort.

That was his final chance. He told the escorting soldier that he needed to visit the Kenyan Embassy to receive support following his “family tragedy.” Once there, he switched to Kiswahili, broke down, and begged for help. Embassy officials stepped in and arranged his return home.

Dancan came back to Kenya alive but empty-handed, carrying trauma and a message he now shares openly: war is not worth it. No amount of promised money is worth being deceived into a conflict.

#Africa #Kenya #Russia #World

ELEYI IS THE MOST USELESS GOVERNOR IN NIGERIA…. LEEKAN SI!

When Herbert Wigwe died on February 9 2024. In the unfortunate air crash that happened near Nipton, California. People mourned the loss of the six people that were involved in the tragedy. Dapo Abiodun was mourning for a different reason. He was there at the funeral like hundreds. But the reason for his tears was the Ogun State Government money he had in Wigwe’s Access bank. While other Governors were using there state allocation to develop their states. Building good schools. Constructing good roads that will link villages to towns. To ensure the development of those village communities. Governor Dapo Abiodun put his own people’s money in the pocket of Wigwe. 

President Bola Tinubu put it best. We should hold governors like Dapo Abiodun responsible for the underdevelopment of states like Ogun. A state that ranks among the top five most economically viable states in Nigeria. Often generating more internal revenue than it receives from the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC). With his focus on white elephant projects like the Airport. The state has high 

debt service ratios (approx. 26.8% in Q3 2025). As of Q3 2025, Ogun State had a high debt service ratio of 26.8%, which affects the net allocation received. 

Ogun generally receives lower gross FAAC allocations compared to other major states due to national revenue formula factors, despite its strong internal revenue generation (₦194.93 billion in 2024). But this is the hidden truth: Ogun is noted for high Internal Generated Revenue (IGR), sometimes exceeding 100% of its federal allocation, placing it alongside Lagos as a financially viable state. The state generated ₦194.93 billion in IGR in 2024. 

A good governor priorities infrastructure (roads, water), education, healthcare, agriculture, and creating an environment for economic growth. Not Dapo Abiodun. He put that money in the pocket of a dead man. While he attend Owambe parties any where in the world. Ogun people are one of the best Nigerians with the worst governor in the country.

THE KANO KILLER

Malam Auwal, father of the prime suspect arrested over the killing of seven family members in Dorayi Chiranchi area of Kano metropolis, has called on authorities to swiftly punish his son, Umar Auwal, without delay.

Umar, who is currently in police custody, is accused of murdering his aunt, Fatima Abubakar, and her six children in broad daylight on Saturday.

The victims include Maimuna (17), Aisha (16), Bashir (13), Abubakar (10), Faruk (7) and Abdussalam (one-and-a-half years old).

Police confirmed that the suspect has confessed to the killings, as well as a recent attack in Tudun Yola where two housewives were murdered and their home set ablaze.

Speaking in an interview with Freedom Radio, Malam Auwal distanced himself from his son, describing him as “useless to society” and insisting that he should be executed rather than kept in prison.

“What he committed against my younger sister and her six children, my wife’s younger sister and her co-wife is condemnable. I distance myself from him,” Auwal said.

He further alleged that Umar had killed his younger sister some years ago and plucked out her eyes.

“I don’t even want them to waste time on prosecution. Umar and his likes are supposed to be eliminated. They are not supposed to be remanded and fed with taxpayers’ money,” he added.

The grieving father commended the police for their handling of the case, saying he had already “sacrificed” his son, and vowed that neither him nor his wife (Umar’s mother), would attend any court proceedings during the trial.

Fatima Abubakar, 35, and her children were reportedly murdered by assailants, allegedly led by Umar who broke into their residence at Dorayi Gidan Kwari, sparking outrage across Kano and beyond.

THE NIGERIAN WASTE OF MONEY

By the end of this year, the Federal Government would have spent, at least, N38.188 billion on the up-keep of former presidents, vice presidents and their families, over a period of 22 years, Saturday Vanguard’s checks have revealed.

Based on official exchange rates across the various years, the welfare of former leaders and their families has cost Nigeria $144.722 million in 22 years.

From N140 million in 2005, funds allocated to entitlements of former presidents/heads of state, former vice presidents or chiefs of general staff have risen rapidly to hit N2.3 billion since 2013 (See table).

The peak was in 2012 when the Dr Goodluck Jonathan’s Administration budgeted N3.185 billion for the welfare of the ex-leaders.

The lowest allocation was in 2008 when N24 million was allocated. The figure for 2007 was not disclosed but unconfirmed estimates from the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, SGF’s, office put the figure at N102 million. Between 2013 and 2025, the allocation was constant at N2.3 billion for each year.

Also, in 2017, the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, OSGF, allocated the sum of N432.193 million for the purchase of cars for the nation’s seven former presidents/heads of state and four vice presidents.

For 2026, the federal government has proposed N2.3bn for the payment of benefits and entitlements to Nigeria’s former presidents, heads of state, and their deputies.

This is according to details contained in the 2026 N58.47 trillion Appropriation Bill under the item tagged: “Entitlements of former Presidents/Heads of State and Vice Presidents/Chief of General Staff.”

The allocation covers pensions, allowances, and other statutory benefits.

Budget documents show that the N2.3 billion provision applies to both civilian and military former leaders of the country.

Beneficiaries include former presidents Olusegun Obasanjo, Goodluck Jonathan, as well as former military heads of state General Ibrahim Babangida, General Yakubu Gowon, and General Abdulsalami Abubakar.

Why Presidency raised 2026 budget to N58trn

The allocation also extends to former vice presidents and equivalent military positions. Named beneficiaries include Atiku Abubakar, who served as Vice President from 1999 to 2007; Namadi Sambo, Vice President between 2010 and 2015; and Yemi Osinbajo, who served from 2015 to 2023.

Also included is Commodore Ebitu Ukiwe, retd, who functioned as de facto Vice President between 1985 and 1986 during the Babangida military regime.

Deceased ex-presidents, whose families are constitutionally expected to reap from the largesse are Abubakar Tafawa Balewa (prime minister), General Aguiyi-Ironsi, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe (ceremonial president), General Murtala Muhammed, General Sani Abacha and Chief Ernest Shonekan.

Deceased former vice presidents or chiefs of general staff were Brigadier Tunde Idiagbon, Dr Alex Ekwueme and Lt General Oladipo Doya.

N500, 000 Council of State meeting allowance

Apart from the N38.188 billion welfare package, each of the former leaders, who is an automatic member of the Council of State collects N500,000 whenever he attends the meeting that holds periodically, at least twice yearly, to deliberate and take decisions on crucial issues affecting the country.

Car purchase

Apart from these entitlements, the office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation allocated the sum of N986.19 million between 2016 and 2018 for the purchase of cars for the nation’s seven former presidents/heads of state and four vice presidents.

Origins of the welfare package

Adapted from the United States of America, which has an elaborate welfare package for former rulers, Nigeria started paying entitlements to former presidents by Decree 32 of 1999.

In 2001, it became the Remuneration of former Presidents, heads of Federal legislative Houses and Chief Justices of the Federation (and other Ancillary Matters) Act.

The Act was further amended by the National Assembly in 2008 and 2010 with the Revenue Mobilisation, Allocation and Fiscal Commission, RMAFC mandated to fix the remunerations of the ex-leaders from time to time in line with economic realities especially whenever the salary of the serving president is raised.

RMAFC’s power

The power is provided for in Sections 70 and 84 (4) of the 1999 Constitution and the specific legislation is in the Certain Political Public and Judicial Office Holders (Salaries, Allowances, etc) Act, 2002 and the Amendment Act of 2008.

The entitlements

At the beginning, the 1999 Law provided that each former President and former Head of state is entitled to N350,000 per month, while former Vice Presidents and former Chiefs of General Staff are entitled to N250,000 per month for their up-keep.

The Act states: “As from the commencement of this Act, all former-Presidents and Heads of State of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (in this Act referred to as “former Heads of State”) shall be-(i) paid the sum of N350,000 per month as up-keep allowance; and (ii) entitled to the perquisites of office specified in Part I of the Schedule to this Act; and (b)Vice-Presidents and Chiefs of General Staff of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (in this Act referred to as “former Vice-Presidents”) shall be- (i) paid the sum of N250,000 per month as up-keep allowance; and (ii) entitled to the perquisites of office specified in Part II of the Schedule to this Act.’’

There are also provisions for domestic staff, security aides, vehicles and up-keep allowances for families of deceased presidents.

For former presidents

For instance, each former president is entitled to an officer not below the rank of a chief administrative officer; a personal secretary not below Grade Level 12; three to four armed policemen; one Department State Service, DSS officer not below Grade Level 10 as an Aide de Camp to be attached for life and paid by the State Security Agencies; three vehicles to be bought by the Federal Government and liable to be replaced every four years; and drivers to be paid by the Federal Government.

They and their immediate families are also entitled to free medical treatment within Nigeria; treatment abroad where necessary at Federal Government’s expense; a well furnished and equipped office in any location of their choice in Nigeria; a well furnished five-bedroom house in any location of their choice in Nigeria; and 30 days annual vacation at home or abroad.

For former vice presidents

For former vice presidents, the entitlements include: an officer not below the rank of a chief administrative officer; a personal secretary not below Grade Level 10, two to three armed policemen; one DSS officer not below Grade Level 8 as an Aide de Camp to be attached for life and paid by the State Security Agencies; two vehicles to be replaced every four years; drivers shall be selected by the former Vice-President and paid by the Federal Government; free medical treatment for them and their immediate families within Nigeria; treatment abroad where necessary; 30 days annual vacation within and outside Nigeria at Federal Government expense; a modestly well-furnished and equipped office in any location of their choice in Nigeria; a well furnished three-bedroom house in any location of their choice in Nigeria.

According to the 1999 law that has been amended, the remuneration of the former leaders shall be subject to review whenever there is an increase in the salary of the serving President and Vice-President; and the Federal Government shall in its annual budget make provision for the remuneration of former Heads of State and former Vice-Presidents.

In the case of death, the family of an ex-president, at the beginning, was entitled to the payment of the sum of N1,000,000 per annum payable in the sum of N 250,000 per quarter; and deceased former Vice-President was entitled to the payment of the sum of N750,000 per annum payable in the sum of N187, 500 per quarter.

The allowances applied to the up-keep of the spouse and education of the children of deceased former leaders up to the university level. However, the spouse of a former leader shall not be entitled to the allowance, if she re-marries.

Experience in other countries

US ex-president earns $205,700 a year

The United States via the Former Presidents Act, FPA, charges the General Services Administration, GSA, with providing former presidents a pension, support staff, office support, travel funds, and mailing privileges. The FPA was enacted in 1958 to “maintain the dignity” of the Office of the President by providing certain benefits to former Presidents — and their spouses — so that they would not have to enter unsuitable occupations after leaving office.

Former US presidents also receive a lifetime of Secret Service protection and their children remain protected until they are 16 years old. The pension for former presidents matches the annual pay for senior political officials of the Executive Level 1 ranking and their salary is equal to that of the incumbent. In 2016, the pension was $205,700. Widows of ex-presidents are entitled to $20,000 a year.

In 2017, President Barack Obama proposed a hike of about 18 per cent in appropriations for expenditures of former presidents.

Currently, all former US presidents collectively receive $3-$5 million a year

Ex-president gets $188,000 a year in South Africa

In South Africa, former presidents continue to have all the payments, salaries and other packages that they were receiving the day before they left office, for the rest of their lives. They will also have their medical insurance fully paid.

A resolution of the National Assembly also allows former presidents to have annual pay increases based on those recommended by the Remuneration Commission.

The resolution grants 50 per cent of the ex-president’s package to his widow, if he should die.

In 2017, the South African National Assembly voted to increase President’s salary to R2,716,798 per year or $188,000.

Indian experience, ex-president entitled to $13, 248 a year

In India, perks for former Prime ministers include lifetime rent-free accommodation, medical facilities, 14 secretarial staff, six domestic executive-class air tickets, unlimited train travel, office expenses against actual expenditure for five years and vehicles. All former prime ministers are entitled to benefits afforded to a cabinet minister, which includes 270,000 Rupees or $3, 974.

On retirement, a former president gets Rs.75,000 ($1,104) a month as pension; a furnished rent free bungalow; medical facilities; unlimited domestic travel reimbursement with a companion by train or air; Delhi Police security; five personal staff including two private secretaries, one peon, one official car; and office maintenance expenses of Rs 60,000 or $883 per annum.

UK’s $515,000 gold-plated pension for ex-prime ministers

In Britain, some former prime ministers earn what has been dubbed a “gold-plated pension,” which costs the United Kingdom’s taxpayers about £435,000 or $515,000 a year.

For instance, ex-Prime Minister Tony Blair drew the maximum Prime Ministerial pension – worth about £70,000 a year in 2017 and another £115,000 allowance to support his ‘public duties.’ The security team allowance was estimated to cost, at least, £250,000 a year.

According to the UK Cabinet Office Annual Report and Accounts, former prime ministers got £836,345 as Public Duty Costs Allowance, PDCA, in the 2023-2024 fiscal year.

The PDCA is an allowance (reimbursements) to cover actual office and secretariat costs incurred while continuing public duties after leaving office for all living former prime ministers including staff pension contributions.

Budgets

How FG spent N38.2bn($144.72m) on ex-leaders in 22 years

Year /Amount

2005 – N140m($1.06m)

2006 -N105m($817,121)

2007 -N102m($850m)

2008 -N24m($207,792)

2009 -N250m($1.724m)

2010 -N250m($1.667m)

2011 -N1.2bn($8m)

2012 -N3.185bn($20.817m)

2013 -N2.3bn($14.375m)

2014 -N2.3bn($14.375m)

2015 -N2.3bn($12.095m)

2016 -N2.3bn($11.666m)

2017 -N2.3bn($7.541m)

2018 -N2.3bn($7.541m)

2019 -N2.3bn($7.541m)

2020 -N2.3bn($6.389m)

2021 -N2.3bn(6.590m)

2022 -N2.3bn($5.608m)

2023 -N2.3bn($5.279m)

2024 -N2.3bn($2.875m)

2025 -N2.3bn($1.533m)

2026 -N2.3bn($1.521m)

Cars -N1.418bn($4.65m)

Total – N38.188n($144.722m)

OONI, ALAAFIN AND DYNAMIC COLOUR OF REALITY

Prince Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi and Prince Okunade Sijuwade were good friends in the 1960s and early 70s.  Adeyemi, a prince of Oyo and direct descendant of Alaafin Atiba, was a boxer before he became an insurance broker.  Sijuwade was a journalist briefly when he worked with the Nigerian Tribune and from there he moved into private business, becoming a millionaire when he was barely 30.  Sijuwade was a prince from Ile-Ife, the source of Yoruba civilization and kingship system.  Both of them were ambitious to ascend the thrones of their forefathers. Both were successful in realizing that ambition.  After three years of struggle with other princes, Adeyemi ascended the throne in 1970 at the age of 32.  He succeeded his cousin, Oba Gbadegesin Ladigbolu, who died in 1968.  Adeyemi was presented his official staff of office by then Colonel Adeyinka Adebayo, the military governor of the Western State and a bosom friend of Sijuwade.  In rejoicing with his friend, Sijuwade bought the new Alaafin a new Peugeot car.  He was happy.

Adeyemi’s father, was the Alaafin Adeniran Adeyemi II, who was removed from the throne in 1955 following his disagreement with the Western Region government headed by Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the Premier.  He was succeeded in 1956 by Alaafin Ladigbolu II, whose reign was to prove an interregnum between father and son.  Colonel Adebayo had sought the opinion of Awolowo, who was appointed the Federal Commissioner for Finance and Vice-Chairman of the Federal Executive Council in 1967 by General Yakubu Gowon, about the ambition of Adeyemi the son. Awolowo agreed that he can be made the Alaafin after his selection by the Council of Oyo Kingmakers, the Oyo Mesi.  Thus, at a tender age of 32, Adeyemi joined the league of five obas regarded as foremost in Yorubaland; these are the Ooni, Owa of Ijeshaland, the Awujale of Ijebuland and the Alake of Egbaland.  But the pre-eminence of the Alaafin had been set since Yoruba obas started meeting formally in1935. The first meeting was hosted by the illustrious Alaafin Onikepo Ladigbolu. Government protocols put the Alaafin next to the Ooni ahead of other obas including the Oba of Benin in the days of the old Western Region.  The boat was steady and Alaafin Adeyemi accepted the status quo.

In pre-colonial times, the Alaafin was the most powerful oba in Yorubaland.  So powerful was he that the Yoruba regards Olodumare, the Supreme Being, as the Alaafin Ode Orun (Alaafin of the heavenly abode).  The Oyo Empire, which was at its zenith in the 15th to the 18th Century, was said to have occupied most of the present-day Oyo, Osun, Kwara and Kogi States.  By the 19th Century, the empire had collapsed and Oyo stragglers, under the leadership of Atiba Atobatele, a resourceful and capable prince, moved south, and created a new capital in the settlement of Ago Oja.  Ago Oja was supposed to be a staging post from where the new Alaafin would rally loyal troops for the recovery of his old capital.  It was never to be.  When the British imperial power created Nigeria in 1914, the Alaafin had accepted his lot that his capital was lost, perhaps forever, and he settled fully in Ago Oja which remained the new Oyo till this day. When Adeyemi was crowned the Alaafin in 1970, he became the 9th Alaafin to reign in the new capital.  Though he was young, as the Alaafin, he was second only to the Ooni who was the chairman of the Western State Council of Obas.

In February 1976, the new government of General Murtala Ramat Muhammed, created additional states, splitting the old Western State into three; Oyo, Ogun and Ondo State.  Some of the big traditional rulers have now moved to different states, but the new Oyo State remained the home of the most historically important ones. Thus, the new Oyo State had the Ooni, Alaafin, Owa Ilesa and Orangun of Ila.  Alake and Awujale have now moved to the new Ogun State. Ondo State now had the likes of the Ewi of Ado Ekiti, the Elekole of Ikole, Oore of Otun, Deji of Akure, Osemawe of Ondo, Olowo of Owo and others who were all formerly members of the Western State House of Chiefs and later Council of Obas. So, the traditional rulers had to deal with the dynamics of the new states.

On October 1, 1979, Governor Bola Ige was sworn-in as the first elected Governor of Oyo State.  He was a well-known politician having served as the National Publicity Secretary of the defunct Action Group party in the First Republic. He was also a commissioner in the cabinet of then Colonel Adeyinka Adebayo when Adeyemi emerged as the Alaafin. By the time Ige became governor, the Ooni Aderemi was old and feeble and could no longer come regularly to meetings in Ibadan.  Therefore, his deputy, the Alaafin was made the acting chairman of the Oyo State Council of Obas.  Ooni Aderemi died at 90 on July 3, 1980 after 50 remarkable years on the throne of Oduduwa.  

Adeyemi saw the death of Oba Aderemi as a window of opportunity.  He wrote to Governor Ige, beseeching the governor to proclaim him as the substantive chairman of the Oyo State Council of Obas. The Governor rejected the prayer. Barely five months after the passage of Aderemi, Prince Okunade Sijuwade was enthroned as the 50th Ooni on December 6, 1980. He took the throne name of Olubuse II.  Governor Ige, while presenting him the staff of office, proclaimed the new Ooni as the chairman of the Oyo State Council of Obas.

Having failed to impress the Governor that he should be made the chairman, Alaafin Adeyemi decided not to give up the battle. He was able to persuade four other leading traditional rulers; the Owa Obokun of Ijesaland, Oba Adekunle Aromolaran, the Orangun of Ila, Oba Phillip Ayeni, the Olubadan of Ibadan, Oba Yesufu Oloyede Asanke and the Soun of Ogbomosho, Oba Jimoh Oladunni Oyewumi to join his crusade. This time around however, his objective shifted so that he can have the support of the other obas. He pleaded that Nigeria, with the coming of the Second Republic, has become a democracy and therefore traditional institutions too should be ready for democracy. It was time the government should allow rotation of the chairmanship among the five leading obas, including the Ooni. A petition to that effect was promptly submitted to the Governor who simply ignored it.  

The Second Republic was a period of serious politicking, especially in Oyo State where the ruling Unity Party of Nigeria, UPN, was pitched in battle against the opposition National Party of Nigeria, NPN, which was in control of the centre under President Shehu Shagari. The five obas decided to gravitate towards the NPN to achieve their ambition of democratizing the traditional institution of kingship. Two of them had serious problems at home about this involvement.  Governor Bola Ige was from Esa Oke, one of the many Ijesa towns where Owa Aromolaran claimed paramountcy. For him, campaigning against Bola Ige at home would be a difficult assignment. The Orangun of Ila, Oba Ayeni, had a similar problem.  The Secretary to the State Government and later Deputy Governor under Bola Ige, Chief Adebisi Akande, was one of Ayeni’s leading chiefs as the Asiwaju of Ila.  Nonetheless, the 1983 election came and Ige was defeated in an election that was believed to be heavily rigged in favour of the NPN.

The Alaafin group quickly submitted its petition to the new governor, Dr Omololu Olunloyo, the famous mathematician and controversial politician. Olunloyo declined to act. He would not rock the boat. The rebel obas were thus compelled to continue to work with the Ooni as the permanent chairman of the Oyo State Council of Obas, a position he has held since the days of the old Western Region. The cat and mouse game continued under the military until Oyo State was split again in 1991 when the old Osun Province became Osun State.  With the coming of Osun State, both the Owa Obokun and the Orangun decided to shield their swords.  In the remaining part of Oyo State, the Alaafin has emerged triumphant as the new chairman of the Oyo State Council of Obas. It was a costly victory.

In the new Oyo State, both the Olubadan and the Soun were determined to hold the Alaafin to his words. They wanted rotation of the chairmanship position among the three.  The Alaafin did not want it. When democracy came again in 1999, with the election of Governor Lam Adesina, the Soun and the Olubadan continued their agitation. But Alaafin Adeyemi had strong supporters who believed that democracy would not be good for the traditional institution of obaship. In the precolonial days, the Alaafin took precedence over every oba, except his father in Ile-Ife.  In the traditional hierarchy, both the Soun and the Olubadan were very junior to him.  Neither of them was listed among the princes of Oduduwa. They were only elevated to full obaship in 1978 by the military regime of then Brigadier David Medaiyese Jemibewon, the Governor of Oyo State. Therefore, Alaafin Adeyemi was able to enlist the support of leading Oyo State citizens, including the powerful duo of Alhaji Lamidi Ariyibi Adedibu and Alhaji Azeez Alao-Arisekola.  Both Adedibu and Arisekola remained unmovable in their support for the old order. Both the Soun and the Olubadan were resolute in their campaign.

In January 2006, Christopher Alao Akala, a former policeman and former deputy to Governor Rashidi Ladoja, now the Olubadan, became the Governor of Oyo State in succession to his old boss who was impeached in a truly macabre circumstance.  Akala, a native of Ogbomosho, was interested in looking at the obas petition. He made it known that he was interested in the prayer of both the Soun and the Olubadan. He believed that in this modern era, no traditional ruler should lord it over the others. Alaafin Adeyemi was said to have met President Olusegun Obasanjo to express his fears. Obasanjo, a known supporter of traditional institutions, was however said to be indifferent to the struggle going on in Oyo State. On May 3, 2011, Governor Akala announced the removal of the Alaafin as the permanent chairman of the Oyo State Council of Obas. He said that the Alaafin will now rotate that position with the Olubadan and the Soun.

Then death intervened. Most of the major players in Oyo State died one after the other.  Lam Adesina died in 2012. Alao-Akala died in 2022. Arisekola died in 2014.  Adedibu died 2008. Alaafin Adeyemi died in 2022.  By 2025, new players have emerged in Oyo State.  Engineer Seyi Makinde has now emerged the Governor. Ogbomosho has a new Soun, Oba Ghandi Afolabi Olaoye.  Ibadan had installed the durable politician and former Governor of Oyo State, Rashidi Ladoja, as the Olubadan.  It was time to look at the old petition calling for rotation of chairmanship signed by the Alaafin, Soun, Olubadan, Owa Obokun and the Orangun.  The Oyo State House of Assembly, where Ogbomosho and Ibadan representatives were in clear and unambiguous majority, were corralled into the game. They were ready to give rotation a legal backing. 

The new Alaafin, Oba Abimbola Owoade, was installed by Governor Seyi Makinde on April 5, 2025. The colourful ceremony was attended by guests from across the Nigerian Federation.  The Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi, Ojaja II, led a retinue of obas from the Yorubaland to grace the occasion. He has emerged as the co-chairman of the National Council of Tradition Rulers and the chairman of the Southern Nigeria Council of Traditional Rulers. With his installation, Oba Owoade has now joined the league of first-class traditional rulers in Nigeria. 

The new Alaafin used the occasion of his installation to make it known that he was ready to struggle for the continuation of the old order.  He reminded his audience that he was not just the Alaafin of Oyo, but of Oyo Empire. He wanted it known that he was ready to demand for the ancient privileges of the Alaafin when he was in charge of an empire. Since coming to the throne, he has been struggling to grapple with the new dynamics of the traditional institution.   

-the end- 

Culled from BECOMING OODUA, THE STORY OF AN AFRICAN KING, published by Gaskia Media Ltd, December, 2025, Page 195 

By Dare Babarinsa, CON

BECOMING OODUA is available in leading Nigerian bookshops.

#Africa #Nigeria #Yoruba #World

TEARS FOR THE PEOPLE OF MAKOKO

Following the recent demolition of stilt houses by the Lagos State Government, families have been left with nowhere to turn. Many have taken to the lagoon, tying canoes together and laying planks across them to form precarious sleeping spaces. Elliot Ovadje reports on the plight of the displaced, highlighting the most vulnerable, children and the elderly, whose futures now hang in limbo.

The boy’s arms tremble as he drags a wooden canoe through chest-deep water. Around him, the lagoon is littered with broken planks, splintered beams, and twisted sheets of corrugated iron, debris that only days earlier formed the walls and roofs of homes.

This is not refuse washed ashore by a storm; it is the aftermath of a government demolition.

Nearby, other children sit silently on a larger canoe, their bare feet dangling inches above the murky water. They watch without laughter, without playfulness. In Makoko, childhood has been replaced by survival.

Following the recent demolition of stilt houses in Makoko by the Lagos State Government, residents of this waterfront community have been displaced, with nowhere else to go.

Makoko has long been a flashpoint for forced evictions and government-led demolitions, a pattern that stretches back decades. These repeated displacements highlight the ongoing tension between Lagos’s ambitious urban development plans and the livelihoods of its most vulnerable residents.

Many families have lived on stilts over the lagoon for generations, relying on fishing and small-scale trading to survive. Demolitions disrupt these fragile economies, stripping people of homes, livelihoods, and a sense of security.

With no emergency shelters provided, many families have retreated onto the lagoon itself, turning fishing canoes into makeshift homes. Wooden boats, once tools of livelihood, are now places to sleep, eat, and wait.

“This is where we live now,” said Elizabeth Ottom, a 29-year-old mother of three, pointing to a narrow canoe tied beside several others. Clothes, plastic sheets, and pieces of wood lay scattered across it. “We sleep here. This is our house now. We don’t even have food.”

Her voice was steady, but her eyes betrayed exhaustion and disbelief. She said her home was pulled down without warning, no notice, no consultation, no plan for what would come after.

“They just came and destroyed everything,” she said, tears brimming. “They didn’t ask us where we would go.”

Makoko, often romanticised as the “Venice of Africa,” is home to thousands of low-income families who depend on fishing, petty trading, and manual labour.

Life there has never been easy, but before the demolition, families at least had fragile wooden homes perched on stilts above the lagoon. That fragile stability is now gone.

In its place are clusters of canoes tied together with ropes, planks laid across them to form sleeping spaces.

At night, families sit or lie curled tightly, afraid that a wrong movement could send them into the water.

“There is no safety,” said Jack, a fisherman in his 40s. “If you turn in your sleep, you can fall into the lagoon.”

Children bear the heaviest burden

Children are the most vulnerable victims of this displacement. Many now spend their days paddling between canoes, helping adults retrieve belongings or steadying boats against the current.

There are no life jackets, and supervision has become a luxury. The murky water, littered with debris of various kinds, is also polluted.

“I am always afraid,” Elizabeth said. “My children cannot swim well. If they fall into the water at night, who will save them?”

Parents report skin rashes, coughs, and persistent itching among children who spend hours in the lagoon. Schooling has also been disrupted.

“How can they go to school like this?” asked Mariam, a mother of three. “Their uniforms are gone. Their books are gone. We don’t even know where to bathe.”

Nights of fear, days of hunger

When night falls, fear thickens. The lagoon grows dark. Mosquitoes swarm. Children cry from hunger and cold. Parents stay awake, clutching their children, alert to every movement that could tip the canoe.

Rain worsens the ordeal. Water pours into the boats, and residents scoop it out with bowls and empty containers.

Some still attempt to cook on coal stoves balanced on planks, a dangerous gamble in a settlement of tightly packed wooden boats.

“If heavy rain comes, we don’t know what will happen,” said Joseph Effah, a fisherman whose boat has turned into an emergency home for his aged parents. “We can die here by drowning.”

Food is scarce. Fishing nets, essential tools for survival, as proceeds from fish sales were used to buy food and other necessities, were destroyed in the demolition.

Trading goods were also lost, leaving some families to survive on donations from neighbours or religious groups.

“My children ate only garri yesterday,” Elizabeth said, looking crestfallen. “Today, I don’t know what they will eat, and they have not eaten yet.”

At the moment, healthcare is largely inaccessible, as the sick must be transported by canoe to distant clinics, a cost many cannot afford.

In one of the canoes, an elderly man lay weak, wrapped in a faded cloth, his breathing shallow.

“We are just praying he survives,” a relative said.

‘Demolished without notice’

Residents insist the demolition was sudden. Officials, they said, arrived with security personnel and began pulling down structures immediately. People scrambled to salvage mattresses, clothes, and cooking utensils, but many lost everything.

“They did not give us time,” Joseph said quietly. “They did not say tomorrow or next week. They just came.”

Our correspondent gathered that there has been no relocation plan, no temporary shelter, no food aid, and no medical support since the demolition took place.

Human rights groups have long criticised forced evictions in waterfront communities, especially when carried out without notice, compensation, or resettlement.

In Makoko, residents say the silence following the demolition hurts as much as the destruction itself.

“We are Nigerians too,” Elizabeth said. “We are human beings.”

Sunday PUNCH findings showed that the Lagos State Government had revealed plans to demolish shanties located less than 100 metres from power lines in the Makoko waterfront community.

Traditional leaders had pleaded for a 30-metre setback, but the Permanent Secretary of the Office of Urban Development, Gbolahan Oki, insisted the law allowed a maximum of 100 metres, citing public safety.

Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, he said, had approved the reduced distance to avoid displacement, but enforcement would proceed.

Oki stressed that Lagos is developing into a megacity and that compliance with urban planning laws is non-negotiable.

Residents, however, insist they are not opposed to development, but should not be erased in the process.

“If they want to remove us, they should tell us where to go,” Joseph said. “Not throw us into the water.”

A familiar pattern

This is not Makoko’s first encounter with demolition. In April 2005, thousands of residents were forcibly evicted without notice or compensation.

Homes, clinics, and churches were destroyed, and some women gave birth amid the rubble.

The most devastating eviction occurred in July 2012, when armed police dismantled parts of the stilt community after a 72-hour notice.

A local chief was allegedly killed, and thousands were displaced, sparking national and international outrage.

Authorities justified these actions, citing environmental hazards, security concerns, and plans to create a “21st-century mega-city,” with waterfront areas eyed for high-end developments like Eko Atlantic.

Critics argue these projects prioritise wealthy developers over the welfare of long-standing communities.

Urban planners and housing experts argue that informal settlements like Makoko need upgrading, not destruction, through improved housing, sanitation, and services. For now, they noted, the theory offers little comfort.

As days turn into weeks, Makoko’s displaced residents wait for intervention, answers, and help.

For now, the lagoon remains crowded with floating canoes, their residents gripped by fear and uncertainty, burdened by unanswered questions about how long they are expected to live like this, trapped between survival and what human rights organisations, including Amnesty International, have repeatedly condemned as systemic exclusion.

When Sunday PUNCH reached out to the state Commissioner for Information, Gbenga Omotoso, for comments, he promised to respond but had yet to do so as of the time of filing this report.

REMI TINUBU IS WORKING AGAINST SEYI TINUBU'S GOVERNORSHIP AMBITION –INSIDER REVEALS

Seyi Tinubu and his step mother, Remi Tinubu, the Nigeria’s first lady are reportedly embroiled in cold war due to clash of interest.

A top official in the Lagos State government told Reliant.ng on condition of anonymity that Seyi Tinubu and Remi Tinubu have been drawn into a tacit vendetta as both seek to exert dominance in the president Tinubu’s political dynasty.

Seyi Tinubu, 40 is touted by young Lagosians and people across the country to succeed the current governor of Lagos State, Babajide Sanwo-Olu whose tenure comes to an end in 2027. While his governorship ambition remains a speculation at present, the source claims that Seyi Tinubu has informed some of his trusted political allies who are members of his father’s political family about his political interest. Among those currently pushing for Seyi Tinubu’s governorship ambition is governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu.

According to the source, governor Sanwo-Olu prefers the president’s son over other political protege of president Tinubu being considered for the governorship seat in 2027.

While first lady Remi Tinubu is reportedly working behind the scene to frustrate Seyi Tinubu’s governorship ambition by siding with the chief of staff to President Tinubu, Femi Gbajabiamila and the speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly, Mudashiru Ajayi Obasa.

“So many people have shown interest, they want to take over from Sanwo-Olu but the strong aspirants are Obasa, Femi, and Seyi. Governor Sanwo-Olu wants Seyi Tinubu but he must come on top of his ongoing cold war his step mother”, the source stated.

Remi Tinubu is said to be doing everything possible to influence the stakeholders including the GAC against endorsing the idea of Seyi Tinubu being given the All Progressive Congress (APC) governorship ticket to her stepson, Seyi Tinubu.

“Remi Tinubu is very powerful and she is doing everything to ensure that she frustrates Seyi Tinubu’s governorship ambition”.

However, governor Sanwo-Olu political fracas with the speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly, Mudashiru Obasa brought to bare his uncordial relationship with the speaker, is strongly pushing for Seyi Tinubu’s governorship in 2027.

“But Sanwo-Olu who has done well, very well is supporting Seyi. You know his relationship with Obasa is not that good so he supports Seyi. But nobody knows what will happen whether Seyi and Sanwo-Olu will come on top or whether the first lady”.