THE POKOT PEOPLE FROM THE GREAT RIFT VALLEY IN KENYA AND UGANDA 🇰🇪 🇺🇬

The Pokot people are an indigenous Nilotic community living in West Pokot County in Kenya and neighboring parts of eastern Uganda. For generations, they have preserved a rich cultural heritage built on courage, resilience, and a deep connection to their land and livestock.

Traditionally, the Pokot are both pastoralists and farmers. Cattle, goats, and sheep are central to their way of life, providing not only food and income but also symbolizing wealth, family, and social status.

The Pokot are known for their vibrant cultural ceremonies, traditional songs, energetic dances, colorful beadwork, and distinctive attire. Elders play an important role in guiding the community, preserving customs, and passing down wisdom from one generation to the next.

Like many African communities, the Pokot have embraced aspects of modern life while continuing to celebrate and protect the traditions that define their identity.

The Pokot remind us that Africa's strength lies in its diverse cultures, each carrying a unique story, wisdom, and heritage worth preserving.

What traditional African culture would you love to learn more about? Share your thoughts in the comment Section !

🌍 Every tribe has a story. Every culture deserves respect. Join us as we celebrate the beauty and diversity of Africa—one story at a time.

#Africa #Pokot #Kenya #African

BREAKING!!! YET ANOTHER ONE, ₦54 Billion Naira!

President Bola Tinubu's Chief Of Staff, Femi Gbajabiamila, May Finally Be Sacked; Lands In Fresh N54 Billion Oil And Gas Royalties Corruption Scandal; Leaked Damning Aso Rock Memo Emerges; Says He Was Merely Carrying Out The President's Instructions, Nothing More And Nothing Less

An emerging report published by Peoples Gazette, on Monday, alleged that President Bola Tinubu's Chief of Staff, Femi Gbajabiamila, diverted billions of naira in Oil and Gas royalties from the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission, NUPRC, through what the newspaper described as a non-existent Legal provisions.

According to the report, weeks after President Tinubu assumed Office in 2023, Gbajabiamila allegedly began seeking for funds from several high-revenue Agencies, including the Federal Inland Revenue Service (now the Nigeria Revenue Service), NRS, the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency, NIMASA, and the Nigeria Customs Service, NCS.

The report claimed that the NUPRC was also targeted, alleging that Gbajabiamila drafted a memo requesting that 4 percent of the Commission's cost of collection be split into two components: 2.5 percent for operations and routine capital expenditure, and 1.5 percent for capital expenditure.

"Mr. President has directed that the Budget Office and the Accountant-General of the Federation implement the approval in paragraph 2(a) above and ring-fence the 1.5 percent, which may only be utilised for upgrading crude oil and gas metering and transparency systems upon obtaining relevant approvals", Mr. Gbajabiamila reportedly stated in a memo dated July 4, 2023.

According to the report, Gbajabiamila justified the directive by citing Section 24(2)(c) of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2023.

"The authority to collect these fees is vested in Statute - Section 24(2)(c) of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) (2023). However, the specific percentage collectable is subject to Presidential approval", the memo reportedly stated.

However, Peoples Gazette said that its review of the Law found that the cited section did not authorise the collection of tens of billions of naira.

"The source of the Commission Fund shall be as follows - (c) cost of collection by the Commission", Section 24(2) (c) of the PIA reportedly states.

The newspaper argued that the provision does not empower the Presidency or Chief of Staff to claim approximately ₦54 billion from the Commission's funds.

Responding to the report, the Presidency defended Gbajabiamila, saying that he merely carried out the President's directive and that the approval was lawful. It did not directly address the newspaper's claim regarding the cited Legal provision, maintaining instead, that there is no "smoking gun".

"Gbajabiamila did not commandeer any money.

"The Presidential order given to the NUPRC is within the right of Mr. President as President and Commander-in-Chief", Presidential Spokesman, Bayo Onanuga, told Peoples Gazette. 

The report further argued that Section 24(1) of the Petroleum Industry Act, places the Commission's funds under the appropriation of the National Assembly, stating: "The Commission shall maintain a fund into which money accruing to the Commission shall be paid, and all expenditures of the Commission shall be subject to appropriation by the National Assembly."

According to the newspaper, the Commission's cost of collection rose from ₦98 billion in 2022, to ₦145 billion, following President Tinubu's exchange-rate unification policy, adding that, whether the President's directive amounted to Constitutional overreach would ultimately be for the Courts to determine.

The report also recalled previously reported allegations made in 2022, that while serving as Speaker of the House of Representatives, Gbajabiamila accepted $2 million in bribes, in connection with the passage of the Petroleum Industry Bill, PIB. It noted that Gbajabiamila has denied wrongdoing.

Finally, the newspaper referenced the ongoing controversy surrounding the Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council, PFIPC, where Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi, who identified himself as the Council's Director-General, accused Gbajabiamila of receiving ₦400 million through a proxy, and later demanded an additional ₦200 million to facilitate his appointment.

EXCLUSIVE: Kidnap suspects open up: How we planned Adelabu’s sister, twins kidnap

•…Initial plan was to abduct ex-minister’s mum 

•…Suspect speaks on their links with governorship aspirants

*How I was arrested — Solution*

Before his arrest by the operatives of the Force Intelligence Department-Intelligence Response Team (FID-IRT) and other tactical teams in Oyo State Police Command, Segun Balogun a.k.a. Alawaye was known among other drivers at the Motor Park in Iwo Road Area of Ibadan, Oyo State where he used to convey passengers to their destinations. Unknown to many, he decided to choose another route to make money.

He applied his driving skill to conveying members of a kidnap gang he joined to their operations and taking the victims to the ‘safe house’ prepared for them. This he hid very well until the gang’s cup became full. Alawaye is among the suspects arrested for their alleged involvement in the kidnap of the former Minister of Power, Chief Adebayo Adelabu’s sister, Mrs Olaide Busayo Adegoke, and her twin sons.

Segun has confessed to how he took the gang leader, Adewale Abolarinwa a.k.a. Oloro to the house where Adelabu’s extended family members reside, in preparation for the kidnap carried out on June 3.

Segun and one of the men working with a politician (name withheld), revealed how he was approached by Oloro, for the kidnap of the woman and her twin children.

It will be recalled that the kidnap victims were rescued last Saturday from where they were held hostage at Lako Community on Ayegun-Olomi Road, Ibadan, by police operatives following the directive of the Inspector-General of Police, IGP Olatunji Rilwan Disu.

Also arrested were the gang leader, Adewale Abolarinwa a.k.a Oloro, and Dare Oyedele a k.a Solution. It was learnt that Solution was well known as an automobile electrical technician, especially at Orita Challenge area, up to Podo area and its environs in Ibadan. He was also said to have a business where he accommodated other automobile technicians’ workshops. Saturday Tribune discovered that many people who knew him very well are still finding it hard to believe that the same Solution  was a kidnap gang member.

According to police sources, the plan to kidnap the twins started on May 5. They mounted surveillance on the compound where the twins live and on the conveyance of the children, to and from school. It was learnt that Solution took up the job of officer in charge of surveillance for the kidnap gang, trailing the targeted twins. Communications between Oloro and Solution, which were intercepted by the IRT operatives, indicated the kidnap gang’s preparedness towards the kidnap operation. 

Unknown to the targeted family, Solution knew the school being attended by the twins, he knew the process of opening the gates whenever the car approached the residence of the victims. He knew the make of the vehicle with its tinted side glasses. He observed the smartness of the driver. He knew when the grandmother (ex-minister’s mother) was in the compound.

In one of the intercepted messages, Solution was heard describing the school being attended by the children as posh, equipped with air conditioners and very expensive. Also, Solution, in a chat with Oloro, spoke on how he followed the driver back home to understudy the situation in the environment where the targets were residing, to which Oloro responded that Solution should not allow their plans to drag before they would strike.

Further information gathered about Solution revealed that he owned two buildings within the Ayegun Community and was the one who helped to get the caretaker from whom the gang rented the house turned into a kidnappers’ den. It was also discovered that his younger brother was living in the same area but had fled since the lid of the gang’s atrocities was blown open. During a search, a pump action gun was reported to have been found in Solution’s house, totalling three guns recovered from the gang.

Before the rescue of the victims and arrest of the suspects, information had it that the repeated kidnappings within Ibadan had raised suspicion about Oloro’s likely involvement, prompting a kickstart of intelligence-led gathering of information about him, especially when he allegedly jumped bail after his release from prison for a previous kidnap offence.

Since Alawaye was known to be Oloro’s friend, operatives of the Monitoring Unit, reportedly met and asked him of Oloro’s whereabouts, to which he responded that he had been calling him but had not been able to reach him. However, the operatives’ eagle eyes saw that he was making attempts to delete some information from his phone, which made them snatch it from him to have a look at what he was trying to do. To their surprise, they reportedly stumbled on a message involving the purchase of a gun by Oloro who told Alawaye that the gun seller had refused to give him the weapon after taking his money.

With that, the operatives detained the suspect for investigation, unknown to them that he was part of the kidnapping that occurred a day before he was picked. His involvement was revealed two days after.

*Oloro asked me if Adebayo Adelabu still had a mother, and I said yes. He asked me again about where she was living and I told him — Suspect*

In an interview with Saturday Tribune inside the cell, Segun, aged 47 and an Ibadan indigene, opened up on his membership of the kidnap gang: “I’m a driver who transports passengers from Iwo Road Motor Park at World Oil axis. I didn’t start the operation with the gang from the onset. I have known Oloro for more than 10 years in our transport union. At a point, he committed some crimes and was arrested and remanded. Later, we heard that he was in Lagos.

“Along the line, he returned to Ibadan. One day, I saw him at Iwo Road Motor Park. It was in 2025. He gave me his phone number and some money. We used to chat.

“On a particular day, the transport union chairman and I were discussing Oloro, wondering what he was doing as a job.  Before then, a police officer who had been looking for Oloro had told us that he jumped bail. We called him, and he came to us. We discussed his atrocities with him, and he promised not to do such again. He even placed a curse on himself if he ever committed a crime again.

“Oloro started frequenting the motor park. Then, we started discussing about upcoming elections and campaigns. In 2019, Oloro and I worked for (name withheld). When he did not win (the governorship), I left the motor park.

“This time (2026/27), we decided to work for  (the 2019 candidate who did not win), and we used to call one another. However, at a time, he (Oloro) was not responding to my calls frequently as he said he was busy in Lagos. On his return to Ibadan, he stopped coming to the political group’s outings.

“Recently, Oloro moved to the camp (of the man who won the primary, name withheld), but I told them I would stay with (the old governorship aspirant, name withheld).

However, that didn’t stop us from interacting. One day, in May, while we sat together, Oloro asked me if (Adebayo) Adelabu still had a mother, and I said yes. He asked me again about where she was living and I told him. He said I should take him to the place. One day we went to Liberty Stadium for (an aspirant’s) declaration. From there, we proceeded to Adelabu’s mother’s house.

“After showing him the house, he opened upl to me that he was planning to kidnap the mother or a child from the Adelabu family. The reason he gave was that he was broke. He asked me to join him also, pointing out that I was also broke and just driving without making much money. He promised to pay me well and I agreed to join him. My role was to drive the vehicle used for the kidnap operation.

“On Tuesday, June 2, he called and told me that the operation would be carried out the following day. He described the spot where I would join him along expressway at Soka area. After we met on Wednesday, we left for Podo area where Solution was domiciled. From Podo, we left for Challenge. We were four in the operational vehicle — Oloro, Solution, Kelechi and me. I was the driver while three others were masked. We parked the car for about 20 minutes, waiting for the car conveying the children to school to pass by. Oloro had thought that a driver would be the one with the children. The twins were his target to collect ransom.

“As Oloro saw the targeted car, he asked me to follow it, then directed me to swerve and block it at the front. He and two others got down and bundled the mother and the children into our operational car. I drove the car to Ayegun, got down and left others. My heart was pumping hard. Inwardly, I was so afraid. Since that day till now, I have been unable to eat. I have been drinking water only.”

*How I was arrested*

“On Thursday, I was called by a police officer and a member of our transport union. I was told to enter the police vehicle. There, I was told that they were searching for Oloro. My heart flustered, but I also knew he had other issues, so I suggested we call him. We did, but he didn’t pick the calls. Later, he sent me a voice note, and the police took the phone from me. They heard other voice notes in which Oloro complained to me about the person he wanted to buy a gun from but who took the money without giving him the gun. That was how the police officers said I knew about gun purchase by Oloro. I was arrested, after which the police got to know about my involvement in the kidnapping on Saturday when Oloro was captured.”

*During the operation, three of us, Oloro, Kelechi and I, used masks —Solution*

The second suspect, Solution, also told his own story: “I’m aged 43. I’m from Ishara Remo in Ogun State, but Ibadan-based. I’m a member of Oodua People’s Congress (OPC). I trained in rewiring. I have a business named Solution Land Automobile Service. I got to know Oloro about a year ago. Oloro was initially a member of OPC  but was expelled after the kidnap case he had back then. I heard about him from OPC members. He later went to Lagos but used to come to Ibadan. I didn’t know how he got my number. He called me and started interacting with me. He was a cab driver in Lagos, and whenever he needed money, he would call me and I would send him some amount.

“He came to Ibadan one day and asked me to meet him at Toll Gate at  Ibadan end of the Lagos-Ibadan expressway. He told me that he wanted to move around the city, asking if I could get him a vehicle for about a week. I told him I couldn’t because that day was the first time I was seeing him face-to-face and the car with me was not mine. I was repairing a vehicle’s gear that would need running for a week. However, I said I could go with him to wherever he wanted to go. That was last year.

“He was using his Corolla car for the operation. He bought it at Gbagi area about seven months ago. He informed me about joining his kidnap gang about six months ago, but what he asked me to do was to follow him in my own car. For example, if he was going to Iwo Road, he would ask me to wait at Oremeji area. After a while, he would ask me to make a U-turn. Sometimes, he would just call and tell me to join him at (a popular joint at Podo) or Mokola or another place. Whenever we returned from those places, I would be wondering on the reason for the patrol.

“I knew two people with him then. One of them was TJ who used to come to Ibadan from Lagos. Another one is a commercial motorcyclist at Apata area of Ibadan. I believe he introduced the operation to me when those ones were no longer with him. He said he wanted to use my car, but when he saw it, he told me it was too small. He brought one Toyota Corolla belonging to Kelechi to my house at Podo area on Tuesday, June 2. There were two pump action guns in it.

“On Wednesday morning, Oloro came to my place in his own Toyota Corolla car. The key of the car brought to me the previous day was handed over to Alawaye.

“During the operation, three of us – Oloro, Kelechi and I – used masks. Alawaye did not use a mask because he sat in the car. Oloro gave me an axe to hold. He and Kelechi held the two pump action guns. Oloro was the one who broke the side glass of the car conveying our victims. He opened the door and told me to pick one of the children who sat in the front. Kelechi picked the second child. Oloro was the one who bundled the mother into the car.

“The person who was preparing food for the captives was Oloro’s relative. He didn’t follow us for the operation, but it was as if he was always invited to handle feeding of the victims. Whenever Oloro needed money, he would ask me to lend him. I didn’t know how much was demanded as ransom because it was Oloro and Kelechi that used to go and collect it  wherever they told the family of the victims to drop it.

“Before the last operation which I joined, he once gave me N300,000 for following him with my car. He gave me N200,000 at another time.”

How I was arrested

“On Thursday, the day after the operation, I called Oloro, but he didn’t pick my calls. On Friday, it was the same thing. I was disturbed by that but shrugged my shoulders and continued with my life. I was at home on Saturday but later went to Top One to relax. While there, I messaged him, asking for the reason he was not picking my calls, but he didn’t respond immediately. Later he asked me where I was and I told him. He said he would come to join me. That was when police arrived to arrest me. By then, Oloro had not told me the amount I would get as my share of the ransom when paid.

“I don’t know how I got into such a crime. I have a lucrative business. If God can save me from this, I will never venture near crime again.”

Getting Oloro for an interview was a difficult task. He has refused to talk since Sunday when the Commissioner of Police, Olugbenga Ayodeji Abimbola, briefed journalists on how the victims were rescued and suspects arrested, with two of them neutralised. It was learnt that not only has Oloro refused to talk, he also shunned food and water, and was soiling himself with urine and faeces in the cell he was kept in. On Tuesday, Saturday Tribune learnt that he was taken to hospital because of his condition but he refused to respond to doctor’s questions to know the treatment he needed.

Oloro was said to possess many charms recovered from him. The FID-IRT operatives said the charms he possessed were so many that some were even found in his car.

*Past kidnap operations*

Among the arrested suspects, Oloro had been known to be deep in criminal activities. On September 20, 2022, he was paraded by the Oyo State Police Command after his arrest along with his kidnap gang leader, BJ by the Monitoring Unit. At that time, the duo, with other suspects carried out several kidnappings within Ibadan and Ogun State. In his confession during an interview in a story published in Saturday Tribune on September 24, 2022, Oloro confessed that before he was caught for kidnapping, he had once been arrested for snatching cars at gunpoint which resulted in his being remanded in prison. But, according to him, he secured freedom when he enjoyed what he called “prerogative of mercy” which he claimed was bestowed on him by the judiciary.

After his arraignment for the kidnap, Oloro, who claimed to be a Muslim and Ogun worshipper, and another suspect, Aleshe, were remanded in prison as the matter was being heard in court. However, it was learnt that Aleshe was released on bail on April 26, 2024, because of a contagious disease he had, while it is yet unclear the reason Oloro secured a bail also.

However, Aleshe allegedly returned to kidnapping less than a month after he was granted bail, as he carried out an operation on May 16, 2024. Aleshe continued until he was arrested by the Anti-Kidnapping Squad in Ogun State. A credible source confirmed to Saturday Tribune that Aleshe is still in prison in Abeokuta.

THE 2026 FIFA WORLD CUP EXPERIENCE

One of the most interesting things I've heard about this world Cup, has been the role of evangelical/protestant faiths in changing people's societies/cultures almost in irreversible ways.

This whole discussion came from Brazil. Brazil has been a legendary country in football matters until this century if I'm not wrong. They were a powerhouse in world cups. Until matches like the 2014 match against Germany that saw Germany score 7 goals. Something that would have been extraordinary had it not been THE Brazil that was at the receiving end of it.

And so people have really tried to figure out where the rain started beating Brazil.

Some people ( from outside Brazil) are claiming that it's because the kids are not coming from the favelas anymore. The brilliant football kids that turn into world sensations.  But that has been disproven as most Brazilian footballers were not from the favelas even in the 20th century when Brazil was at the top of World Football.

And so the most interesting explanation has been the rise of evangelism.

Now what has fascinated me about this theory is that regardless of how much it applies to Brazilian football or not,  it definitely makes so much sense for other countries that saw the evangelical movement of the 80s going on forward.

And the theory is this, countries like Brazil, were mostly catholics. But their Catholicism did not erase their culture. In fact, to some extent, it integrated it. For those familiar with occult or witchcraft rituals,  you know that the Brazilians and some Latin countries have witchcraft rituals that feel very Catholic. Like they are calling for Catholic saints as others call for ancestors or spirits in the same rituals.

In simple terms, you could be fully into your culture,  complete with talking to ancestors,  having your rights of passage just like your forefathers, having your superstitions, while being a good Catholic.  Your religion did not take away from your culture. They co-existed.

And Brazilians say that that then allowed for the "Latino spirit" of passion and community to seep into everything.  From songs, to their soap operas to football.

I'm not a football person,  so I can't bring out how they've explained how that "passion and community sense" seeped into how Brazilians played football.  Almost like a dance. It's what made their matches interesting in the 20th century.  That they went beyond the usual European formation that has currently dominated the game. That watching them was like watching a body made of different parts that complement each other.  Like a beautiful soul dance where you let the music move you even as you observe the rules.

But Brazilian evangelism came a bit later than African countries evangelism.  So while African countries were ditching stiff churches for dancing churches..Brazil got there this century. 

But what does religion have to do with football?

Whereas the Catholic religion in Brazil had been made to exist alongside people's cultures and other beliefs, protestantism forces people to abandon their cultures. You can't be lighting candles to ancestors and still going to church.  You have to choose one.

And so this has seen people become stiff. The community spirit is being replaced by individualism. The passion is being replaced by " God's will".

So for example,  Brazilians are saying that in the 20th century, both the team and country took excelling at football to heart. You could touch the national pressure on their team to represent them well. That fiery passion we talked about earlier.

But right now, in the streets, that passion has been replaced by " God's will". If the team wins, then Praise God. If it doesn't, it was God's plan. That spirit of passion is gone.

And football is just where the rest of us can observe the effects of that evangelical shift. 

But it's zombifying effects are in every country that got the evangelism gospel. People start praying for things they should be voting for. They start excusing bad leaders with " God's plan".

There is a barreenness that comes with that very specific evangelism spirit from the West.

Remember this isn't about Christianity alone. Muslim people have their own shift that occurred a bit later than the evangelism shift.

Where if you read of Somalia before the war, or even Western and Northern Africa, Islam of before radicalisation co-existed with African cultures. There was no choice to make. You could exist as a person fully immersed in your community,  and still be Muslim. Most African Muslim women did not even wear the Hijab by the way. They wore the same dresses their Christian counterparts wore. Somali may even apparently be the one that gave us the very famous Deras in Kenyan households.

Till the radicalisation came. With it came women now wearing black mostly and wearing Hijabs. Now governments have to watch out because any time soon a young Muslim man could be blowing up random people to get to their heaven. From Somalia to Nigeria. Same Islam radicalisation.

So the problem isn't religion. It's these particular waves of intense religions that have spread in the last 40 or so years that are worrying.  Remember some people in Western Kenya, during colonisation, actually used Christianity to start a sect that opposed colonisation.

Yet somehow, the radicalisation of today's religion,  does not ever lead to people standing up for oppression.  Instead, it co-exists with government oppression,  and even goes ahead and makes people better individualised zombies that can be oppressed while asking God for help but not doing anything materially to revolt.

Is it any wonder, that this seems like a deliberate plot from the CIA to destabilise people,  right from their very souls?

Source: Mwende Kyalo

Babatunde Omidina (Baba Suwe): The Life of Nigeria's Comedy Legend

When the history of Nigerian comedy is written, one name will forever stand among the greatest—Babatunde Omidina, popularly known as Baba Suwe. For more than three decades, he brought laughter into millions of homes through his unforgettable performances in Yoruba films. His unique facial expressions, witty dialogue, energetic acting style, and natural comedic talent made him one of the most beloved actors in Nigeria's entertainment industry.

Born on 22 August 1958 on Inabere Street, Lagos Island, in what was then British Nigeria, Baba Suwe was of Igbogbo, Ikorodu, Lagos State, origin. Although he grew up in Lagos, he spent part of his childhood in Osogbo, where he attended Children Boarding School and later Ifeoluwa Grammar School, earning his West African School Certificate. He also attended Jamaitul Islamia Primary School in Lagos and Adekanbi Commercial High School before completing his education.

Baba Suwe discovered his passion for acting at a young age and joined the Nigerian theatre scene in the early 1970s. His talent quickly caught the attention of established actors and producers. He appeared in several stage plays before making his way into Yoruba-language films. His breakthrough came after featuring in Omolasan, but it was the 1997 movie Iru Esin, produced by Olaiya Igwe, that transformed him into a household name across Nigeria.

From that moment, Baba Suwe became one of the biggest stars in Yoruba cinema. His ability to portray funny, troublesome, clever, and sometimes unlucky characters made him a fan favourite. His comic timing was exceptional, and his performances appealed to both young and old audiences. Throughout the late 1990s and 2000s, he dominated the Yoruba movie industry, appearing in numerous successful productions.

Some of his most popular films include Ba O Ku, Baba Londoner, Aso Ibora, Obelomo, Elebolo, Larinloodu, Kotan Sibe, Sikiratu Sindodo, Baba Jaiye Jaiye, and Maradona, among many others. His movies were watched not only in Nigeria but also by Yoruba-speaking audiences around the world.

Beyond acting, Baba Suwe also worked as a film producer and mentor, helping to promote Yoruba culture and entertainment. His influence inspired a new generation of actors and comedians who admired his originality and dedication to his craft.

In his personal life, Baba Suwe married fellow actress Monsurat Omidina, popularly known as Moladun Kenkelewu. The couple shared a successful career in the entertainment industry until her death in 2009, which deeply affected him. He later remarried and was blessed with children.

One of the most difficult moments of Baba Suwe's life came in October 2011, when he was arrested by the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) on allegations that he had swallowed cocaine while returning from France. He was detained for weeks and subjected to repeated medical examinations because officials believed he was carrying illegal drugs internally. Despite extensive investigations and multiple scans, no drugs were ever found in his body.

The incident attracted nationwide attention and generated widespread debate. Baba Suwe maintained his innocence throughout the ordeal, insisting he had committed no crime. After years of legal proceedings, the courts ruled in his favour and awarded him compensation for his unlawful detention. Although he eventually received justice, Baba Suwe often stated that the experience damaged his health, reputation, finances, and acting career.

As the years passed, the legendary actor battled diabetes and other health complications. His condition became widely known, prompting support from fellow actors, politicians, businesspeople, and fans across Nigeria, who contributed financially toward his medical treatment. Despite the assistance, his health continued to decline.

On 22 November 2021, Baba Suwe passed away at the age of 63. News of his death spread rapidly across Nigeria, with tributes pouring in from actors, filmmakers, government officials, and millions of fans who had grown up watching his films. He was buried according to Islamic rites in Ikorodu, Lagos State.

Although Baba Suwe is no longer alive, his legacy continues to thrive. His films remain popular on television and digital platforms, introducing new generations to his timeless comedy. He transformed Yoruba comic acting into an art form and proved that laughter could unite people across different backgrounds. His unforgettable characters, signature expressions, and extraordinary performances secured him a permanent place in the history of Nigerian cinema.

Today, Baba Suwe is remembered not only as one of the greatest comedians Nigeria has ever produced but also as a cultural icon whose work preserved the richness of Yoruba storytelling while bringing joy to millions. His life was filled with triumphs, challenges, resilience, and remarkable achievements, ensuring that his name will never be forgotten in the history of Nollywood.

Oliver "Tuku" Mtukudzi - The Voice of Zimbabwe | Culture & Music

In the rich tapestry of African music, few figures loom as large as Oliver "Tuku" Mtukudzi. The Zimbabwean singer-songwriter, guitarist, and cultural icon left an indelible mark on the continent’s soundscape over a career that spanned more than four decades. Known affectionately as Tuku, he blended traditional Shona rhythms with jazz, mbira, and soulful grooves to create a genre all his own “Tuku Music.” His husky vocals and poignant lyrics captured the everyday joys, struggles, and hopes of Zimbabwean life, earning him reverence both at home and on the global stage.

Born on 22 September 1952 in Highfield, Harare, Mtukudzi came of age during the final years of colonial Rhodesia. He burst onto the scene in 1977 as part of the Wagon Wheels band alongside Thomas Mapfumo. Their breakthrough hit “Dzandimomotera” quickly went gold, setting the stage for his solo journey with the Black Spirits. Following Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980, Tuku’s music evolved into a powerful force for social commentary, addressing themes of peace, tolerance, women’s rights, and the challenges of nation-building.

Mtukudzi was extraordinarily prolific, releasing between 59 and 67 albums during his lifetime. His early works in the late 1970s and 1980s, such as Ndipeiwo Zano (1978), Africa (1980), and Nzara (1983), established him as a major voice in Zimbabwean music. By the 1990s, he was experimenting with broader appeal while staying rooted in his cultural heritage.

The 1998/1999 release of Tuku Music marked his international breakthrough, drawing acclaim from world music audiences and leading to tours across Europe and North America. Other standout albums include the socially charged Bvuma (Tolerance) (2001), Nhava (2005), and the deeply personal Sarawoga (2012), a tribute to his son Sam Mtukudzi, who tragically died in a 2010 car accident. In his later years, releases like Eheka! Nhai Yahwe (2016) and the reflective Hany'a (Concern) (2018) showcased his enduring vitality and commitment to speaking truth through song.

Beyond the studio, Mtukudzi excelled as a multifaceted artist. He starred in groundbreaking Zimbabwean films such as Jit (1990) and Neria (1993), for which he also composed the acclaimed soundtrack. He wrote and directed musical theater productions and mentored emerging talent through his arts initiatives.

Accolades and Humanitarian Legacy

Mtukudzi’s contributions earned him prestigious honors that underscored both his artistic excellence and humanitarian spirit.

Highlights include:

The M-Net Best Soundtrack Award (1992) for Neria.

Best Southern African Male Artist and Lifetime Achievement Award at the KORA Music Awards (2003).

An honorary degree from the University of Zimbabwe (2003).

National Arts Merit Awards (NAMA) for Best Male Vocalist/Group in 2002 and 2004.

Honorary Doctorate of Humane Letters from the International Institute of Philanthropy (2014).

The AFRIMA Legend Award (2017).

In recognition of his advocacy, he was appointed UNICEF Goodwill Ambassador for Southern Africa. His philanthropy extended to supporting children’s causes, women’s empowerment, and community development, solidifying his role as more than just a musician he was a cultural statesman.

Oliver Mtukudzi passed away on 23 January 2019 at the age of 66 following complications from diabetes. His death prompted an outpouring of grief across Zimbabwe and the African music world, with tributes highlighting his role in strengthening national identity through song.

Today, Tuku’s music continues to resonate. Streaming platforms keep classics like “Neria,” “Bvuma,” and tracks from Tuku Music alive for new generations. His children, including musician Selmor Mtukudzi, carry forward aspects of his artistic and humanitarian legacy.

In an era of rapid change, Oliver Mtukudzi remains a timeless reminder of the power of music to heal, unite, and inspire. As one of Africa’s most authentic voices, Tuku did more than entertain he chronicled a nation’s soul.

Oliver Mtukudzi’s catalog is widely available on major music platforms. His story endures as a cornerstone of Zimbabwean and African musical heritage.

THE PLOT TO KILL PETER OBI.

"Let 2023 be the last time of Igbo interference in Lagos politics."----BAYO ONANUGA TINUBU PRESIDENTIAL SPOKESMAN.

The last act of Funso Williams, the once popular Lagos State gubernatorial candidate a vibrant opponent of Bola Ahmed Tinubu. He had gone to seek the help of the late Pastor T.B. Joshua. What he told the Pastor that day turned out to be prophetic. People are out to kill him he had raised the alarm. That night people broke into his house and killed the very popular aspiring candidate. Peter Obi is far more popular that Funso Williams. He too is aspiring to defeat Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Just like Willaims did. Obi has raised the familiar alarm that people are after his life. And in this toxic political divide fueled by Tinubu and his goons. We are supposed to ignore it. Act like he is talking balderdash. In the midst of a ruling class that does not see the opposition and those with contrary intelligence as friendly.

Hate is a very strong word. But what is the right word to use to qualify the unbridled animosity towards those with dissenting views by APC. It is either you belong to the party and its cultlike thinking. If you do not buy the nonsense they are selling, hook line and sinker. Then you should be hook, line and sinker in the bottom of the Lagos Lagoon. Do not take my words. I am paraphrasing what the Oba of Lagos, a staunch supporter of APC said. A boldly partisan traditional ruler in a State with a large diverse population. The same state where a thug called MC Oluomo threatened lives of anyone that comes out to vote against the APC. He was rewarded with a title in Abuja by Tinubu. Who needs the hyper-polarization strategy to rule. The deep-seated partisan sectarianism is the reason why someone will kill Peter Obi and get away with it.

The ugly truth that APC and its cult followers will not say is that you are immoral and even abhorrent if you refuse to see the beauty of the man Tinubu. The Messiah that is God sent to take Nigeria to the promised land. Ignore the slippery slope into a one-party state. And the reason for your ability to see and decipher. The rare decision to use your brain to think. Peter Obi is to blame for your reasoning like a grown adult. Not an infantile kindergarten. Men like him think too much. Read too much. Like William Shakespeare wrote in JJULIS CEASER, "such men are dangerous". That sadly is the political orientation of Tinubu and APC. It is not a broad inclusive group. Seyi Tinubu has a thousand security personal following him to Ojude Oba. Peter Obi, an aspiring popular presidential candidate travels alone. So, it should not be nebulous to us when he raises this alarm. A serious government would take it seriously. After all Peter Obi is a Nigerian like them. Or so I think.

 "Lagos is like Anambra, Imo, any Nigerian state. It is not No Man's Land... It is Yoruba land. Mind your business."----BAYO ONANUGA.

Source: JAIYEOLA AJASA.

REMEMBERING ROBERT MATANO

The whistle of the train cutting through the Kenyan countryside in 1985 carried no hint of the storm awaiting Robert Stanley Matano. En route from his Mazeras home to Nairobi, the long-serving Minister for Information and Broadcasting was blissfully unaware that his political world had just collapsed via a terse one o’clock radio announcement from the Presidential Press Unit. When the train pulled into the capital, the reality of his sudden sacking hit him like a thunderbolt; a man who had faithfully served both Jomo Kenyatta and Daniel arap Moi across numerous ministries suddenly found himself calling his own office just to request a vehicle to haul his personal effects out of a government house. It was a stark, unceremonious turning point for a politician whose life had always balanced on the edge of high-stakes power and uncommon integrity.

Born in Kaloleni in 1925, Matano’s journey began with herding his father’s livestock before his sharp intellect propelled him through Alliance High School and Makerere University. He entered the turbulent waters of pre-independence politics under the wings of Ronald Ngala, championing the regional majimbo system under KADU before crossing the floor to join the ruling KANU machine in 1964. When Tom Mboya was assassinated in 1969, Kenyatta thrust Matano into the eye of the storm as acting KANU Secretary General. For over a decade, he presided over a KANU that was practically a ghost of its former self; starved of funds, buried in debt, and disconnected phone lines. Still it was an era when the party’s word was absolute law and Matano remained the gatekeeper of political clearance.

It was this very role as gatekeeper that brought about the most explosive and unforgettable chapter of his career in 1979. Inside the KICC, then KANU headquarters, tensions boiled over regarding the political clearance of former KPU members, including Oginga Odinga. Matano found himself locked in a fierce, physical confrontation with the notoriously temperamental KANU national treasurer, Justus ole Tipis. As arguments escalated into outright combat, Tipis lunged forward and struck Matano squarely on the head with his iconic club. The shocking image of two top ruling party officials trading blows and weapons within the inner sanctum of power became etched into the nation's political memory.

Despite holding immense influence for nearly three decades, Matano was an anomaly in Kenyan politics; a man completely unsoiled by the traps of personal greed. He refused to use his positions to secure state jobs for his children, nor did he use his ministry to amass vast wealth, ultimately losing his seat in the infamous 1988 queue-voting elections to a political newcomer. He retired quietly to his rural home to practice farming, passing away in 2008 in absolute poverty, yet leaving behind a legacy as a fiercely clean, down-to-earth leader who chose honour over alignment with the corrupt status quo.

TINUBU TO JOURNALISTS: STOP LOOKING FOR SENSATIONAL NEWS

President Tinubu's advice to Nigeria's media: Choose between substance or sensation, credibility or clickbait

REMARKS BY PRESIDENT BOLA AHMED TINUBU, GCFR, AT THE MAIDEN STATE HOUSE MEDIA DINNER (SHMD), STATE HOUSE, ABUJA, on Thursday, 2 July 2026

PROTOCOLS

Good evening, ladies and gentlemen.

I am happy to join you today for the maiden State House Media Corp Presidential  Dinner. 

First, I apologise on behalf of the media department for not setting up a meeting like this earlier. The frenetic pace of work and the constant shifting of schedules, due to one challenge or another, have been responsible for this.

I appreciate all of you here for your tireless efforts in covering the State House. I appreciate your dedication to ensuring Nigerians are informed about my government's activities. 

Let me also assure you that my administration remains committed to ensuring you have the access, the resources, and the freedom to do your jobs as prescribed by the constitution.

Democracy rests on the pillars of freedoms: Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of association, and others. I am an apostle of a free press. I have defended and advocated for the rights of the media throughout my public life and will continue to do so. While press freedom and free speech remain the bedrock of an open and democratic society, journalists and citizens must also not forget the imperative of balancing rights with responsibility and the duty you hold to society to report and inform with care and accuracy to facts and in a manner that ensures the society is not set on fire. 

(6). Democracy is stymied without a free press. The fourth estate of the realm must be a free estate, and not a fief. However, where there is enormous power, there should be accountability and responsibility. The ethics of the profession must be considered sacred and upheld by practitioners.

(7). The recurring incidents of misinformation, disinformation, fake news, voice and facial cloning and deep fakes are concerning. These are the drawbacks of the social media age. Media practitioners should not be willing couriers of falsehood or unverified information injurious to national security and the nation.

I hope this gathering becomes a cherished tradition—a unique occasion to celebrate the important relationship between government and the media and the indispensable roles both institutions play in sustaining our democracy.

Tonight, we are gathered in one room pretending to be friends when, in truth, we are often adversaries. Now, before tomorrow's headlines announce that the President has declared war on the media, let me quickly clarify.

We are adversaries only in the democratic sense, as the media constantly distrust those in power. In nation-building, we are partners.

Government exists to serve the people through leadership, policy, and public service. The media exists to serve society by watching those entrusted with power, asking difficult questions, and holding government accountable.

The Nigerian people have deliberately assigned us these roles. Government must act. The media must watch. Government must explain. The media must question. That arrangement guarantees a certain level of tension. It ensures that we are constantly at each other's throats—not because we dislike one another, but because democracy demands it.

This partnership and rivalry will not disappear as long as governments exist.

But tonight, the tables turn slightly. The media will take a few hits. For the record, I am both a lover and a long-time supporter of the Nigerian press. My courtship with the media began more than three decades ago and has not waned. The only difference is that I now find myself on the receiving end of the headlines.

Sometimes I genuinely wonder whether the media likes or hates me. One day, I read a headline that said:

"Tinubu Scores Big As Nigeria's Economy Expands."

The very next day, I encountered another headline:

"Nigeria's Economy Falters As Tinubu Loses Grip."

Both stories may come from the same media ecosystem. Between those two headlines, a lot must have happened. The question is: did the media do its homework? Did it provide citizens with the context, analysis, and insight required to understand what changed? Or are we increasingly drifting towards the old newsroom creed: "If it bleeds, it leads"?

After more than three decades in public life, I have learned that one should never underestimate the wiles of politics—or the improvisation of those who report on it. Over the years, I have probably become one of the most analysed, scrutinised, investigated, predicted, and speculated-upon politicians in Nigeria's democratic history.

And then, of course, came the election season, when every rumour became a prediction, every prediction became a certainty, and every certainty became a breaking news alert. The opposition, understandably, sought every opportunity to challenge my candidacy and question my record. That is politics. I do not quarrel with that.

What fascinated me was how quickly speculation could become accepted wisdom, how allegations could become headlines, and how often conclusions arrived long before the facts.

Yet democracy eventually has its day.

The Nigerian people listened. They evaluated. They separated fact from fiction. And ultimately, they rendered their verdict. That experience reinforced my belief that while democracy depends on a free press, it also depends on a responsible press.

We live in an era where misinformation and disinformation travel faster than facts. The media must choose fact over falsehood. The media must choose substance over sensation. The media must choose credibility over clickbait and the endless race for followers, likes, and viral outrage.

The public depends on journalists not merely to report events but to separate fact from fiction, truth from speculation, and evidence from opinion. In a world where everyone with a smartphone is now a journalist, the responsibility of professional journalism has never been greater.

Professional journalism must remain the standard by which truth is distinguished from rumour and facts from fiction. Let me also make it clear that freedom of expression is not freedom to defame. Freedom of the press is not freedom to deliberately mislead.

Rights come with responsibilities. Public trust is earned through fairness, professionalism, accuracy, and integrity. The media space is no longer an unregulated frontier. Nigeria has enacted laws, including the Cybercrimes Act and other relevant legislation, to protect citizens from malicious falsehoods, cyberstalking, identity theft, and other abuses that increasingly accompany the digital age.

These safeguards are not intended to weaken press freedom. Rather, they exist to protect citizens and preserve the integrity of our information ecosystem.

Tonight, however, is not about blame.

Tonight is about celebrating the media and the indispensable role it plays in our national life. My administration remains fully committed to the constitutional guarantees of freedom of expression and press freedom as enshrined in Sections 22 and 39 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Section 39 guarantees every Nigerian the right to freedom of expression and the right to establish and operate media institutions. Section 22 places upon the media the noble responsibility of holding government accountable to the people. Together, these provisions form one of the strongest foundations of our democracy.

Equally important is the Freedom of Information Act, which continues to promote transparency, openness, and citizen access to information. Our commitment to these principles remains unwavering.

Distinguished ladies and gentlemen,

Nigeria today is undergoing one of the most ambitious periods of reform in its history. The difficult but necessary reforms undertaken by this administration are yielding results. Our economy is stabilising. Public revenues have strengthened significantly. State governments are receiving substantially higher allocations to support development. Investor confidence is returning.

Our foreign reserves have improved considerably. The oil and gas sector is attracting renewed investment. The stock market has witnessed remarkable growth. Key economic indicators are moving in the right direction. Through tax reforms, fiscal reforms, infrastructure investments, and improvements in the business environment, we are laying the foundations for a more competitive, productive, and prosperous economy.

The journey is not yet complete. Challenges remain. But the direction is clear, and the foundations for long-term growth are being firmly established. Regarding security, our administration has maintained a determined, multi-dimensional approach.

Military operations have intensified across several theatres. Intelligence gathering has improved. Inter-agency collaboration has strengthened. Regional and international cooperation has expanded.

As a result, thousands of criminal elements and terrorists have been neutralised. Numerous hostages have been rescued. Communities previously under threat have been reclaimed. 

Security agencies continue to demonstrate courage and professionalism in confronting terrorism, banditry, kidnapping, oil theft, and other forms of criminality.

While Nigeria continues to face security challenges, we have moved steadily from reacting to threats toward systematically degrading them. We remain resolute in our commitment to securing every part of our country and ensuring that every Nigerian can live, work, and prosper in peace.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The media remains one of the most important pillars of any democratic society. But beyond their traditional role as watchdogs, the media are also critical partners in national development. They inform citizens, shape public discourse, promote civic participation, strengthen national cohesion, and contribute to economic and social progress.

As we look to the future, let us continue to strengthen the relationship between government and the media—not by abandoning healthy scrutiny, but by deepening mutual respect, professionalism, and responsibility, and by strengthening our shared commitment to the Nigerian people.

Let us replace needless hostility with constructive engagement. Let us replace sensationalism with professionalism. Let us replace the pursuit of outrage with the pursuit of truth. Together, let us continue building a nation where truth matters, accountability thrives, democracy flourishes, and every Nigerian has reason to believe in the promise of our country.

I thank you for your dedication, service, and contributions to our democracy.

May God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Thank you and enjoy the evening.