IDI AMIN DADA OF UGANDA

In early 1976, while African presidents were busy throwing banquets and pretending to understand the term “non-aligned movement,” Uganda’s Field Marshal, Dr. President-for-Life Idi Amin Dada, VC, DSO, MC, Conqueror of the British Empire, etcetera etcetera, had other ideas. He suddenly decided that a large chunk of Kenya, including Kisumu, Eldoret, and possibly your grandmother’s land in Kakamega, actually belonged to Uganda. According to Amin, the British had wrongly transferred the land to Kenya in 1902, perhaps in exchange for tea, chapati, or colonial confusion.

Now, this wasn’t Amin’s first outlandish claim. The man already called himself Conqueror of the British Empire and King of Scotland. But this time, he went from comic relief to threat mode. He declared Uganda would reclaim its territory, and if Kenya resisted, he would send troops. Never mind that his army had more tanks than fuel, and his air force had more ambition than altitude.

Enter Mzee Jomo Kenyatta. Old, yes. Frail, perhaps. But still sharper than a Maasai spear and twice as deadly with words. When news of Amin’s territorial fantasies reached State House, Kenyatta did not panic. He summoned the nation to Uhuru Park and growled, “We shall not give away even an inch, not even a quarter of an inch.” He warned that if Uganda tried anything, they would be met with unimaginable force.

Kenyans, fueled by patriotic pride and a natural dislike for being bossed around, took to the streets with chants, protests, and the highly creative art of effigy burning. In Kisumu, someone constructed a ten-foot tall dummy of Idi Amin with a chicken on its head. In Nairobi, the phrase “Amin must go to school” began trending long before Twitter existed. Meanwhile, the Kenyan army, which rarely got to do anything beyond marching on national holidays, was mobilized to the border. Military trucks rolled into Busia and Bungoma. Jet fighters began doing flyovers near Uganda’s airspace just to remind Amin that Kenya too had joined in the rally.

#Africa #Uganda #World

CHARLY BOY BUS STOP: THE MUMU IN ALL OF US

The tribalism in us beclouds our reasoning. Not sometimes. I mean all the time. We cannot see the truth. If not, why make an ordinary name change the reason to start another civil war? Why? Because of Charly Boy?

Not for Charly Boy. This is the height of our mumu in this country. The lack of trust that we have in what should be a great country. Tribalism is a deeply ingrained human phenomenon, a natural tendency to form groups based on shared identity, values, or goals. It has shaped our history, fostered our greatest achievements, and, at times, fueled our darkest conflicts.

I know Charly Boy. I worked with him. I was a frequent visitor to his house in Gbagada. He was to mine in Surulere. Besides, I lived in Bariga for a long time. Knew the area in question more than most. It was NEVER CHARLY BOY BUS STOP. He happened to rent a house close to the bus stop. As a result, conductor found it convenient to call it Charly Boy bus stop. Due to his notoriety at that time. He hijacked it like Charly Boy is known to do. It was Second Pedro bus stop before Charly Boy came to town. It was never officially named Charly Boy bus stop by any government. That is the fact.

We live in a very polarized country. Each tribe very suspicious of each other. Quick to reach for the gun to kill. The ethical blind spots are what our politicians play on. To turn us into mumu. Our tribalism has spiral out of control. The consequence can only be catastrophic. Charly Boy is not a decent human being to have a bus stop named after him. Not in Lagos. Not in Nnewi. Not even in Sabon Gari. It has nothing to do with the Igbo in him. It is more about the opportunistic Nigerian that he is wired to be. Sadly, we fail to see that. The unchecked tribal dynamics is the reason for all of our problems. The fault lines that continue to separate us. The civil war over a bus stop. A nonexistence CHARLY BOY BUS STOP.

 "Our mumu never do."---Charly Boy

Babatunde Olatunji: The First Nigerian to Win a Grammy Award

Early Life and Education

Michael Babatunde Olatunji was born on April 7, 1927, in Ajido, near Badagry in Lagos State, Nigeria. A native of the Yoruba ethnic group, he grew up in a fishing village where traditional drumming and chants shaped his early experiences. In 1950, he moved to the United States on a Rotary International scholarship, enrolling at Morehouse College in Atlanta. He later earned a degree in political science and continued his studies at New York University, initially intending to become a diplomat.

Musical Breakthrough and “Drums of Passion”

Olatunji's musical career took off in 1959 with the release of his debut album, Drums of Passion. The album, released under Columbia Records, became an international sensation and is widely credited with introducing traditional African music to Western audiences. One of the standout tracks, “Jin-Go-Lo-Ba,” achieved global acclaim and was later covered by artists such as Carlos Santana. With its use of Yoruba drumming patterns and spiritual chants, Drums of Passion marked a turning point in global appreciation for African rhythms.

The Grammy Achievement

In 1991, Babatunde Olatunji made history as the first Nigerian to win a Grammy Award. He won for his collaboration with Grateful Dead drummer Mickey Hart on the album Planet Drum, which took home the inaugural Grammy Award for Best World Music Album. This recognition solidified Olatunji’s position as a global ambassador of African music and placed Nigerian artistry on the world stage.

Cultural Advocacy and Activism

Beyond music, Olatunji was a prominent cultural advocate and social activist. In 1965, he established the Olatunji Center for African Culture in Harlem, New York, where he taught drumming, dance, and Yoruba philosophy. He became deeply involved in the American Civil Rights Movement, marching alongside Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and using his platform to promote justice, unity, and African heritage.

Influence on Global Music

Olatunji’s work influenced a wide range of musicians across genres. He collaborated with jazz legends like John Coltrane and Cannonball Adderley, contributed to the spiritual jazz movement, and inspired popular musicians such as Stevie Wonder and Santana. His rhythms were not just musical tools—they were cultural messengers, introducing African spiritual traditions to new audiences.

Educator and Mentor

Throughout his life, Olatunji was also a teacher. He conducted workshops worldwide, led educational programs, and created instructional materials that continue to shape percussion studies today. His performances were interactive experiences that combined music, storytelling, and communal energy, helping people everywhere feel a part of Africa’s rhythm and spirit.

Legacy and Death

Olatunji passed away on April 6, 2003, one day before his 76th birthday, due to complications from diabetes. He left behind a powerful legacy: a trailblazer who used rhythm to unite people, educate minds, and empower generations. His contribution as the first Nigerian Grammy Award winner continues to inspire African musicians and cultural advocates worldwide.

Babatunde Olatunji was not only the first Nigerian to receive a Grammy, but also one of the most important voices in the global music scene of the 20th century. His commitment to preserving and promoting African heritage, his collaborations with global artists, and his role as a cultural educator cement his place as a legend. Through his drum, Africa found a voice that resonated across continents—and it still echoes today.

THEY ALL DIED AT THE LONDON CLINIC

(1). Muhammadu Buhari (Age 82): Former President of Nigeria who served from 2015 to 2023 and previously as a military ruler from 1983 to 1985. He died on July 13, 2025, in a London hospital after a prolonged illness.

(2). Oluyemi Adeniji (Age 83): Top diplomat and former Minister of Foreign Affairs under President Obasanjo. He represented Nigeria at the United Nations and led peace missions in Africa, dying in a London hospital.

(3). Ifeanyi Ubah (Age 53): Successful businessman and senator for Anambra South. He built shipping, oil, and hotel companies and died unexpectedly in London.

(4). Clement Nyong Isong (Age 78): Former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria and later Governor of Cross River. He received specialist care in London and passed away in 2000 after a short illness.

(5). Sheikh Isyaku Rabiu (Age 93): Wealthy businessman and generous donor who funded schools and hospitals in Kano State. He passed away in a London hospital after a long illness.

(6). Oba Okunade Sijuwade (Age 85): Senior traditional ruler among the Yoruba people. Known for his efforts to bring people together, he passed away in a London clinic in 2015.

(7). Ado Bayero (Age 83): Former Emir of Kano who ruled for over 50 years, marked by stability and charity work. He received treatment in a London hospital before returning to Nigeria, where he passed away.

(8). Alex Ekwueme (Age 85): Nigeria’s first elected Vice President under President Shehu Shagari. He fought for Nigeria’s 36-state structure and worked towards democracy, passing away in London.

(9). Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu (Age 78): Leader of the breakaway state of Biafra during Nigeria’s civil war. He spent his final days at the Royal Berkshire Hospital in Reading, England, and died in 2011.

Their deaths highlight the need for improved healthcare infrastructure in Nigeria, with many questioning the country’s reliance on foreign medical treatment.

CECIL DENNIS JUNIOR

Liberia's Minister for Foreign Affairs Charles Cecil Dennis Jr is prepared for execution alongside other cabinet ministers after Samuel Doe overthrew the government.

On April 12, 1980, Samuel Doe led a military coup, killing President William R. Tolbert, Jr., in the Executive Mansion. Twenty-six of Tolbert’s supporters were also killed in the fighting. Shortly after the coup, government ministers were walked publicly around Monrovia in the nude and then summarily executed by a firing squad on the beach.

Samuel Doe was a master sergeant in the Armed Forces of Liberia (AFL) when he staged the violent 1980 coup d'état that overthrew President William Tolbert and the True Whig Party, becoming the first non-Americo-Liberian leader of Liberia.

Politics in the 80s and 90s was utterly chaotic. A whole president, Samuel Doe, was brutally tortured and executed on live television by a rebel group.

If you have ever watched samuel doe’s 1989 public brutalization before he was further killed like a stray goat. 

That saying “power is only transient” will ring in your ear.

#Africa #Liberia #World 

AWUJALE SIKIRU KAYODE ADETONA

Awujale Sikiru Kayode Adetona Ogbagba ll told lies against the traditional stool  in order to destroy it. He was just about 26 when he was installed as Awujale. He had nothing. He knew nothing about why they came to capture him in Deloitte London. Ogbeni Oja Odutola made him. He later fought the same man. He married 2 sisters of the same mother and father ( he wrote this in his book) which is against the Yoruba tradition. He enjoyed life to the fullest on the traditional stool. It is not a Muslim stool. As he was about to go he decided to destroy the stool because Oku ko mehin!!

IFA Oracle chose Sikiru's father but  Ogbeni Oja Odutola didn't want to install an illiterate and he asked if his son was educated.  He said that his son was reading Accountancy in London, the next day Odutola went to London to bring home Prince Sikiru Kayode Adetona. The rest is history.

High Ogboni Chief Priest Barrister Dr Oladoyin Odebowale  wrote:

He was an arrogant, conceited hypocrite. He created the fallacy that the Ijebu people migrated from Waddai in Sudan to rival the Ooni as the Spiritual Head of the Yoruba race. He impregnated two blood sisters and used his Islamic religion to justify it. He enjoyed immense benefits from his position yet he did all unimaginable things to destroy the tradition of his people. He used his influence to mobilise other impressionable simpletons called Oba to change the tradition of the Yoruba people to suit the Arab culture. All the lies told about Osugbo beating dead bodies or dismembering the corpse of an Oba are a figment of his corrupt imagination. Awujale Gbelegbuwa died in 1959. He was a student on scholarship when it happened. Could the Osugbo and the Ogbeni Oja have preserved the heart of the late king for him to eat? Was he around when when the late Awujale died to witness the dismembering of the body? He used traditional authority to curry favours from the governments and wealthy sons and daughters of Ijebuland. He downgraded the Agemo festival and replaced it with the Islamic Durbar known as Ojude Oba. While he was fighting for supremacy with the Ooni Sijuwade, he was taking instructions from the Sultan of Sokoto. He joined Zik, Akintola and Ahmadu Bello to send Awolowo to jail. He was disrespectful to the Government of Ogun State, hence his deposition by the late Bisi Onabanjo. He travelled without permission. It was the military coup which brought Diya that saved him. He was indicted by Justice Sogbetun Panel for insubordination, recklessness bordering on partisanship. He supported the defunct NPN, openly, against the ruling party, UPN. He was such an arrogant element who forgot how he was chosen. His father was not a man of means. The fact that he was studying abroad on scholarship made him the most qualified candidate from the Anikilaya Ruling House. The AG Government wanted an educated Oba after Awujale Gbelegbuwa. Sikiru Adetona negated all the positive values for which the Yoruba people are reputed. His fabled principled fight for June 12 was because of the late MKO Abiola, who was with him in NCNC, NNDP and NPN. He fought against Subomi Balogun, the founder of the FCMB, when he suspected that his growing influence might dim his own waning authority among the Ijebu. He accused him of nursing the ambition to succeed him. How could that have been his business? He promoted the Imams over traditional worshippers. He said Ifa was nothing. He was a Muslim from Sudan. Sikiru Adetona ku ni, ko wo Aja.

COPIED!!

My submission... Awujale àná shared so many things in common with Shéù Ìwó.

The Blood on His Hands: A History of Buhari’s Alleged Atrocities Against the Igbo People

As Nigeria continues to mourn the loss of a man celebrated by many as a hero and an icon,someone who spent most of his life serving and fighting for the unity and progress of the country, a different conversation persists among the Igbo people. Despite his apologies and pleas for forgiveness on his deathbed, where he asked Nigerians to forgive him for any wrongs or disappointments he may have caused, many Igbos remain unconvinced.

For them, one uncomfortable truth continues to resurface: Muhammadu Buhari’s long and controversial history of violence against the South East spans over five decades. From his early days as a young soldier, through his reign as a military dictator, and later as a civilian president, Buhari’s name remains deeply associated with state-sanctioned brutality against the Igbo people.

A Bloody Beginning: July 1966 Coup

The story begins in July 1966. Buhari, then a young military officer, was an active participant in the Northern-led counter-coup that saw hundreds of Igbo officers slaughtered across Nigeria. The coup, which was a response to the earlier January coup perceived to favor the Igbos, marked the start of widespread anti-Igbo violence in the country.

Civil War Years: 1967-1970

When Nigeria descended into civil war following Biafra’s secession, Buhari fought on the side of the federal forces. As a battalion commander, he took part in the brutal military campaign against Biafra. Though the exact number of lives directly lost to his actions remains unknown, the war itself led to the deaths of over 3 million Igbos through both conflict and starvation. For many, Buhari remains a living symbol of those dark years.

Dictatorship and Death by Decree: 1984-1985

In 1984, Buhari became Nigeria’s military head of state. His regime was marked by harsh laws, retroactive decrees, and public executions, particularly of young men accused of crimes like armed robbery and drug trafficking. Among the most notable was Bath Owoh, the younger brother of actor Nkem Owoh, who was executed under Buhari’s regime. These executions disproportionately affected the South East and further entrenched animosity towards him.

Operation Python Dance: A Modern Siege on the South East

Fast forward to September 2017, Buhari, now a democratically elected president, returned from a medical leave abroad and unleashed Operation Python Dance in the South East. Officially a military exercise to curb criminality, it became a campaign of terror against unarmed IPOB members and peaceful agitators. The Nigerian government swiftly labeled IPOB a terrorist organization, despite the group’s lack of violent history at the time. Reports of killings, torture, and disappearances followed. Buhari’s chilling words “We will speak to them in the language they understand” remain etched in the memory of the victims’ families.

A Legacy Written in Blood?

For many Igbos, Buhari’s history reads like a catalogue of violence against their people. From coups and wars to public executions and military crackdowns, the pattern is undeniable in their eyes. While some Nigerians may argue for nuance, within the South East, the scars remain fresh, and the pain, unforgettable.

As history is being written, Igbos insist on telling their side  loud and clear.

May His soul Rest in Peace!

Source: Dele Olagunju