OBA JIDE KOSOKO!!!!!

The King Kosoko Royal Family has declared veteran Nigerian actor and director, Jiide Kosoko, as the Oloja of Lagos-elect.

The 72-year-old was declared the Oloja of Lagos-elect at the King Kosoko Palace, Ereko, Lagos Island, before hundreds of members of the Royal Family who witnessed the event.

The actor was announced and presented to the gathering by the Olori Ebi General of the King Kosoko Royal Family, Mutiat Ali-Balogun.

Mrs Ali-Balogun raised her father’s hand to actress Sola Kosoko in affirmation, in accordance with long-standing custom at the palace, which is filled with traditional rites and prayers.

Mrs Ali-Balogun was assisted by the Deputy Olori Ebi General, Oyindamola Ayepola, who is also the Head of Meshimo Ruling House.

Backstory

The actor’s declaration comes amid an appeal by the Akinsanya Olojo Family, a branch of the King Kosoko Royal Dynasty in Lagos, urging Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu to approve the installation of Abiola Olojo-Kosoko as the next Oloja of Lagos.

In December 2025, The Punch reported that the family maintained Mr Abiola was chosen as Oloja-elect on 12 December 2020, but had not yet been installed more than four years later.

The appeal was contained in a formal statement addressed to the governor and circulated to key state officials, including the Secretary to the State Government, the Commissioner for Justice and Attorney-General, the Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, the Chairman of Lagos Island Local Government, and the Council of Heads of the Kosoko Royal Family.

The General Secretary of the Akinsanya Olojo-Kosoko Ruling House, Theophilus Olojo-Kosoko, reiterated the family’s stance, disclosing that a follow-up letter dated 28 November 2025 had been submitted to the relevant authorities to press for urgent intervention.

Succession process

He added that following the death of Mr Ige, a 16-member committee was constituted to review the succession process, after which the King Kosoko Royal Family formally instructed the Akinsanya Olojo Ruling House to present a nominee in line with established customary and chieftaincy procedures.

Mr Olojo-Kosoko added that the screening and traditional interviews, conducted at the Kosoko Palace on 7 October 2020, featured four contenders: Abiola, the late Shola Olojo-Kosoko, Issa Aregbesola, and Abiola Aromashodu of the Odunsi Ruling House.

According to him, the kingmakers ultimately found Mr Abiola to be the most qualified. Consequently, they proclaimed him Oloja-elect on 12 December 2020, in accordance with the Lagos State Obas and Chiefs Law and the subsisting 1983 Registered Declaration.

Traditional installation

The actor now awaits his traditional installation and capping by the Oba of Lagos, Oba Rilwanu Akiolu, in line with the state’s traditions and palace protocols.

The actor, who studied business administration at Yaba College of Technology, began his acting career as a child actor in 1964 in the television production Makanjuola.

He has featured in several Nollywood movies in both English and Yoruba languages.

The Bunyoro Resistance: The Kingdom That Refused to Collapse

Fighting neighbors and invaders for centuries, Some kingdoms disappear quietly. Others refuse. Bunyoro was the second kind.

For centuries, in the heart of what is now western Uganda, the Kingdom of Bunyoro stood under constant pressure—attacked, divided, weakened, and written off more times than history cares to count. Yet every time its enemies expected collapse, Bunyoro adapted and endured.

This is not a story of one great battle. It is the story of survival as strategy. A Kingdom Built to Last

Bunyoro was one of the oldest and most respected states in the Great Lakes region. Its strength did not come only from weapons, but from systems—organized clans, strong kingship, and control of fertile land and trade routes.

Its rulers, known as the Omukama, understood a simple truth:

A kingdom that survives must learn to bend without breaking. That lesson would be tested again and again. Enemies on Every Border. Bunyoro’s location made it powerful—and vulnerable.

To the south and east rose Buganda, aggressive, ambitious, and expanding. To the west and north, rival states and raiders pressed constantly. Later came a new kind of enemy—foreign invaders, backed by guns, treaties, and divide-and-rule politics.

Bunyoro rarely enjoyed peace.

Battles were fought over land, tribute, and influence. Sometimes Bunyoro lost territory. Sometimes it lost kings. Sometimes it lost both. But it never lost its identity.

Resistance Without Illusion

Unlike kingdoms that relied on dramatic final stands, Bunyoro practiced long resistance. When defeat was certain, it withdrew. When alliances failed, it regrouped. When weapons were outmatched, it used terrain, timing, and patience. This was not cowardice. It was calculation.

Bunyoro knew that survival mattered more than pride. Villages were abandoned to protect people. Fields were hidden to starve invaders. Knowledge of forests and swamps turned geography into a weapon. The kingdom fought when it had to—and endured when it could not.

Facing the Age of Empires

By the 19th century, the pressure intensified. Buganda allied with British colonial forces, tipping the balance of power. Bunyoro faced not just rivals, but an imperial system designed to erase resistance. The loss of territory was severe. The humiliation was deliberate.

Still, Bunyoro refused to vanish.

Rebellions continued. Cultural structures survived underground. Loyalty to the Omukama endured even when political power was stripped away. Colonial officials called it stubbornness. Bunyoro called it memory.

Why Bunyoro Matters

Because Bunyoro teaches a different lesson about African resistance. Not every victory is loud. Not every survival is visible. Not every kingdom falls just because history says it should. Bunyoro resisted not through a single heroic moment, but through centuries of refusal—refusal to forget, to dissolve, to surrender identity.

Empires rose and fell around it. Borders were redrawn. Names were changed. Yet Bunyoro remained. And sometimes, that is the greatest victory of all.

PARENTING THE CHILD WITH DISABILITIES: The Pain, Consolation, Healing, and Prevention

Parenting a child with disabilities is one of the most sacred yet challenging journeys a parent can experience. It is a path that demands love beyond limits, patience beyond measure, and faith beyond sight. Beneath the smiles and resilience lies a world of silent tears, unspoken fears, and the daily effort to hold everything together.

The Pain

The pain begins with the shock of realization, when expectations meet reality. Many parents mourn the child they imagined while learning to embrace the one they have. There is pain in watching your child struggle with things others take for granted, speech, movement, understanding, or independence. There’s also the sting of societal misunderstanding, the looks of pity, the whispers, the exclusion. At times, parents feel guilt, wondering, “Did I cause this?” or “Could I have done something differently?” This pain, though often hidden, is real and consuming.

The Consolation

Yet, within this pain, there is consolation. Consolation comes from love, that sacred bond that grows deeper with every act of care. It comes in the child’s laughter, in small milestones achieved, and in the pure joy that innocence brings. Consolation also comes from faith, the awareness that every life, regardless of ability, carries divine purpose. The presence of supportive communities, compassionate teachers, therapists, and understanding friends can transform isolation into belonging. Many parents find that their child’s limitations awaken their own strength, empathy, and capacity to love without condition.

The Healing

Healing doesn’t mean forgetting the struggle; it means learning to live with peace despite it. Healing begins when parents accept that their child is not a problem to be fixed but a person to be loved, guided, and celebrated. It comes through sharing burdens with others, through support groups, counseling, prayer, and honest conversation. Healing grows as parents forgive themselves for what they cannot change and celebrate what they can nurture. Spiritually, healing is also recognizing that divine strength often hides in human weakness, that through this child, grace becomes visible.

The Prevention

While not every disability can be prevented, awareness and proactive care can make a difference. Proper maternal health, early medical checkups, vaccinations, nutritional care during pregnancy, and avoidance of harmful substances all contribute to prevention. Just as important, societal prevention includes breaking the stigma, educating communities, promoting inclusion, and ensuring access to early intervention programs. Preventing pain is not only biological but also social: it means building a world where every child, regardless of ability, is valued and supported.

Reflection

Parenting a child with disabilities is not a tragedy, it is a calling. Though it begins with pain, it can become a journey of transformation. Every tear shed waters the roots of compassion. Every act of care writes a story of love that outlives the struggle. In the end, healing is not found in changing the child, but in changing how we see, to see beauty where the world sees limitation, and strength where others see weakness.

DUNCAN CHEGE

HOW Duncan Chege Managed to run away from Russia war To Kenya –a powerful warning to any African considering traveling abroad for “quick money” jobs.

Dancan was promised a well-paying job as a driver in Moscow, with assurances of big pay once he arrived. Together with 10 other Kenyans, he traveled to Russia believing his life was about to change for the better. Instead, the moment they landed, their dreams turned into a nightmare.

They were taken straight to a military camp and forced to sign contracts to fight for Russia in the Ukraine war. None of them had military experience. Yet after only one month of rushed training, they were sent directly to the battlefield. The promised money never came. Excuses replaced salaries.

Within one week at the warfront, all 10 of his fellow Kenyans were killed. Their families were never officially informed, and their bodies were never returned home. Dancan was the only survivor.

Facing almost certain death, he made a desperate decision. On the battlefield, he pretended to have gone mad  firing aimlessly, rolling on the ground, acting uncontrollable. His commanders believed he had lost his mind and ordered him evacuated back to Russia for medical evaluation.

From one hospital to another, Dancan stayed in character. From his hospital bed, he crafted another bold move. He convinced doctors that his entire family back in Kenya had died in an accident and that he needed to be released. Eventually, he was discharged under escort.

That was his final chance. He told the escorting soldier that he needed to visit the Kenyan Embassy to receive support following his “family tragedy.” Once there, he switched to Kiswahili, broke down, and begged for help. Embassy officials stepped in and arranged his return home.

Dancan came back to Kenya alive but empty-handed, carrying trauma and a message he now shares openly: war is not worth it. No amount of promised money is worth being deceived into a conflict.

#Africa #Kenya #Russia #World

ELEYI IS THE MOST USELESS GOVERNOR IN NIGERIA…. LEEKAN SI!

When Herbert Wigwe died on February 9 2024. In the unfortunate air crash that happened near Nipton, California. People mourned the loss of the six people that were involved in the tragedy. Dapo Abiodun was mourning for a different reason. He was there at the funeral like hundreds. But the reason for his tears was the Ogun State Government money he had in Wigwe’s Access bank. While other Governors were using there state allocation to develop their states. Building good schools. Constructing good roads that will link villages to towns. To ensure the development of those village communities. Governor Dapo Abiodun put his own people’s money in the pocket of Wigwe. 

President Bola Tinubu put it best. We should hold governors like Dapo Abiodun responsible for the underdevelopment of states like Ogun. A state that ranks among the top five most economically viable states in Nigeria. Often generating more internal revenue than it receives from the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC). With his focus on white elephant projects like the Airport. The state has high 

debt service ratios (approx. 26.8% in Q3 2025). As of Q3 2025, Ogun State had a high debt service ratio of 26.8%, which affects the net allocation received. 

Ogun generally receives lower gross FAAC allocations compared to other major states due to national revenue formula factors, despite its strong internal revenue generation (₦194.93 billion in 2024). But this is the hidden truth: Ogun is noted for high Internal Generated Revenue (IGR), sometimes exceeding 100% of its federal allocation, placing it alongside Lagos as a financially viable state. The state generated ₦194.93 billion in IGR in 2024. 

A good governor priorities infrastructure (roads, water), education, healthcare, agriculture, and creating an environment for economic growth. Not Dapo Abiodun. He put that money in the pocket of a dead man. While he attend Owambe parties any where in the world. Ogun people are one of the best Nigerians with the worst governor in the country.

THE KANO KILLER

Malam Auwal, father of the prime suspect arrested over the killing of seven family members in Dorayi Chiranchi area of Kano metropolis, has called on authorities to swiftly punish his son, Umar Auwal, without delay.

Umar, who is currently in police custody, is accused of murdering his aunt, Fatima Abubakar, and her six children in broad daylight on Saturday.

The victims include Maimuna (17), Aisha (16), Bashir (13), Abubakar (10), Faruk (7) and Abdussalam (one-and-a-half years old).

Police confirmed that the suspect has confessed to the killings, as well as a recent attack in Tudun Yola where two housewives were murdered and their home set ablaze.

Speaking in an interview with Freedom Radio, Malam Auwal distanced himself from his son, describing him as “useless to society” and insisting that he should be executed rather than kept in prison.

“What he committed against my younger sister and her six children, my wife’s younger sister and her co-wife is condemnable. I distance myself from him,” Auwal said.

He further alleged that Umar had killed his younger sister some years ago and plucked out her eyes.

“I don’t even want them to waste time on prosecution. Umar and his likes are supposed to be eliminated. They are not supposed to be remanded and fed with taxpayers’ money,” he added.

The grieving father commended the police for their handling of the case, saying he had already “sacrificed” his son, and vowed that neither him nor his wife (Umar’s mother), would attend any court proceedings during the trial.

Fatima Abubakar, 35, and her children were reportedly murdered by assailants, allegedly led by Umar who broke into their residence at Dorayi Gidan Kwari, sparking outrage across Kano and beyond.

THE NIGERIAN WASTE OF MONEY

By the end of this year, the Federal Government would have spent, at least, N38.188 billion on the up-keep of former presidents, vice presidents and their families, over a period of 22 years, Saturday Vanguard’s checks have revealed.

Based on official exchange rates across the various years, the welfare of former leaders and their families has cost Nigeria $144.722 million in 22 years.

From N140 million in 2005, funds allocated to entitlements of former presidents/heads of state, former vice presidents or chiefs of general staff have risen rapidly to hit N2.3 billion since 2013 (See table).

The peak was in 2012 when the Dr Goodluck Jonathan’s Administration budgeted N3.185 billion for the welfare of the ex-leaders.

The lowest allocation was in 2008 when N24 million was allocated. The figure for 2007 was not disclosed but unconfirmed estimates from the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, SGF’s, office put the figure at N102 million. Between 2013 and 2025, the allocation was constant at N2.3 billion for each year.

Also, in 2017, the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, OSGF, allocated the sum of N432.193 million for the purchase of cars for the nation’s seven former presidents/heads of state and four vice presidents.

For 2026, the federal government has proposed N2.3bn for the payment of benefits and entitlements to Nigeria’s former presidents, heads of state, and their deputies.

This is according to details contained in the 2026 N58.47 trillion Appropriation Bill under the item tagged: “Entitlements of former Presidents/Heads of State and Vice Presidents/Chief of General Staff.”

The allocation covers pensions, allowances, and other statutory benefits.

Budget documents show that the N2.3 billion provision applies to both civilian and military former leaders of the country.

Beneficiaries include former presidents Olusegun Obasanjo, Goodluck Jonathan, as well as former military heads of state General Ibrahim Babangida, General Yakubu Gowon, and General Abdulsalami Abubakar.

Why Presidency raised 2026 budget to N58trn

The allocation also extends to former vice presidents and equivalent military positions. Named beneficiaries include Atiku Abubakar, who served as Vice President from 1999 to 2007; Namadi Sambo, Vice President between 2010 and 2015; and Yemi Osinbajo, who served from 2015 to 2023.

Also included is Commodore Ebitu Ukiwe, retd, who functioned as de facto Vice President between 1985 and 1986 during the Babangida military regime.

Deceased ex-presidents, whose families are constitutionally expected to reap from the largesse are Abubakar Tafawa Balewa (prime minister), General Aguiyi-Ironsi, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe (ceremonial president), General Murtala Muhammed, General Sani Abacha and Chief Ernest Shonekan.

Deceased former vice presidents or chiefs of general staff were Brigadier Tunde Idiagbon, Dr Alex Ekwueme and Lt General Oladipo Doya.

N500, 000 Council of State meeting allowance

Apart from the N38.188 billion welfare package, each of the former leaders, who is an automatic member of the Council of State collects N500,000 whenever he attends the meeting that holds periodically, at least twice yearly, to deliberate and take decisions on crucial issues affecting the country.

Car purchase

Apart from these entitlements, the office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation allocated the sum of N986.19 million between 2016 and 2018 for the purchase of cars for the nation’s seven former presidents/heads of state and four vice presidents.

Origins of the welfare package

Adapted from the United States of America, which has an elaborate welfare package for former rulers, Nigeria started paying entitlements to former presidents by Decree 32 of 1999.

In 2001, it became the Remuneration of former Presidents, heads of Federal legislative Houses and Chief Justices of the Federation (and other Ancillary Matters) Act.

The Act was further amended by the National Assembly in 2008 and 2010 with the Revenue Mobilisation, Allocation and Fiscal Commission, RMAFC mandated to fix the remunerations of the ex-leaders from time to time in line with economic realities especially whenever the salary of the serving president is raised.

RMAFC’s power

The power is provided for in Sections 70 and 84 (4) of the 1999 Constitution and the specific legislation is in the Certain Political Public and Judicial Office Holders (Salaries, Allowances, etc) Act, 2002 and the Amendment Act of 2008.

The entitlements

At the beginning, the 1999 Law provided that each former President and former Head of state is entitled to N350,000 per month, while former Vice Presidents and former Chiefs of General Staff are entitled to N250,000 per month for their up-keep.

The Act states: “As from the commencement of this Act, all former-Presidents and Heads of State of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (in this Act referred to as “former Heads of State”) shall be-(i) paid the sum of N350,000 per month as up-keep allowance; and (ii) entitled to the perquisites of office specified in Part I of the Schedule to this Act; and (b)Vice-Presidents and Chiefs of General Staff of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (in this Act referred to as “former Vice-Presidents”) shall be- (i) paid the sum of N250,000 per month as up-keep allowance; and (ii) entitled to the perquisites of office specified in Part II of the Schedule to this Act.’’

There are also provisions for domestic staff, security aides, vehicles and up-keep allowances for families of deceased presidents.

For former presidents

For instance, each former president is entitled to an officer not below the rank of a chief administrative officer; a personal secretary not below Grade Level 12; three to four armed policemen; one Department State Service, DSS officer not below Grade Level 10 as an Aide de Camp to be attached for life and paid by the State Security Agencies; three vehicles to be bought by the Federal Government and liable to be replaced every four years; and drivers to be paid by the Federal Government.

They and their immediate families are also entitled to free medical treatment within Nigeria; treatment abroad where necessary at Federal Government’s expense; a well furnished and equipped office in any location of their choice in Nigeria; a well furnished five-bedroom house in any location of their choice in Nigeria; and 30 days annual vacation at home or abroad.

For former vice presidents

For former vice presidents, the entitlements include: an officer not below the rank of a chief administrative officer; a personal secretary not below Grade Level 10, two to three armed policemen; one DSS officer not below Grade Level 8 as an Aide de Camp to be attached for life and paid by the State Security Agencies; two vehicles to be replaced every four years; drivers shall be selected by the former Vice-President and paid by the Federal Government; free medical treatment for them and their immediate families within Nigeria; treatment abroad where necessary; 30 days annual vacation within and outside Nigeria at Federal Government expense; a modestly well-furnished and equipped office in any location of their choice in Nigeria; a well furnished three-bedroom house in any location of their choice in Nigeria.

According to the 1999 law that has been amended, the remuneration of the former leaders shall be subject to review whenever there is an increase in the salary of the serving President and Vice-President; and the Federal Government shall in its annual budget make provision for the remuneration of former Heads of State and former Vice-Presidents.

In the case of death, the family of an ex-president, at the beginning, was entitled to the payment of the sum of N1,000,000 per annum payable in the sum of N 250,000 per quarter; and deceased former Vice-President was entitled to the payment of the sum of N750,000 per annum payable in the sum of N187, 500 per quarter.

The allowances applied to the up-keep of the spouse and education of the children of deceased former leaders up to the university level. However, the spouse of a former leader shall not be entitled to the allowance, if she re-marries.

Experience in other countries

US ex-president earns $205,700 a year

The United States via the Former Presidents Act, FPA, charges the General Services Administration, GSA, with providing former presidents a pension, support staff, office support, travel funds, and mailing privileges. The FPA was enacted in 1958 to “maintain the dignity” of the Office of the President by providing certain benefits to former Presidents — and their spouses — so that they would not have to enter unsuitable occupations after leaving office.

Former US presidents also receive a lifetime of Secret Service protection and their children remain protected until they are 16 years old. The pension for former presidents matches the annual pay for senior political officials of the Executive Level 1 ranking and their salary is equal to that of the incumbent. In 2016, the pension was $205,700. Widows of ex-presidents are entitled to $20,000 a year.

In 2017, President Barack Obama proposed a hike of about 18 per cent in appropriations for expenditures of former presidents.

Currently, all former US presidents collectively receive $3-$5 million a year

Ex-president gets $188,000 a year in South Africa

In South Africa, former presidents continue to have all the payments, salaries and other packages that they were receiving the day before they left office, for the rest of their lives. They will also have their medical insurance fully paid.

A resolution of the National Assembly also allows former presidents to have annual pay increases based on those recommended by the Remuneration Commission.

The resolution grants 50 per cent of the ex-president’s package to his widow, if he should die.

In 2017, the South African National Assembly voted to increase President’s salary to R2,716,798 per year or $188,000.

Indian experience, ex-president entitled to $13, 248 a year

In India, perks for former Prime ministers include lifetime rent-free accommodation, medical facilities, 14 secretarial staff, six domestic executive-class air tickets, unlimited train travel, office expenses against actual expenditure for five years and vehicles. All former prime ministers are entitled to benefits afforded to a cabinet minister, which includes 270,000 Rupees or $3, 974.

On retirement, a former president gets Rs.75,000 ($1,104) a month as pension; a furnished rent free bungalow; medical facilities; unlimited domestic travel reimbursement with a companion by train or air; Delhi Police security; five personal staff including two private secretaries, one peon, one official car; and office maintenance expenses of Rs 60,000 or $883 per annum.

UK’s $515,000 gold-plated pension for ex-prime ministers

In Britain, some former prime ministers earn what has been dubbed a “gold-plated pension,” which costs the United Kingdom’s taxpayers about £435,000 or $515,000 a year.

For instance, ex-Prime Minister Tony Blair drew the maximum Prime Ministerial pension – worth about £70,000 a year in 2017 and another £115,000 allowance to support his ‘public duties.’ The security team allowance was estimated to cost, at least, £250,000 a year.

According to the UK Cabinet Office Annual Report and Accounts, former prime ministers got £836,345 as Public Duty Costs Allowance, PDCA, in the 2023-2024 fiscal year.

The PDCA is an allowance (reimbursements) to cover actual office and secretariat costs incurred while continuing public duties after leaving office for all living former prime ministers including staff pension contributions.

Budgets

How FG spent N38.2bn($144.72m) on ex-leaders in 22 years

Year /Amount

2005 – N140m($1.06m)

2006 -N105m($817,121)

2007 -N102m($850m)

2008 -N24m($207,792)

2009 -N250m($1.724m)

2010 -N250m($1.667m)

2011 -N1.2bn($8m)

2012 -N3.185bn($20.817m)

2013 -N2.3bn($14.375m)

2014 -N2.3bn($14.375m)

2015 -N2.3bn($12.095m)

2016 -N2.3bn($11.666m)

2017 -N2.3bn($7.541m)

2018 -N2.3bn($7.541m)

2019 -N2.3bn($7.541m)

2020 -N2.3bn($6.389m)

2021 -N2.3bn(6.590m)

2022 -N2.3bn($5.608m)

2023 -N2.3bn($5.279m)

2024 -N2.3bn($2.875m)

2025 -N2.3bn($1.533m)

2026 -N2.3bn($1.521m)

Cars -N1.418bn($4.65m)

Total – N38.188n($144.722m)

OONI, ALAAFIN AND DYNAMIC COLOUR OF REALITY

Prince Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi and Prince Okunade Sijuwade were good friends in the 1960s and early 70s.  Adeyemi, a prince of Oyo and direct descendant of Alaafin Atiba, was a boxer before he became an insurance broker.  Sijuwade was a journalist briefly when he worked with the Nigerian Tribune and from there he moved into private business, becoming a millionaire when he was barely 30.  Sijuwade was a prince from Ile-Ife, the source of Yoruba civilization and kingship system.  Both of them were ambitious to ascend the thrones of their forefathers. Both were successful in realizing that ambition.  After three years of struggle with other princes, Adeyemi ascended the throne in 1970 at the age of 32.  He succeeded his cousin, Oba Gbadegesin Ladigbolu, who died in 1968.  Adeyemi was presented his official staff of office by then Colonel Adeyinka Adebayo, the military governor of the Western State and a bosom friend of Sijuwade.  In rejoicing with his friend, Sijuwade bought the new Alaafin a new Peugeot car.  He was happy.

Adeyemi’s father, was the Alaafin Adeniran Adeyemi II, who was removed from the throne in 1955 following his disagreement with the Western Region government headed by Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the Premier.  He was succeeded in 1956 by Alaafin Ladigbolu II, whose reign was to prove an interregnum between father and son.  Colonel Adebayo had sought the opinion of Awolowo, who was appointed the Federal Commissioner for Finance and Vice-Chairman of the Federal Executive Council in 1967 by General Yakubu Gowon, about the ambition of Adeyemi the son. Awolowo agreed that he can be made the Alaafin after his selection by the Council of Oyo Kingmakers, the Oyo Mesi.  Thus, at a tender age of 32, Adeyemi joined the league of five obas regarded as foremost in Yorubaland; these are the Ooni, Owa of Ijeshaland, the Awujale of Ijebuland and the Alake of Egbaland.  But the pre-eminence of the Alaafin had been set since Yoruba obas started meeting formally in1935. The first meeting was hosted by the illustrious Alaafin Onikepo Ladigbolu. Government protocols put the Alaafin next to the Ooni ahead of other obas including the Oba of Benin in the days of the old Western Region.  The boat was steady and Alaafin Adeyemi accepted the status quo.

In pre-colonial times, the Alaafin was the most powerful oba in Yorubaland.  So powerful was he that the Yoruba regards Olodumare, the Supreme Being, as the Alaafin Ode Orun (Alaafin of the heavenly abode).  The Oyo Empire, which was at its zenith in the 15th to the 18th Century, was said to have occupied most of the present-day Oyo, Osun, Kwara and Kogi States.  By the 19th Century, the empire had collapsed and Oyo stragglers, under the leadership of Atiba Atobatele, a resourceful and capable prince, moved south, and created a new capital in the settlement of Ago Oja.  Ago Oja was supposed to be a staging post from where the new Alaafin would rally loyal troops for the recovery of his old capital.  It was never to be.  When the British imperial power created Nigeria in 1914, the Alaafin had accepted his lot that his capital was lost, perhaps forever, and he settled fully in Ago Oja which remained the new Oyo till this day. When Adeyemi was crowned the Alaafin in 1970, he became the 9th Alaafin to reign in the new capital.  Though he was young, as the Alaafin, he was second only to the Ooni who was the chairman of the Western State Council of Obas.

In February 1976, the new government of General Murtala Ramat Muhammed, created additional states, splitting the old Western State into three; Oyo, Ogun and Ondo State.  Some of the big traditional rulers have now moved to different states, but the new Oyo State remained the home of the most historically important ones. Thus, the new Oyo State had the Ooni, Alaafin, Owa Ilesa and Orangun of Ila.  Alake and Awujale have now moved to the new Ogun State. Ondo State now had the likes of the Ewi of Ado Ekiti, the Elekole of Ikole, Oore of Otun, Deji of Akure, Osemawe of Ondo, Olowo of Owo and others who were all formerly members of the Western State House of Chiefs and later Council of Obas. So, the traditional rulers had to deal with the dynamics of the new states.

On October 1, 1979, Governor Bola Ige was sworn-in as the first elected Governor of Oyo State.  He was a well-known politician having served as the National Publicity Secretary of the defunct Action Group party in the First Republic. He was also a commissioner in the cabinet of then Colonel Adeyinka Adebayo when Adeyemi emerged as the Alaafin. By the time Ige became governor, the Ooni Aderemi was old and feeble and could no longer come regularly to meetings in Ibadan.  Therefore, his deputy, the Alaafin was made the acting chairman of the Oyo State Council of Obas.  Ooni Aderemi died at 90 on July 3, 1980 after 50 remarkable years on the throne of Oduduwa.  

Adeyemi saw the death of Oba Aderemi as a window of opportunity.  He wrote to Governor Ige, beseeching the governor to proclaim him as the substantive chairman of the Oyo State Council of Obas. The Governor rejected the prayer. Barely five months after the passage of Aderemi, Prince Okunade Sijuwade was enthroned as the 50th Ooni on December 6, 1980. He took the throne name of Olubuse II.  Governor Ige, while presenting him the staff of office, proclaimed the new Ooni as the chairman of the Oyo State Council of Obas.

Having failed to impress the Governor that he should be made the chairman, Alaafin Adeyemi decided not to give up the battle. He was able to persuade four other leading traditional rulers; the Owa Obokun of Ijesaland, Oba Adekunle Aromolaran, the Orangun of Ila, Oba Phillip Ayeni, the Olubadan of Ibadan, Oba Yesufu Oloyede Asanke and the Soun of Ogbomosho, Oba Jimoh Oladunni Oyewumi to join his crusade. This time around however, his objective shifted so that he can have the support of the other obas. He pleaded that Nigeria, with the coming of the Second Republic, has become a democracy and therefore traditional institutions too should be ready for democracy. It was time the government should allow rotation of the chairmanship among the five leading obas, including the Ooni. A petition to that effect was promptly submitted to the Governor who simply ignored it.  

The Second Republic was a period of serious politicking, especially in Oyo State where the ruling Unity Party of Nigeria, UPN, was pitched in battle against the opposition National Party of Nigeria, NPN, which was in control of the centre under President Shehu Shagari. The five obas decided to gravitate towards the NPN to achieve their ambition of democratizing the traditional institution of kingship. Two of them had serious problems at home about this involvement.  Governor Bola Ige was from Esa Oke, one of the many Ijesa towns where Owa Aromolaran claimed paramountcy. For him, campaigning against Bola Ige at home would be a difficult assignment. The Orangun of Ila, Oba Ayeni, had a similar problem.  The Secretary to the State Government and later Deputy Governor under Bola Ige, Chief Adebisi Akande, was one of Ayeni’s leading chiefs as the Asiwaju of Ila.  Nonetheless, the 1983 election came and Ige was defeated in an election that was believed to be heavily rigged in favour of the NPN.

The Alaafin group quickly submitted its petition to the new governor, Dr Omololu Olunloyo, the famous mathematician and controversial politician. Olunloyo declined to act. He would not rock the boat. The rebel obas were thus compelled to continue to work with the Ooni as the permanent chairman of the Oyo State Council of Obas, a position he has held since the days of the old Western Region. The cat and mouse game continued under the military until Oyo State was split again in 1991 when the old Osun Province became Osun State.  With the coming of Osun State, both the Owa Obokun and the Orangun decided to shield their swords.  In the remaining part of Oyo State, the Alaafin has emerged triumphant as the new chairman of the Oyo State Council of Obas. It was a costly victory.

In the new Oyo State, both the Olubadan and the Soun were determined to hold the Alaafin to his words. They wanted rotation of the chairmanship position among the three.  The Alaafin did not want it. When democracy came again in 1999, with the election of Governor Lam Adesina, the Soun and the Olubadan continued their agitation. But Alaafin Adeyemi had strong supporters who believed that democracy would not be good for the traditional institution of obaship. In the precolonial days, the Alaafin took precedence over every oba, except his father in Ile-Ife.  In the traditional hierarchy, both the Soun and the Olubadan were very junior to him.  Neither of them was listed among the princes of Oduduwa. They were only elevated to full obaship in 1978 by the military regime of then Brigadier David Medaiyese Jemibewon, the Governor of Oyo State. Therefore, Alaafin Adeyemi was able to enlist the support of leading Oyo State citizens, including the powerful duo of Alhaji Lamidi Ariyibi Adedibu and Alhaji Azeez Alao-Arisekola.  Both Adedibu and Arisekola remained unmovable in their support for the old order. Both the Soun and the Olubadan were resolute in their campaign.

In January 2006, Christopher Alao Akala, a former policeman and former deputy to Governor Rashidi Ladoja, now the Olubadan, became the Governor of Oyo State in succession to his old boss who was impeached in a truly macabre circumstance.  Akala, a native of Ogbomosho, was interested in looking at the obas petition. He made it known that he was interested in the prayer of both the Soun and the Olubadan. He believed that in this modern era, no traditional ruler should lord it over the others. Alaafin Adeyemi was said to have met President Olusegun Obasanjo to express his fears. Obasanjo, a known supporter of traditional institutions, was however said to be indifferent to the struggle going on in Oyo State. On May 3, 2011, Governor Akala announced the removal of the Alaafin as the permanent chairman of the Oyo State Council of Obas. He said that the Alaafin will now rotate that position with the Olubadan and the Soun.

Then death intervened. Most of the major players in Oyo State died one after the other.  Lam Adesina died in 2012. Alao-Akala died in 2022. Arisekola died in 2014.  Adedibu died 2008. Alaafin Adeyemi died in 2022.  By 2025, new players have emerged in Oyo State.  Engineer Seyi Makinde has now emerged the Governor. Ogbomosho has a new Soun, Oba Ghandi Afolabi Olaoye.  Ibadan had installed the durable politician and former Governor of Oyo State, Rashidi Ladoja, as the Olubadan.  It was time to look at the old petition calling for rotation of chairmanship signed by the Alaafin, Soun, Olubadan, Owa Obokun and the Orangun.  The Oyo State House of Assembly, where Ogbomosho and Ibadan representatives were in clear and unambiguous majority, were corralled into the game. They were ready to give rotation a legal backing. 

The new Alaafin, Oba Abimbola Owoade, was installed by Governor Seyi Makinde on April 5, 2025. The colourful ceremony was attended by guests from across the Nigerian Federation.  The Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi, Ojaja II, led a retinue of obas from the Yorubaland to grace the occasion. He has emerged as the co-chairman of the National Council of Tradition Rulers and the chairman of the Southern Nigeria Council of Traditional Rulers. With his installation, Oba Owoade has now joined the league of first-class traditional rulers in Nigeria. 

The new Alaafin used the occasion of his installation to make it known that he was ready to struggle for the continuation of the old order.  He reminded his audience that he was not just the Alaafin of Oyo, but of Oyo Empire. He wanted it known that he was ready to demand for the ancient privileges of the Alaafin when he was in charge of an empire. Since coming to the throne, he has been struggling to grapple with the new dynamics of the traditional institution.   

-the end- 

Culled from BECOMING OODUA, THE STORY OF AN AFRICAN KING, published by Gaskia Media Ltd, December, 2025, Page 195 

By Dare Babarinsa, CON

BECOMING OODUA is available in leading Nigerian bookshops.

#Africa #Nigeria #Yoruba #World

TEARS FOR THE PEOPLE OF MAKOKO

Following the recent demolition of stilt houses by the Lagos State Government, families have been left with nowhere to turn. Many have taken to the lagoon, tying canoes together and laying planks across them to form precarious sleeping spaces. Elliot Ovadje reports on the plight of the displaced, highlighting the most vulnerable, children and the elderly, whose futures now hang in limbo.

The boy’s arms tremble as he drags a wooden canoe through chest-deep water. Around him, the lagoon is littered with broken planks, splintered beams, and twisted sheets of corrugated iron, debris that only days earlier formed the walls and roofs of homes.

This is not refuse washed ashore by a storm; it is the aftermath of a government demolition.

Nearby, other children sit silently on a larger canoe, their bare feet dangling inches above the murky water. They watch without laughter, without playfulness. In Makoko, childhood has been replaced by survival.

Following the recent demolition of stilt houses in Makoko by the Lagos State Government, residents of this waterfront community have been displaced, with nowhere else to go.

Makoko has long been a flashpoint for forced evictions and government-led demolitions, a pattern that stretches back decades. These repeated displacements highlight the ongoing tension between Lagos’s ambitious urban development plans and the livelihoods of its most vulnerable residents.

Many families have lived on stilts over the lagoon for generations, relying on fishing and small-scale trading to survive. Demolitions disrupt these fragile economies, stripping people of homes, livelihoods, and a sense of security.

With no emergency shelters provided, many families have retreated onto the lagoon itself, turning fishing canoes into makeshift homes. Wooden boats, once tools of livelihood, are now places to sleep, eat, and wait.

“This is where we live now,” said Elizabeth Ottom, a 29-year-old mother of three, pointing to a narrow canoe tied beside several others. Clothes, plastic sheets, and pieces of wood lay scattered across it. “We sleep here. This is our house now. We don’t even have food.”

Her voice was steady, but her eyes betrayed exhaustion and disbelief. She said her home was pulled down without warning, no notice, no consultation, no plan for what would come after.

“They just came and destroyed everything,” she said, tears brimming. “They didn’t ask us where we would go.”

Makoko, often romanticised as the “Venice of Africa,” is home to thousands of low-income families who depend on fishing, petty trading, and manual labour.

Life there has never been easy, but before the demolition, families at least had fragile wooden homes perched on stilts above the lagoon. That fragile stability is now gone.

In its place are clusters of canoes tied together with ropes, planks laid across them to form sleeping spaces.

At night, families sit or lie curled tightly, afraid that a wrong movement could send them into the water.

“There is no safety,” said Jack, a fisherman in his 40s. “If you turn in your sleep, you can fall into the lagoon.”

Children bear the heaviest burden

Children are the most vulnerable victims of this displacement. Many now spend their days paddling between canoes, helping adults retrieve belongings or steadying boats against the current.

There are no life jackets, and supervision has become a luxury. The murky water, littered with debris of various kinds, is also polluted.

“I am always afraid,” Elizabeth said. “My children cannot swim well. If they fall into the water at night, who will save them?”

Parents report skin rashes, coughs, and persistent itching among children who spend hours in the lagoon. Schooling has also been disrupted.

“How can they go to school like this?” asked Mariam, a mother of three. “Their uniforms are gone. Their books are gone. We don’t even know where to bathe.”

Nights of fear, days of hunger

When night falls, fear thickens. The lagoon grows dark. Mosquitoes swarm. Children cry from hunger and cold. Parents stay awake, clutching their children, alert to every movement that could tip the canoe.

Rain worsens the ordeal. Water pours into the boats, and residents scoop it out with bowls and empty containers.

Some still attempt to cook on coal stoves balanced on planks, a dangerous gamble in a settlement of tightly packed wooden boats.

“If heavy rain comes, we don’t know what will happen,” said Joseph Effah, a fisherman whose boat has turned into an emergency home for his aged parents. “We can die here by drowning.”

Food is scarce. Fishing nets, essential tools for survival, as proceeds from fish sales were used to buy food and other necessities, were destroyed in the demolition.

Trading goods were also lost, leaving some families to survive on donations from neighbours or religious groups.

“My children ate only garri yesterday,” Elizabeth said, looking crestfallen. “Today, I don’t know what they will eat, and they have not eaten yet.”

At the moment, healthcare is largely inaccessible, as the sick must be transported by canoe to distant clinics, a cost many cannot afford.

In one of the canoes, an elderly man lay weak, wrapped in a faded cloth, his breathing shallow.

“We are just praying he survives,” a relative said.

‘Demolished without notice’

Residents insist the demolition was sudden. Officials, they said, arrived with security personnel and began pulling down structures immediately. People scrambled to salvage mattresses, clothes, and cooking utensils, but many lost everything.

“They did not give us time,” Joseph said quietly. “They did not say tomorrow or next week. They just came.”

Our correspondent gathered that there has been no relocation plan, no temporary shelter, no food aid, and no medical support since the demolition took place.

Human rights groups have long criticised forced evictions in waterfront communities, especially when carried out without notice, compensation, or resettlement.

In Makoko, residents say the silence following the demolition hurts as much as the destruction itself.

“We are Nigerians too,” Elizabeth said. “We are human beings.”

Sunday PUNCH findings showed that the Lagos State Government had revealed plans to demolish shanties located less than 100 metres from power lines in the Makoko waterfront community.

Traditional leaders had pleaded for a 30-metre setback, but the Permanent Secretary of the Office of Urban Development, Gbolahan Oki, insisted the law allowed a maximum of 100 metres, citing public safety.

Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, he said, had approved the reduced distance to avoid displacement, but enforcement would proceed.

Oki stressed that Lagos is developing into a megacity and that compliance with urban planning laws is non-negotiable.

Residents, however, insist they are not opposed to development, but should not be erased in the process.

“If they want to remove us, they should tell us where to go,” Joseph said. “Not throw us into the water.”

A familiar pattern

This is not Makoko’s first encounter with demolition. In April 2005, thousands of residents were forcibly evicted without notice or compensation.

Homes, clinics, and churches were destroyed, and some women gave birth amid the rubble.

The most devastating eviction occurred in July 2012, when armed police dismantled parts of the stilt community after a 72-hour notice.

A local chief was allegedly killed, and thousands were displaced, sparking national and international outrage.

Authorities justified these actions, citing environmental hazards, security concerns, and plans to create a “21st-century mega-city,” with waterfront areas eyed for high-end developments like Eko Atlantic.

Critics argue these projects prioritise wealthy developers over the welfare of long-standing communities.

Urban planners and housing experts argue that informal settlements like Makoko need upgrading, not destruction, through improved housing, sanitation, and services. For now, they noted, the theory offers little comfort.

As days turn into weeks, Makoko’s displaced residents wait for intervention, answers, and help.

For now, the lagoon remains crowded with floating canoes, their residents gripped by fear and uncertainty, burdened by unanswered questions about how long they are expected to live like this, trapped between survival and what human rights organisations, including Amnesty International, have repeatedly condemned as systemic exclusion.

When Sunday PUNCH reached out to the state Commissioner for Information, Gbenga Omotoso, for comments, he promised to respond but had yet to do so as of the time of filing this report.

REMI TINUBU IS WORKING AGAINST SEYI TINUBU'S GOVERNORSHIP AMBITION –INSIDER REVEALS

Seyi Tinubu and his step mother, Remi Tinubu, the Nigeria’s first lady are reportedly embroiled in cold war due to clash of interest.

A top official in the Lagos State government told Reliant.ng on condition of anonymity that Seyi Tinubu and Remi Tinubu have been drawn into a tacit vendetta as both seek to exert dominance in the president Tinubu’s political dynasty.

Seyi Tinubu, 40 is touted by young Lagosians and people across the country to succeed the current governor of Lagos State, Babajide Sanwo-Olu whose tenure comes to an end in 2027. While his governorship ambition remains a speculation at present, the source claims that Seyi Tinubu has informed some of his trusted political allies who are members of his father’s political family about his political interest. Among those currently pushing for Seyi Tinubu’s governorship ambition is governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu.

According to the source, governor Sanwo-Olu prefers the president’s son over other political protege of president Tinubu being considered for the governorship seat in 2027.

While first lady Remi Tinubu is reportedly working behind the scene to frustrate Seyi Tinubu’s governorship ambition by siding with the chief of staff to President Tinubu, Femi Gbajabiamila and the speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly, Mudashiru Ajayi Obasa.

“So many people have shown interest, they want to take over from Sanwo-Olu but the strong aspirants are Obasa, Femi, and Seyi. Governor Sanwo-Olu wants Seyi Tinubu but he must come on top of his ongoing cold war his step mother”, the source stated.

Remi Tinubu is said to be doing everything possible to influence the stakeholders including the GAC against endorsing the idea of Seyi Tinubu being given the All Progressive Congress (APC) governorship ticket to her stepson, Seyi Tinubu.

“Remi Tinubu is very powerful and she is doing everything to ensure that she frustrates Seyi Tinubu’s governorship ambition”.

However, governor Sanwo-Olu political fracas with the speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly, Mudashiru Obasa brought to bare his uncordial relationship with the speaker, is strongly pushing for Seyi Tinubu’s governorship in 2027.

“But Sanwo-Olu who has done well, very well is supporting Seyi. You know his relationship with Obasa is not that good so he supports Seyi. But nobody knows what will happen whether Seyi and Sanwo-Olu will come on top or whether the first lady”.

Ẹ L'Ẹ́WÚRẸ́ WỌLẸ́

Many people believe Ayinla Omowura had a more commercially successful career. Indeed, he had. He was a charismatic character with an imposing, take-no-prisoners aura that made his career appear a bit more interesting than it truly was. His reckless notoriety seemingly added more significance to his legend. He is in the top-ten list of Yoruba acts with a crazy following several years after his death, with a body of work still heavily in circulation.

But if I have to rethink who the winner of the legendary beef between Ayinla and Fatai Olowonyọ of the 70s was, as an older, mature fan, I may have to go with the latter. While the cause of the beef is now lost to history since the parties are now long dead (Ayinla died in 1980 and Fatai in 2010), large sections of music fans (including yours truly), in the Southwest, sided with Omowura primarily for his colorful nature and for little else. I must shamefully confess that I was one of the crazy fans that willingly followed the inebriated herd.

Rethinking the beef, or (should I say that) if the beef happened in contemporary times, I would effortlessly and gladly side with Olowonyọ in 2026. Aside from KSA’s Ekilo F’omode, Ayinde’s E sinmi Rascality, and a few others I would be hard pressed to imagine any Yoruba beef track that’s as emblematic as “E Lewure Wole.”

It’s a record you hear once, and its sheer brilliance in composition, instrumentality, and rhythmic fluidity can never be understated. Though Olowonyọ made other albums, Elewure is perhaps the only one he’s easily remembered for. Ayinla equally recorded clap-backs and responsive tracks, but none matched the devilish efforts of Elewure.

Ayinla Kollington, a standout adoptee of Omowura made diss tracks on behalf of his adopted musical father, yet none from them came close to ELEWURE. And even where they could have come close, they are significantly forgettable.

Comically, Elewure is the Yoruba version of Hit ‘Em Up. That record was good enough it even benefited Omowura. It further added some weird, villainous aura to Ayinla’s personality.

Fatai was a talented but unfortunate artist. Fatai Olowonyọ, Nosiru Atuwon, and Agbadaowo were the only Apala/Fuji musicians that were guitarists. In fact, Fatai displayed an uncanny mastery of the instrument (than all the mentioned) that the feeling that he could have played in an everyday band aside from his dedicated genre is unshakable. He was his own lead vocalist, plus lead and rhythm guitarist, while Adesina was his bassist. I repeat (for emphasis): Fatai Olowonyọ was the lead vocalist, plus lead and rhythm guitarist in his band, while Adesina was his bassist. It is hard to rate the best acts in Fuji or Apala, dead or alive, as exceptional instrumentalists on the level of Fatai Olowonyọ. Sad to imagine how underrated he was all his life. Pretty awful for him to be musically known for a record that, by happenstance, was generated from a beef, meanwhile, he was a technically sound musician.

Every Fujician and every Apalacian (not Appalachian) in 2026 and beyond simply owe this man a debt of gratitude. For he gave possibility a mouth-to-mouth. He was one of the pioneers (arguably the most notable) of the infusion of the guitar instrument into native sounds as in Apala, Fuji etc.

(His well-lined eyebrows. 😂 Wèrè aṣéwó ni gbogbo awọn Fatai! Walai!).

PROTESTS IN IRAN

The growing protests in Tehran over the cost of living, present the biggest threat to the Iranian government.

Wading into the already volatile situation  is president Donald Trump who has vowed to intervene if the Iranian police kill  protestors.

Meanwhile Ali Larijani, the secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council has responded to Trump by accusing Israel and the U.S. of stoking the demonstrations. 

International sanctions over the Nuclear Programme have crippled the Iranian economy causing inflation and hardship to the citizens.

I wonder why Trump didn't come to the rescue of Tanzanians when Samia Suluhu was butchering them. Maybe because Tanzania is of little economic and geopolitical value to the US.

Venezuela's Supreme Court Appoints Acting President Following Reports of Maduro's Capture by U.S. Forces

Rewritten Story:

Venezuela’s Supreme Court has ordered Vice President Delcy Rodríguez to assume the role of acting president, citing the need to ensure governmental continuity after President Nicolás Maduro was reportedly captured by U.S. forces and flown to the United States. The court’s Constitutional Chamber announced the move on Saturday, framing it as a legal measure to preserve state sovereignty and administration during what it termed Maduro’s “forced absence.”

Rodríguez, a longtime ally of Maduro and former foreign minister, immediately demanded Maduro’s release and vowed that Venezuela “will never again be a colony.” She stated Caracas is open in principle to “respectful relations” with Washington, but firmly rejected foreign control. Her appointment comes amid escalating tensions following a U.S. military operation that American officials claim targeted Maduro for narco-terrorism charges.

Key Points:

Acting President Appointed: Venezuela’s Supreme Court has constitutionally named Vice President Delcy Rodríguez as interim president to ensure government continuity.

Reason Given: The court cited President Nicolás Maduro’s “forced absence” after he was reportedly captured and renditioned to the U.S. to face criminal charges.

Rodríguez’s Response: The new acting president demanded Maduro's immediate release, declared Venezuela “will never again be a colony,” but expressed openness to respectful dialogue with the U.S.

International Reactions: Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov expressed “firm solidarity” with Venezuela, while U.S. President Donald Trump claimed Washington would oversee a transition.

Underlying Dispute: The crisis stems from long-standing U.S. accusations of narco-terrorism against Maduro’s government, which Caracas denounces as a pretext for regime change.

Essence:

In response to the alleged capture of President Nicolás Maduro by the United States, Venezuela’s Supreme Court has moved to ensure constitutional continuity by installing Vice President Delcy Rodríguez as acting president. Rodríguez has struck a defiant tone against perceived foreign intervention while leaving the door open for diplomatic engagement, setting the stage for a volatile political and international crisis centered on sovereignty and judicial claims.

JUST IN : OLISA OF IJEBU-ODE ADMINISTERS OATH OF OFFICE TO ILAMUREN CHIEFS

In a significant traditional ceremony, the Olisa of Ijebu-Ode, Alaiyeluwa Olisa Rasheed Adeoye Adesanya, FCA, ACMA, Ademoku II, administered the oath of office to two new Ilamuren chiefs, Oluranti Olalekan Osifeso as Olotu-Olowa of Ijebu-Ode and Chief Shakirudeen Olubisi Olujimi Lawal as Olotufore of Ijebu-Ode. The ceremony took place at the Olisa Palace, marking a crucial step in the continuity of Ijebu-Ode's traditional governance.

The appointment follows the fulfilment of all criteria set out in the Customary Law Regulating the Selection of the Awujale of Ijebu-Land (W.R.L.N. 22 of 1959). Both chiefs have completed the required traditional swearing-in rites and spiritual obligations, qualifying them for full rights and privileges of their positions. While others are expected to do same in no distance time.

The ceremony has also brought to an end a power struggle surrounding the Ilamuren rite, the leadership of the Olisa and his statutory responsibilities as the head of the ilamurens and kingmakers, with Apebi Ogunade and Oloja jaginrin Goke Balogun being rejected for the rite.  Investigations revealed that the rightful holders of the title, Apebi Ololade Olarenwaju Odumosu and Oloja jaginrin Ayodele Adebayo Osisanya, had earlier completed their rite before now, and it's traditional not right to adminster the oath of office on two different individuals on same title. Their exclusion from the process is seen as a significant development to respecting laid down rules and laws guiding our traditional institution in Ijebu land.

The Ilamuren council plays a crucial role in the selection of the Awujale of Ijebu-Land, and the induction of the two new chiefs is expected to strengthen the traditional institution. The Olisa of Ijebu-Ode, as Head of Ilamuren and Chairman of the King-Makers Council, has underscored the importance of the Ilamuren council in safeguarding the cultural heritage and administrative continuity of Ijebu-Ode.

Oloja Agemo Olumuku Rejects Interregnum Council's Interference

The traditional Ilamuren rite in Ijebu-Ode has been marred by controversy, with the Interregnum Council's attempt to influence the process being rejected by the Oloja Olumuku. The Oloja Olumuku, who plays a crucial role in performing the traditional rite on any Apebi, had earlier been invited by the interrugum to see how they can manipulate the process in favor of their candidates but was meant with resistance, when the Olumuku informed and educated them of the expected process d that nothing can be done to reverse the process, which has been duly completed and by the virtual of that Oloja jaginrin Ayodele Adebayo Osisanya and Apebi Odumosu Ololade Olarenwaju are the authentic title holders.

However, despite having full knowledge from the Olumuku, the Interregnum Council's still adamantly wants to push through their preferred candidates. Thus, were met with strong resistance from the Olorisa group in Ijebu-Ode. A dramatic scene unfolded when Chief Goke Balogun, backed by Kakanfo and Ogbeni Odi, attempted to ensure the rite was administered on him. The veil covering his eye was removed, and a protest ensued.

The Oloja Olumuku had earlier warned the Interregnum Council about the impropriety of their actions, citing violations of the Olisa's rights. The incident highlights the importance of upholding tradition and respecting local customs in the selection of traditional leaders.

Those in attendance for the ilamuren rites were;

(1). Ogbeni Oja Sonny Kuku

(2). Ogbeni Odi Adediran Gbede 

(3). Chief Jimi Lawal 

(4). Chief Laide Osifeso 

(5). Chief Bimbo Okenla 

(6). Balogun Agboola Alausa 

(7). Col. Awote 

(8). Aremo Olusoga Austin Sesan, Baale imowo 

(9). Oluwo General, Akile Ijebu.

(10). Oluwo General, Akile Ijebu 

(11). Oloja Posa of imosan. 

(12). Nopa of Ijebu Mushin

Source: Oriyomi Olufemi B.

AFRICAN HISTORY

In the late nineteenth century, Germany sought to join other European powers in the colonial scramble for Africa. Namibia was viewed as an ideal territory due to its natural resources, strategic coastal ports, and potential for settler colonization. A key objective of German colonial policy was the establishment of settler colonies to accommodate German immigrants. These ambitions came at the expense of the indigenous Herero and Nama communities, whose fertile lands and water sources were increasingly confiscated by the colonial administration for German settlers and companies.

In response, the Herero and Nama launched armed resistance against German rule in 1904. The colonial authorities retaliated with extreme and collective punishment, culminating in extermination orders issued by General Lothar von Trotha. Over the course of approximately three years, more than 100,000 people were killed, including an estimated 80 percent of the Herero population and 50 percent of the Nama. Following the German victory at the Battle of Waterberg, tens of thousands of Herero—many of them elderly, injured, or children—were driven into the Omaheke Desert and deliberately denied access to water. Countless individuals perished from thirst, hunger, and exhaustion.

Despite the scale and brutality of these crimes, this chapter of history remained marginalized in official historical narratives for decades and received neither accountability nor full recognition until much later.

The legacy of colonial violence associated with Shark Island extends beyond mass killing to the posthumous desecration and exploitation of victims’ bodies. The skulls of many of the dead were severed and shipped to Germany, where they were used in racial “scientific” research. These studies, conducted under the influence of Social Darwinism and pseudoscientific theories such as phrenology, sought to link skull size to intelligence in order to provide a false scientific justification for colonialism and racial supremacy. Many historians view these crimes as a precursor to the genocidal practices of the Nazi Holocaust and as an important case study in understanding the development of European military structures and racist ideologies that would later shape modern world history.

#Africa #Namibia #History #World

STEVE BIKO

Steve Bantu Biko is viewed as the "father" of the Black Consciousness Movement and the anti-apartheid movement's first icon. Nelson Mandela called him "the spark that lit a veld fire across South Africa", adding that the government "had to kill him to prolong the life of apartheid". 

Between 1975 to 1976 there was a prolonged trial of nine Black Consciousness activists who had been charged with treason for organising pro-FRELIMO rallies in Natal to celebrate Mozambique's independence, despite police banning political gatherings.*

Biko as the leader of Black Consciousness Movement appeared as a witness for the defence and in one of the session he exposed judge's Boshoff (Queen's Counsel) ignorance  by schooling him on the political  happenings  in Kenya. 

This happened during a debate on the viability of one man one vote democracy in Africa. The exchange at the court went :

Biko: Yes, My Lord, let us take the Kenya situation for instance, where there has been a natural dealing of the opposition.

Judge Boshoff: But I thought that disappeared when Odinga Oginga (sic) was assassinated?

Biko: No, Oginga Odinga has not been assassinated, he is still alive.

Judge Boshoff: Tom Mboya?

Biko: Tom Mboya was with the governing party, and the governing party is still governing up until now.

Judge Boshoff: Yes, but then they found out that he had a certain adherence amongst the people and.. 

Biko: I think My Lord, you are mistaking Tom Mboya with Kariuki. It was Kariuki who was murdered, and it was Kariuki who had generated amongst the people a certain thought, but Kariuki was also operating from inside the governing party. You see, in Kenya there is a very good demonstration of what a one-party state can achieve by way of differing thought within the party. Kariuki was the advocate on the one hand of the common man, the worker, the servant in Kenya, against this whole development in Kenya, of a bourgeoisie within the ruling party. You had Kenyatta on the other hand who felt constantly attacked by Kariuki. Okay, Kariuki was allowed to air his views in parliament, he was allowed to hold meetings throughout the length and breadth of the country, but still operating from within KANU, which is the ruling party. This is the essence of a one-party state. That there is no need to divide your men and let them lead other parties to 

Judge Boshoff: Yes, but Kariuki didn't survive all this?

Biko: Oh well, My Lord, several politicians don't survive, it seems like Verwoerd didn't survive. [Laughter].

END:

By the time this trial was taking  place, Biko  was already a marked man. And, his confidence and fascinating performance in court only emboldened  the  apartheid government's stand that he was the incitor of trouble caused by the Black Consciousness activists in the country.

It is therefore  not surprising that just a couple  of months after his court appearance. He was arrested and beaten to death by state security officers. He died of a massive brain hemorrhage due to blunt trauma on the left side of his head.

South African writer Lindy Wilson in her book 'Steve Biko' revealed that Biko had great  admiration for Odinga. She wrote: "Biko himself identified particularly with Oginga Odinga, one of Kenya's national leaders."

Ideologically the two were African nationalists and African socialists.

#Africa #World

THOMAS FULLER

"He could calculate seconds in a year and a half in two minutes—in his head—while enslaved, illiterate, and never having seen a classroom.

His name was Thomas Fuller, though history also remembers him as ""Negro Tom"" and the ""Virginia Calculator.""

Born in Africa around 1710—in what is now Benin—Thomas was kidnapped and shipped to America as a slave in 1724, when he was just fourteen years old. He would spend the next 66 years enslaved on a Virginia farm, working the fields from sunrise to sunset.

He never learned to read. He never learned to write. He never received a single day of formal education.

But Thomas Fuller possessed one of the most extraordinary mathematical minds ever documented.

Late in his life—when he was already in his 70s—two antislavery campaigners named William Hartshorne and Samuel Coates heard rumors about an enslaved man with impossible calculating abilities. Skeptical but curious, they traveled to meet him.

What happened next was documented by Dr. Benjamin Rush, a Founding Father and prominent abolitionist, who published their account in 1789.

The tests they gave Thomas Fuller would challenge anyone with paper, pen, and time. He did them in his head, in minutes, while elderly and exhausted from decades of labor.

First challenge: ""How many seconds are there in a year and a half?""

Thomas closed his eyes. His lips moved slightly as he calculated. In approximately two minutes, he answered: ""47,304,000."" Correct.

Second challenge: ""How many seconds has a man lived who is 70 years, 17 days, and 12 hours old?""

This calculation requires accounting for regular years, leap years, days, and hours—converting everything into seconds and adding it all together. A person with paper and pen might take fifteen minutes.

Thomas answered in 90 seconds: ""2,210,500,800.""

One of the gentlemen, frantically calculating with paper and pen, told Thomas he was wrong—the number was too high.

Thomas replied immediately: ""Stop, massa, you forget the leap year.""

When they added the seconds from leap years, their written calculation matched Thomas's mental one exactly.

Third challenge: ""Suppose a farmer has six sows, and each sow has six female pigs in the first year, and they all increase in the same proportion for eight years—how many sows will the farmer then have?""

This is exponential growth calculation—the kind of math that requires understanding geometric progression. In ten minutes, Thomas answered: ""34,588,806.""

Again, perfect.

Dr. Rush noted that the longer time on this question was because Thomas initially misunderstood the wording, not because the calculation was harder for him.

Hartshorne and Coates were astounded. Here was a man who'd never been taught mathematics, who couldn't read numbers on a page, who'd spent 66 years doing backbreaking farm labor—and he could outperform educated mathematicians using nothing but his mind.

But what struck them most was something else.

Despite being in his 70s, grey-haired and showing signs of age and exhaustion, Thomas was still sharp. They suspected his abilities must have been even more remarkable in his youth, when decades of hard labor hadn't yet worn him down.

When Mr. Coates remarked that it was a tragedy Thomas had never received an education equal to his genius, Thomas replied with words that cut straight to the heart:

""No, massa, it is best I had no learning, for many learned men be great fools.""

Think about what those words reveal. Here was a man who understood his own brilliance, who recognized that formal education and actual intelligence are not the same thing, who'd maintained his dignity despite being enslaved and denied every opportunity.

Thomas Fuller died in 1790 at approximately 80 years old—still enslaved, still on that Virginia farm.

But before he died, his story served a crucial purpose.

Abolitionists like Dr. Benjamin Rush used Thomas Fuller as living proof against the racist pseudoscience of their era—the claims that African people were intellectually inferior, that slavery was justified because enslaved people couldn't handle freedom or education.

Here was undeniable evidence: a man kidnapped from Africa, denied education, worked to exhaustion, and yet possessing mathematical abilities that rivaled or exceeded university-trained scholars.

No one could challenge his genius. No one could explain it away.

Thomas Fuller's mind was a gift that slavery tried to bury—but couldn't quite hide.

Today, we remember him not just for his calculations, but for what he represents: the countless brilliant minds stolen by slavery, the genius that persisted despite every attempt to crush it, the human potential that flourished even in chains.

How many other Thomas Fullers were there? How many remarkable minds were lost to slavery, never discovered, never documented, never given the chance to show the world what they could do?

We'll never know. But we know there was at least one.

And his name was Thomas Fuller—the man who could calculate 47 million seconds in two minutes, who never forgot the leap years, who knew that wisdom and formal learning aren't always the same thing.

The Virginia Calculator. Negro Tom.

But most importantly: Thomas Fuller, mathematical genius, who proved that brilliance cannot be enslaved—even when the body is.

Thomas Fuller (c. 1710-1790)

Mental calculator. Mathematical prodigy. Living proof.

#Africa #History #AfricanHistory #Historia

THE ISHOWSPEED REVOLUTION

HUKU Kenya IShowSpeed touched down in Kenya, flipped on the camera and suddenly the Western media’s entire script on Africa went into the recycling bin. No sad documentary voice. They painted a single, horrifying mural across a continent of 54 countries, over 2000 languages and boundless beauty. The brushstrokes? "Poverty." "Jungles." "War." "Animals." "Mud huts." "No water." A place to be pitied, saved or exploited never a place to be seen as equal, modern and joyful.We hit 48 million subscribers watching a guy walk around modern cities, driving on smooth tarmac and vibing with people who have better Wi-Fi connections than half of New York.

For years, the West has tried to sell Africa as one big, open-air museum of struggle. They painted a picture so distorted you’d think we all wake up, wrestle a lion for breakfast and then log onto the internet using a tree branch. They sold the idea that Africa is just one country, no borders, no diversity, just “The Jungle.” According to the narrative they pushed, we don’t have shoes, we live in mud huts with giraffes as roommates.and we’re apparently all waiting for a savior to drop a bag of rice from a helicopter.

But the stream didn’t show that. It showed skyscrapers. It showed cars. It showed people with iPhones, designer fits and a standard of living that doesn’t involve running away from hyenas on the way to the grocery store. The “no food, no water” narrative got exposed for the scam it is when the world saw Kenyans eating better than most people in the West.

But let’s talk about Nairobi, innit? The energy was absolutely electric. When Speed stepped out, he wasn't treated like a tourist; he was welcomed like a long-lost brother who finally came home for dinner. The crowd was massive, thousands deep cheering, hugging and showing love like they’ve known him for years. That is the Kenyan magic. We don't do strangers here; everyone is family until proven otherwise.

Kenyans are hands down the most welcoming people on the planet. We’ve got humor for days, always ready with a joke or a laugh to keep the vibes high. We are a genuinely happy nation, fueled by good music, good food and the ability to turn any situation into a celebration. The West tried to paint us as poor and miserable, but Nairobi showed the world we are rich in spirit, rich in culture and rich in love.

The funniest part is the sheer confusion on the faces of people who truly believed we live in trees. Imagine tuning in expecting a National Geographic survival special and instead getting a hype concert in a metropolis. The bubble didn’t just burst; it exploded. The West spent decades trying to convince the world that Africa is a place of pity, but Speed showed them it’s actually a place of party.

And the vibe? Pure love. No racism, just one massive family welcoming a guest with open arms. It turns out the “dark continent” narrative was just a projection of the West’s own darkness. We’re over here living life, enjoying clean water and scrolling on high-speed internet while they’re still wondering why we aren’t wearing cloth and walking naked.

Africa isn’t poor; it was just poorly marketed by people with an agenda. Thanks to the stream, the world finally got to see the real Africa: beautiful, modern, peaceful and definitely not living in a tree.

The greatest damage the West did wasn't to our economies aloneit was to the global psyche. They sold the world a lie about us and sold us a lie about ourselves. They made our beauty an anomaly and our struggle our only identity.

But the internet is the truth serum. The satellite is the equalizer.

@IShowspeed' s stream was more than entertainment. It was a digital decolonization. A mass correction of the record. 48 million people just got a notification: Your mental image of Africa is a propaganda file. Delete it.

The revolution will be televised.

#Africa #Kenya #IShowSpeed #African #World

BAD NEWS: OUR FATHER, THE AKRAN OF BADAGRY HAS TRANSITED

Badagry Kingdom - nay the African traditional/culture sector - has been thrown into mourning. His Imperial Majesty, De Wheno Aholu Menu-Toyi I (OFR, LLD, DLitt, JP), the Akran of Badagry has transited to the abode of his ancestors.

This is one death so painful and certainly, the end of an era.

Only yesterday, I had a discussion with my long-time friend, Chief Emmanuel Afolabi Hunkanlin (Ijinla) concerning my planned visit to Badagry and Cotonou. I had thought I’d visit the palace of the Akran to greet Daddy after a long time.

Only people like Chief Hunkanlin and a few others knew my real affinity with the palace.

It was sometime in 1985 that I visited the palace for the first time. The then Director/CEO of the Lagos State Council for Arts and Culture, Mr. (now Oba) Gbenga Sonuga had led us to pay homage to a royal father of exemplary character and discipline. We enjoyed ourselves that day. We had highly memorable moments in the presence of the monarch we fondly called Daddy.

Three years later, my godmother got married to Kabiyesi. I then became a regular visitor to the palace. On each visit, she would hand me the key to what later became my personal room, and which I retained for a long time.

Anytime I visited the palace, Olori Bimbo would not allow me to go back the same day. I must sleep over. And I must go and pay homage to Daddy first before any other activities commenced. 

When I joined Ambassador Segun Olusola’s Ajibulu-Moniya Gallery in 1997, there were so many things to do with Badagry and most of them were connected to the palace.

In August 2001, Chief Hunkanlin and I organised an event that shook Badagry to its foundation. It was the UNESCO-declared International Day for the Slave Trade and its abolition. We had a mix of cultural/musical performances from Lagos and Badagry. We also enacted the Slave Trade practice, which drew tears from the audience. In the night, we had a large number of people who actively participated in the specially organised Candle Light Procession in rememberance of those slaves of yesteryears. The Akran and Chief Olusola sat next to each other to grace the early day events. 

It was one event I was super proud to be part of. Until I moved to Abuja, I never kept away from the palace.

Till date, Badagry still remains my second home. The peace of the clime is enough to keep one’s mind away from the hustle and bustle of Lagos.

Daddy may have exited, his royal legacies will continue to endure for generations to come.

I commiserate with myself, the entire Family, the Palace and the entire sons and daughters of Badagry. 

Journey well, Daddy.

Aaaaaweeeew!!!nlin

THE RICHEST SENATOR IN NIGERIA SENATOR GEORGE THOMPSON SEKIBO COMMAMDER OF THE ORDER OF THE NIGER, CON DISTINGUISHED SERVICE STAR OF RIVERS STATE, DSSRS & JUSTICE OF THE PEACE

Distinguished Senator George Thompson Sekibo, a Commander of the Order of the Niger (CON), a Distinguished Service Star of Rivers State.

(DSSRS) and a Justice of the Peace was born in Ogu Town, Ogu/Bolo Local Government Area, Rivers State of Nigeria.

BACKGROUND / EDUCATION:

Distinguished Senator Sekibo started his primary education at St. Martin’s School, Ogu, in 1965. This was cut short following the outbreak of the civil war in 1967. He resumed his education in 1970 and obtained the First School Leaving Certificate with a Distinction in 1975.

Senator George Sekibo proceeded to Government Secondary School, Ogu, for his post primary education where he emerged as one of the brightest students ever produced by the school, leading his class all through and graduating with a Grade One in the West African School Certificate

Examination in 1980.

To fulfill his dream of becoming an Architect, Senator Sekibo attended the Rivers State University of Science and Technology Port Harcourt and graduated with a Bachelor of Technology degree in Architecture in 1985. He also obtained a Masters degree in Environmental Engineering from the University of Port-Harcourt in 2008.

As a lover of education, Senator Sekibo has attended some specialized courses in overseas and obtained certificates prominent among them are:

(i). Certificate of Nigerian Extended Continental Shelf Project Phase II. Canada (2003);

(ii). Rivers Boundaries; Practicalities and Solutions, Durham University UK, (2005);

(iii). Boundary Negotiations and Dispute Resolution, Durham University UK, (2005);

(iv). Specialized Arbitration & Advocacy Skills in International Oil and Gas Disputes, University of Dundee, (2008);

(v). Budget Management and Oversight by Parliaments: Practical Guides, Tools and Challenges: African Training and Research Centre in Administration for Development, Tangier, Morocco, (2009).

(vi). Senator George Sekibo obtained a certificate of Competence in Modern Management from the London Graduate School in 2011.

Distinguished Senator Sekibo joined partisan politics in 1987 and was elected Local Government Council Chairman of Okrika/Oyigbo/Tai-Eleme Local Government Council. For his sagacity, Senator Sekibo was duly honoured with the award of Best Performing Local Government Chairman by the Rivers State Government in 1988.

Following the creation of Okrika Local Government Area in April 1989, Senator George Sekibo became the first Executive Chairman of the new Local Government Area.

In 1999, he was appointed Special Adviser on Projects to the Governor of Rivers State in which capacity he superintended over the execution of special projects in various parts of Rivers State till 2003.

In April 2003, Senator George Thompson Sekibo was elected into the House of Representatives to represent the Okrika/Ogu-Bolo Federal Constituency where he dutifully served as Chairman of the House Committee on Special Duties.

During this period in the House of Representatives, he led the House Committee on Special Duties to facilitate the passage into law of two Acts, namely; the National Boundary Commission (Establishment etc.) Act, 2005 and Border Communities Development Agency (Amendment) Act 2006. He also led the Committee to successfully organize a National Summit on National Boundary Disputes in 2005.

In 2007, Senator Sekibo was again elected for a higher responsibility, to represent the Rivers East Senatorial District, where again he proved himself as a quintessential legislator. He was Chairman, Senate Committee on Solid Minerals. His humility in service also endeared him to his colleagues in both the House of Representatives and the Senate who unanimously elected him the Caucus Leader of the Rivers State National Assembly members.

Senator Sekibo was re-elected to the Senate for another four-year term (2011-2015). His pragmatic, proficient and diligent approach to issues predisposed the leadership of the Senate to appoint him to chair the Senate Committee on Defence and Army at a time of major National Security challenge in the North Eastern part of the country. He doggedness and decisive approach to the challenges were duly appreciated by all and sundry.

Again, in 2015, he was elected to the Senate for a third term to serve his Senatorial District. The Nigerian Senate appointed him to chair the Senate Committee on the Interior until political impasse that bedeviled Rivers State where he was removed by the Court of Appeal in August 2016, over midway into his third term in the Senate.

Senator George Thompson Sekibo, a sagacious lawmaker has sponsored several Bills and Motions which are targeted towards national Unity, cohesion and advancement.

Senator George Thompson Sekibo has been Parliamentary Caucus Leader of the Rivers Legislators from 2003 till August 2017.

PARLIAMENTARY DELEGATIONS:

National Delegation in conjunction with the National Boundary Commission on the Observance of the Brazilian Submission of their Claim on their Continental Shelf United Nations, New York, USA 2004

National Delegation in conjunction with the National Boundary Commission for the Phase11 briefing of the Nigerian Extended Continental Shelf Project Phase 11 New York, USA 2004

National Delegation in conjunction with the National Boundary Commission for the briefing of the Nigerian Extended Continental Shelf Project Phase 111 New York, USA 2005

PHILANTROPISM:

Senator Sekibo is the sponsor of several humanitarian programmes and community projects including the award of scholarship and special bursary to orphans in tertiary schools; financial grants to widows for small scale businesses within and outside his state of origin; donation of Computers to Secondary Schools in his Constituency; Medical care for patients with Hernia and Eye problems requiring surgery. His pet project (Care for the Elderly) has been a source of hope for the aged in his constituency.

INVESTITURES / INDUCTIONS

His commitment to duty, hard work and diligence has bestowed on him the following investitures and Inductions tp wit:

(i). Fellow, Nigerian Institute of Management;

(ii). Honorary Fellow, Nigerian Institute of Architects

(iii). Fellow, Institute of Treasury and Financial Administration

(iv). Fellow, Institute for Government Research and Leadership Technology;

(v). Fellow, African Business School (Hall of Fame);

(vi). Fellow Institute of Chartered Economists of Nigeria;

(vii). Fellow, Institute of Public Administration of Nigeria;

(viii). Honorary Fellow, Nigerian Institute of Building;

(ix). Fellow, Institute of Credit Administrators of Nigeria;

(x). Member, Nigerian Environmental Society;

(xi). Member, Nigerian Institute of Building;