African American Inventor: MARY KENNER (1912-2006)

Mary Beatrice Davidson Kenner is an inventor of numerous products we use today and has the most patents of any African American woman. Kenner was born on May 17, 1912, in Monroe, North Carolina. Her father was inventor Sidney Nathaniel Davidson, and her mother is unknown to the public records; she has one sibling, her sister, Mildred Davidson Austin Smith.

Kenner patented multiple inventions in her ’40s, however, she began inventing at age six when she attempted to invent a self-oiling door hinge. Invention ran in the family. Her maternal grandfather Robert Phromeberger’s most notable inventions were a tricolor light signal for trains and a stretcher with wheels for ambulances. In 1914, her father patented a clothes presser that could fit in a suitcase. In 1980, her sister invented “Family Treedition,” a family board game.

Mary Kenner had many ideas as a child, including a convertible roof that would go over the folding rumble seat of the car, a sponge tip at the end of an umbrella that would soak up rainwater, and a portable ashtray that would attach itself to a cigarette pack. When her family moved to Washington D.C. in 1924, she walked the halls of the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office to become familiar with the building and the patent process.

In 1931, Kenner graduated from Dunbar High School and started attending Howard University but dropped out after a year and a half for financial reasons. She then took multiple odd jobs, and in 1941, she became a federal employee, remaining there during the rest of the decade. In 1950, she became a professional florist and ran her flower shop into the 1970s while inventing things in her spare time.

Kenner’s first patent was in 1957 for the sanitary belt. While she originally invented the sanitary belt in the 1920s, she couldn’t afford a patent. Over time she improved her earlier version and other versions that were patented before hers. The sanitary belt aimed to prevent the leakage of menstrual blood on clothing, which was a common problem for women at the time.

The Sonn-Nap-Pack Company got word of this invention in 1957 and contacted her intending to market her invention, however when they discovered that she was Black, they declined. Beltless pads were invented in the 1970s and, as tampons became more popular, women stopped using sanitary belts.

In 1976 Kenner patented an attachment for a walker or wheelchair that included a hard-surfaced tray and a soft pocket for carrying items. She and her sister invented a toilet paper holder they patented in 1982. Her final patent, granted on September 29, 1987, was for a mounted back washer and massager.

Mary Davison Kenner married James “Jabbo” Kenner in 1951. He died in 1983. They were foster parents and adopted Woodrow, one of their five foster kids. Mary Beatrice Davidson Kenner died on January 13, 2006, in Washington D.C. at the age of 93.

"Kenner didn’t receive any awards or formal recognition for her work." However, her inventions and contributions helped pave the way for subsequent innovations. Kenner still holds the record (five) for the greatest number of patents awarded a Black woman by the U.S. government.

YORUBA AT WAR

You lied, Obasanjo lashes at Osoba

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo, on Thursday afternoon, fired back at Aremo Olusegun Osoba, former governor of Ogun State, for saying the ex-President deceived the governors of the Southwest (on the platform of the Alliance for Democracy) in 2003.

Obasanjo took serious exception to Osoba calling describing him as a deceit. According to Obasanjo, many things that happened during that period were beyond Osoba's comprehension.

In a letter to Osoba, Obasanjo recalled his journey to becoming Nigeria's President. In one of the paragraphs, he said: "Before we went into the election, President Jimmy Carter visited Nigeria to ensure peaceful election in Nigeria, he met Presidential hopefuls in Sheraton Hotel in Ikeja.  As I was going in, Bola Ige was coming out.  I asked, “Bola, how now?  I met you in Ibadan and you said that there would be fence-mending to do.  Have you done the fence-mending for me?”  He said, “We will meet in the field”.  We never met in the field.  That was above your head."

Read the full letter below:

-------------------------------------

July 23, 2026

Chief Olusegun Osoba,

Former Governor of Ogun State,

No. 1, Ataba Close,

Ibara Housing Estate, Abeokuta.

REPLY TO YOUR INACCURATE POSTURE: “HOW

OBASANJO DECEIVED US IN 2003”

There are many things you got wrong and many things you omitted advertently or inadvertently in your write-up carried in The Legal Observer of July 20, 2026. Your presentation in your write-up was farfetched to put it mildly.

But Before I go further, I take strong and serious objection to your calling me a deceit because I deceived nobody.  I always presented my case and all issues as I had them and as I understood them no matter whose ox is gored. There were issues you did not know or understand because as you pointed out, they were above your head. They were handled by your elders in Alliance for Democracy (AD) party and Afenifere. And there were issues that you governors of the South-West kept away from me which normally should be discussed or raised with me but were raised or discussed somewhere else. I would not say that you were diabolical or deceitful.  You chose what you would do and you did what you chose.  Others could also choose differently.

On my being released from prison, for us to start from that point, many people came to congratulate me and started insinuating that I should have a role in government again.  I paid no attention initially because I had serious family matter: my children’s schools to attend to.

Sooner, groups started to call on me to directly invite, not just to insinuate.  The first group was led by Lawan Katsina to me on my Ota farm.  I received them, thanked them and promised to think about their invitation. The second group was led by Chief S. M. Afolabi who was Deputy Governor to Chief Bola Ige.  The third group was led by Martins Kuye.  The last two groups were Yoruba-led and I told them that the circle needed to be widened and enlarged. I believed that the two groups included Afenifere and non-Afenifere.  You did not know that I had these approaches, contacts or invitations.

With these approaches, I decided to consult in South-Wet, East and North.  In the South-West, my first call was Ibadan to consult Chief Akinloye, Chief Bola Ige, Chief Richard Akinjide and Professor Oyeleye.  In the North, I consulted two close friends, Sunday Awoniyi and Adamu Ciroma.  In the East, I consulted Professor Anezi Okoro and Arthur Mbanefo.  That quick consultation was like sounding board.  It gave me a quick and a good feel.

From that sounding, I decided to take interest in what was going on in Party formations and the special role that Bola Ige was playing at that time.  Peoples Democracy Party (PDP) attracted my attention and my interest and I was being regularly posted.  After the formation of the Parties, I formally joined PDP.  I continued my consultation and campaigns at the same time.

For me, politics is for welfare and well-being of people and there should be no personal bitterness or acrimony in it.  And if you do not do my politics or play my own way, that should not lead to hatred, enmity or antagonism.  It is a matter of ideas, policies, competition and choice.  While competing with Alex Ekwueme, I was a guest in his house when I went to Anambra to campaign for primary to be candidate of PDP for the presidency.  We ate together and the following morning, I went out to campaign.  When I told him that I would repair the road to his settlement when I became President, he retorted that what he could do by himself, he would not give to someone else to do for him.  We laughed it off.

On three occasions, I visited Chief Abraham Adesanya and on the three occasions, he vowed that the Yoruba would not vote for me. I never stopped calling on him to report and to campaign. He asked me to join AD and I told him that AD as essentially a tribal party was in a cul de sac.  But as a Yoruba boy born and bred well, I must give respect where it is due and let go.  And that was done.  I must say that there was no time I called on Papa Adesanya in his Apapa resident that I was not well entertained. He made sure that his daughter was around to entertain us.   Yet Papa stood on no vote for me and I stood on my respect and what was due to him.  Aremo, I wonder how much of that you knew. Otunba Fasawe accompanied me on each visit and he listened to my prayers.

Before we went into the election, President Jimmy Carter visited Nigeria to ensure peaceful election in Nigeria, he met Presidential hopefuls in Sheraton Hotel in Ikeja.  As I was going in, Bola Ige was coming out.  I asked, “Bola, how now?  I met you in Ibadan and you said that there would be fence-mending to do.  Have you done the fence-mending for me?”  He said, “We will meet in the field”.  We never met in the field.  That was above your head.

The elections came, PDP won 21 State governorships in other parts of the country less Yoruba land.  And at the presidential, almost 63 per cent of the votes were cast for me.  But not much votes for me from Yorubaland.  I believe that in politics as in life, you must never stop communicating and widening your circle of friends and loved ones: turn adversaries to neutrals, and turn neutrals to friendly.  That is part of my own philosophy in politics and in life.  After all, life is so short, I rather make friends than enemies and live in love with godliness and integrity to serve humanity and God.  Bringing PDP and AD to join me for a sort of national government was not out of weakness rather, it was out of strength and the unity and progress of the country.  And anyone who saw that as coming from weakness or being in a political trouble would be mistaking. 

As soon as we came into government, the first thing I did was to place all South-West PDP gubernatorial candidates in appointments at the centre since they were all woefully defeated and we were warned and we saw it coming.  And it came.  That it came was not the main thing, it was how we handled it. I called a meeting of the defeated governorship candidates.  I said, “Our people, the Yoruba, did not vote for us.  Next time I want them to vote for us and that we begin now”.  Some of the defeated governorship candidates were trying to make excuses.  I said that it was not time for excuses, but time for action.  I told Dr. Segun Agagu that I was going to start from his State, Ondo State.  And the first AD stalwart I invited for discussion was Mrs. Mobolaji Osomo who happened to be a fellow poultry farmer with me earlier.  My position was simple, “The Yoruba had been in the periphery for so long, let them come to the mainstream, at least they would know what is going on”.  I then asked Mrs. Osomo  to join us.  She did not hesitate.  I asked, what could I do for her, and she said that I had honoured her enough by asking her to come on the mainstream.  That was one of the excises that took place, during my first term in the South-West either known or unknown to you, Aremo.

I visited States, some twice, during my first term, no matter under which political party platform the State was governed.  It was in the process of learning and making friends.  And friendships cultivated that ways last.  You talked of ‘stoop to conquer’. Even in my own relationship with you as my State Governor not belonging to my political Party, you would remember that I normally called on you when I visited home.  Of course, you  called back on me.  I believe that eniti ko kini kuule, o padamu e kaabo.  But others could say they are presidents and they should be visited first, I don’t believe in that.  It is all part of stooping to conquer in life for good leadership as far as I am concerned.  

Some Yoruba elders and Obas undertook advocacy on their own and not because I sent them.  And those who did that I knew, I thanked them.  And many did that across the country for national progress.  And that takes me to Na’Abba’s impeachment you glowingly talked about.  And the way you wrote about it, talking about remorse would suggest stack ignorance on your part or being an accomplice.  And both were possible.  Na’Abba’s impeachment began at the presidency by the Vice-President, who on a Friday when I was out of the office, invited Na’Abba to his office and convinced him as he had convinced himself and some others but of insignificant number that I should have only one term as Presidente and this was the act of a man I brought up from governorship to Vice-President.  From the first day as Vice-President, he raised campaigners for his presidency.  On the Friday, he invited Na’Abba, he gave him 5 million naira to begin his impeachment work.  It was all noted, recorded and reported to me by my Chief of Staff, a professional intelligence officer.  The game continued to be played on with me treating it with contempt as I have committed no impeachable offence except my Vice-President who wanted to take over by hook or by crook. It was President Shagari who, on his own volition, asked me about impeachment and I told him that for me, there was absolutely nothing in it.  He requested for my permission to handle it and, of course, I gave him the go-ahead.  Aremo Olusegun Osoba, please show me what you will be remorseful for if you were in my position.

Former Governor Segun Osoba, let me remind you of the political situation in which you created or seemed to see created a monumental “political upheaval” that I would see the six Governors of AD in the South-West to extricate me out of, that could not be done by 21 PDP Governors plus the 9 APP Governors.  And could not be done by my PDP and APP if you would pull AD which was also in my government politically.  Of course, whatever you need to adorn yourself would be understandable.  But I stood and I continue to stand for communication, dialogue and love and harmony and widening and deepening of friendship and fellowship.  These are good character, traits and I will hold unto these attributes till end of life.

My dear brother Olusegun Osoba, I don’t know what would best describe what you claimed was presented to me on my farm with Egbon Ayo Adebanjo leading:  hyperbole, presumption, disregard, takeover or what?  Could you agree to such effrontery.  Six to dictate to thirty is ridiculous.  I had an Executive Council, I had a National Assembly, I had a virile political Party, 21 Governors and 9 other Governors from another party with my government and it was AD and Afenifere that would have to dictate to me what my government would have to do. I had a programme that we were steadily implementing.  I would not say that you could not say all those things, but I may listen and in politeness not answer back but you should know I would not accept such dictation if you presented it.  For you to present such to me was to grossly underrate me. It was the second time.  Before the swearing-in, I was invited to Papa Onasanya’s house in Surulere.  When we got there, we met about five AD/Afenifere stalwarts waiting.  Papa Onasanya invited me into the room alone and asked, “What do we do with Yoruba President?” I screamed and said Nigerian President must not be trivialised by tribalising it.

There is one thing more that you may need to be reminded in the AD Governors and my Vice-President honeymoon. When he failed in the impeachment exercise, he made a two-track approach: one to go with Alex Ekwueme and Alex to hand over to him in the third year of his presidency; second is for the six AD Governors of South-Weste not to have competition from any other party in 2003 so that in 2007, you would all yield the field to my Vice-President.  You were all convinced of this anti-democratic plan and you all fell for it.  I was told that I was said to be selling the idea and if that was said of me, it was a lie.  Aremo, such was sold to you: an idaro.  And none of you thought it fit to check with me, or I was not worth checking with, since I was not a nominee of AD/Afenifere.  Have no dealing with Obasanjo as President but deal with his Vice-President and you would get the best that was clever political move.  I should remind you that you were the one who told me how late Shehu Yar’Adua nearly turned you over in Abeokuta, your constituency in the days of SDP and you had to use unorthodox other means to get over Shehu.  Papa Ajasin told me similar story about Shehu during the same SDP period.  Shehu with all due respect was my protege.  Whatever Shehu could do, his mentor could do as well if not better.  Your loss or defeat in 2003 was genuine in all the six States except the one where the figures were successfully and murderously changed as Chief Tinubu, the Head of Service in Lagos State then, accurately reported to me.  I took it as what God allowed.  From information that reached me from the political field, you barely campaigned and at the tail end of the campaign, you went on TV to apologise to the people for your arrogance and informed them that the starch in your agbada caused your arrogant appearance.  The brisk movement through South-West by PDP on Thursday before the Saturday election in 2003 was incomparable and successful.  There were lessons to learn on both sides.  I learn the lesson of whether the other side is right or wrong, there should be no bitterness and there should be accommodation and tolerance.  Afenifere and its political party never rose beyond tribal cul de sac.  There is lesson for all in that. And it would appear that once you were not an AD or Afenifere member, you would be a liar or a deceiver.  If you failed to follow my line, you must be maligned and set out as an enemy.  I have never believed in tribal politics.

I sympathised with some Afenifere leaders who died with regret as they expressed to me before they died - Chief Gani Daudu, Chief Abraham Adesanya, Chief Ayo Adebanjo.  I was close to some of them before they died.  What they cherished, taught, believed and practised were not what their proteges accepted, believed and practised.  Afenifere and what they stood for would not congratulate me when I came out of prison or when I became President.  Did it mean anything to me?  No.  I did not even know of it until I was told that they held a meeting of Afenifere to decide such pettiness.  How mean!  Well, God answered my prayer that I was not too far away from the death bed of some of them as Yoruba elders.  I thank God that I did what I could to show no bitterness, hard feelings or lack of appreciation to God.

Aremo, going through your Afenifere experience and all what God has done for you and where you are today, you have lessons to learn: you have many things to understand and you have thanks to give to God and to give men and women.  And finally, it is not over until it is over and there is no end to humility and thanksgiving.  You were overwhelmed with your own interests, not to look at or consider others.  In politics, no one should be ignored or disregarded and politics may end, relationships may live till life’s end.  But let me remind you, the interactions that were not to the best of my knowledge influenced by party political affiliation or card.  I wanted Governors to acquire land in Abuja and build houses.  Party consideration was not involved.  You were driven to believe as a I believed also that it was necessary to develop Abuja.  I remember that when you developed Osoba Hilltop and took me to show me the plot you wished to allocate to me to form a circle with the one for you and for Chief Shonekan and I shouted about price, you reminded me that when I pushed you to Abuja, you paid significantly for it.

But the greatest service you rendered for me and for Abeokuta is the land allocated by you for Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library, OOPL.  It has become the most significant landmark in Abeokuta.  All of us in Abeokuta thank God for that landmark, thank you and thank God for your life.  The allocation was made for the good of my programme and in the best interest of Abeokuta and indeed Ogun State with little money paid by me.  There was neither politics played nor any game in the process.

-OLUSEGUN OBASANJO

THE POKOT PEOPLE FROM THE GREAT RIFT VALLEY IN KENYA AND UGANDA 🇰🇪 🇺🇬

The Pokot people are an indigenous Nilotic community living in West Pokot County in Kenya and neighboring parts of eastern Uganda. For generations, they have preserved a rich cultural heritage built on courage, resilience, and a deep connection to their land and livestock.

Traditionally, the Pokot are both pastoralists and farmers. Cattle, goats, and sheep are central to their way of life, providing not only food and income but also symbolizing wealth, family, and social status.

The Pokot are known for their vibrant cultural ceremonies, traditional songs, energetic dances, colorful beadwork, and distinctive attire. Elders play an important role in guiding the community, preserving customs, and passing down wisdom from one generation to the next.

Like many African communities, the Pokot have embraced aspects of modern life while continuing to celebrate and protect the traditions that define their identity.

The Pokot remind us that Africa's strength lies in its diverse cultures, each carrying a unique story, wisdom, and heritage worth preserving.

What traditional African culture would you love to learn more about? Share your thoughts in the comment Section !

🌍 Every tribe has a story. Every culture deserves respect. Join us as we celebrate the beauty and diversity of Africa—one story at a time.

#Africa #Pokot #Kenya #African

BREAKING!!! YET ANOTHER ONE, ₦54 Billion Naira!

President Bola Tinubu's Chief Of Staff, Femi Gbajabiamila, May Finally Be Sacked; Lands In Fresh N54 Billion Oil And Gas Royalties Corruption Scandal; Leaked Damning Aso Rock Memo Emerges; Says He Was Merely Carrying Out The President's Instructions, Nothing More And Nothing Less

An emerging report published by Peoples Gazette, on Monday, alleged that President Bola Tinubu's Chief of Staff, Femi Gbajabiamila, diverted billions of naira in Oil and Gas royalties from the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission, NUPRC, through what the newspaper described as a non-existent Legal provisions.

According to the report, weeks after President Tinubu assumed Office in 2023, Gbajabiamila allegedly began seeking for funds from several high-revenue Agencies, including the Federal Inland Revenue Service (now the Nigeria Revenue Service), NRS, the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency, NIMASA, and the Nigeria Customs Service, NCS.

The report claimed that the NUPRC was also targeted, alleging that Gbajabiamila drafted a memo requesting that 4 percent of the Commission's cost of collection be split into two components: 2.5 percent for operations and routine capital expenditure, and 1.5 percent for capital expenditure.

"Mr. President has directed that the Budget Office and the Accountant-General of the Federation implement the approval in paragraph 2(a) above and ring-fence the 1.5 percent, which may only be utilised for upgrading crude oil and gas metering and transparency systems upon obtaining relevant approvals", Mr. Gbajabiamila reportedly stated in a memo dated July 4, 2023.

According to the report, Gbajabiamila justified the directive by citing Section 24(2)(c) of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2023.

"The authority to collect these fees is vested in Statute - Section 24(2)(c) of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) (2023). However, the specific percentage collectable is subject to Presidential approval", the memo reportedly stated.

However, Peoples Gazette said that its review of the Law found that the cited section did not authorise the collection of tens of billions of naira.

"The source of the Commission Fund shall be as follows - (c) cost of collection by the Commission", Section 24(2) (c) of the PIA reportedly states.

The newspaper argued that the provision does not empower the Presidency or Chief of Staff to claim approximately ₦54 billion from the Commission's funds.

Responding to the report, the Presidency defended Gbajabiamila, saying that he merely carried out the President's directive and that the approval was lawful. It did not directly address the newspaper's claim regarding the cited Legal provision, maintaining instead, that there is no "smoking gun".

"Gbajabiamila did not commandeer any money.

"The Presidential order given to the NUPRC is within the right of Mr. President as President and Commander-in-Chief", Presidential Spokesman, Bayo Onanuga, told Peoples Gazette. 

The report further argued that Section 24(1) of the Petroleum Industry Act, places the Commission's funds under the appropriation of the National Assembly, stating: "The Commission shall maintain a fund into which money accruing to the Commission shall be paid, and all expenditures of the Commission shall be subject to appropriation by the National Assembly."

According to the newspaper, the Commission's cost of collection rose from ₦98 billion in 2022, to ₦145 billion, following President Tinubu's exchange-rate unification policy, adding that, whether the President's directive amounted to Constitutional overreach would ultimately be for the Courts to determine.

The report also recalled previously reported allegations made in 2022, that while serving as Speaker of the House of Representatives, Gbajabiamila accepted $2 million in bribes, in connection with the passage of the Petroleum Industry Bill, PIB. It noted that Gbajabiamila has denied wrongdoing.

Finally, the newspaper referenced the ongoing controversy surrounding the Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council, PFIPC, where Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi, who identified himself as the Council's Director-General, accused Gbajabiamila of receiving ₦400 million through a proxy, and later demanded an additional ₦200 million to facilitate his appointment.

EXCLUSIVE: Kidnap suspects open up: How we planned Adelabu’s sister, twins kidnap

•…Initial plan was to abduct ex-minister’s mum 

•…Suspect speaks on their links with governorship aspirants

*How I was arrested — Solution*

Before his arrest by the operatives of the Force Intelligence Department-Intelligence Response Team (FID-IRT) and other tactical teams in Oyo State Police Command, Segun Balogun a.k.a. Alawaye was known among other drivers at the Motor Park in Iwo Road Area of Ibadan, Oyo State where he used to convey passengers to their destinations. Unknown to many, he decided to choose another route to make money.

He applied his driving skill to conveying members of a kidnap gang he joined to their operations and taking the victims to the ‘safe house’ prepared for them. This he hid very well until the gang’s cup became full. Alawaye is among the suspects arrested for their alleged involvement in the kidnap of the former Minister of Power, Chief Adebayo Adelabu’s sister, Mrs Olaide Busayo Adegoke, and her twin sons.

Segun has confessed to how he took the gang leader, Adewale Abolarinwa a.k.a. Oloro to the house where Adelabu’s extended family members reside, in preparation for the kidnap carried out on June 3.

Segun and one of the men working with a politician (name withheld), revealed how he was approached by Oloro, for the kidnap of the woman and her twin children.

It will be recalled that the kidnap victims were rescued last Saturday from where they were held hostage at Lako Community on Ayegun-Olomi Road, Ibadan, by police operatives following the directive of the Inspector-General of Police, IGP Olatunji Rilwan Disu.

Also arrested were the gang leader, Adewale Abolarinwa a.k.a Oloro, and Dare Oyedele a k.a Solution. It was learnt that Solution was well known as an automobile electrical technician, especially at Orita Challenge area, up to Podo area and its environs in Ibadan. He was also said to have a business where he accommodated other automobile technicians’ workshops. Saturday Tribune discovered that many people who knew him very well are still finding it hard to believe that the same Solution  was a kidnap gang member.

According to police sources, the plan to kidnap the twins started on May 5. They mounted surveillance on the compound where the twins live and on the conveyance of the children, to and from school. It was learnt that Solution took up the job of officer in charge of surveillance for the kidnap gang, trailing the targeted twins. Communications between Oloro and Solution, which were intercepted by the IRT operatives, indicated the kidnap gang’s preparedness towards the kidnap operation. 

Unknown to the targeted family, Solution knew the school being attended by the twins, he knew the process of opening the gates whenever the car approached the residence of the victims. He knew the make of the vehicle with its tinted side glasses. He observed the smartness of the driver. He knew when the grandmother (ex-minister’s mother) was in the compound.

In one of the intercepted messages, Solution was heard describing the school being attended by the children as posh, equipped with air conditioners and very expensive. Also, Solution, in a chat with Oloro, spoke on how he followed the driver back home to understudy the situation in the environment where the targets were residing, to which Oloro responded that Solution should not allow their plans to drag before they would strike.

Further information gathered about Solution revealed that he owned two buildings within the Ayegun Community and was the one who helped to get the caretaker from whom the gang rented the house turned into a kidnappers’ den. It was also discovered that his younger brother was living in the same area but had fled since the lid of the gang’s atrocities was blown open. During a search, a pump action gun was reported to have been found in Solution’s house, totalling three guns recovered from the gang.

Before the rescue of the victims and arrest of the suspects, information had it that the repeated kidnappings within Ibadan had raised suspicion about Oloro’s likely involvement, prompting a kickstart of intelligence-led gathering of information about him, especially when he allegedly jumped bail after his release from prison for a previous kidnap offence.

Since Alawaye was known to be Oloro’s friend, operatives of the Monitoring Unit, reportedly met and asked him of Oloro’s whereabouts, to which he responded that he had been calling him but had not been able to reach him. However, the operatives’ eagle eyes saw that he was making attempts to delete some information from his phone, which made them snatch it from him to have a look at what he was trying to do. To their surprise, they reportedly stumbled on a message involving the purchase of a gun by Oloro who told Alawaye that the gun seller had refused to give him the weapon after taking his money.

With that, the operatives detained the suspect for investigation, unknown to them that he was part of the kidnapping that occurred a day before he was picked. His involvement was revealed two days after.

*Oloro asked me if Adebayo Adelabu still had a mother, and I said yes. He asked me again about where she was living and I told him — Suspect*

In an interview with Saturday Tribune inside the cell, Segun, aged 47 and an Ibadan indigene, opened up on his membership of the kidnap gang: “I’m a driver who transports passengers from Iwo Road Motor Park at World Oil axis. I didn’t start the operation with the gang from the onset. I have known Oloro for more than 10 years in our transport union. At a point, he committed some crimes and was arrested and remanded. Later, we heard that he was in Lagos.

“Along the line, he returned to Ibadan. One day, I saw him at Iwo Road Motor Park. It was in 2025. He gave me his phone number and some money. We used to chat.

“On a particular day, the transport union chairman and I were discussing Oloro, wondering what he was doing as a job.  Before then, a police officer who had been looking for Oloro had told us that he jumped bail. We called him, and he came to us. We discussed his atrocities with him, and he promised not to do such again. He even placed a curse on himself if he ever committed a crime again.

“Oloro started frequenting the motor park. Then, we started discussing about upcoming elections and campaigns. In 2019, Oloro and I worked for (name withheld). When he did not win (the governorship), I left the motor park.

“This time (2026/27), we decided to work for  (the 2019 candidate who did not win), and we used to call one another. However, at a time, he (Oloro) was not responding to my calls frequently as he said he was busy in Lagos. On his return to Ibadan, he stopped coming to the political group’s outings.

“Recently, Oloro moved to the camp (of the man who won the primary, name withheld), but I told them I would stay with (the old governorship aspirant, name withheld).

However, that didn’t stop us from interacting. One day, in May, while we sat together, Oloro asked me if (Adebayo) Adelabu still had a mother, and I said yes. He asked me again about where she was living and I told him. He said I should take him to the place. One day we went to Liberty Stadium for (an aspirant’s) declaration. From there, we proceeded to Adelabu’s mother’s house.

“After showing him the house, he opened upl to me that he was planning to kidnap the mother or a child from the Adelabu family. The reason he gave was that he was broke. He asked me to join him also, pointing out that I was also broke and just driving without making much money. He promised to pay me well and I agreed to join him. My role was to drive the vehicle used for the kidnap operation.

“On Tuesday, June 2, he called and told me that the operation would be carried out the following day. He described the spot where I would join him along expressway at Soka area. After we met on Wednesday, we left for Podo area where Solution was domiciled. From Podo, we left for Challenge. We were four in the operational vehicle — Oloro, Solution, Kelechi and me. I was the driver while three others were masked. We parked the car for about 20 minutes, waiting for the car conveying the children to school to pass by. Oloro had thought that a driver would be the one with the children. The twins were his target to collect ransom.

“As Oloro saw the targeted car, he asked me to follow it, then directed me to swerve and block it at the front. He and two others got down and bundled the mother and the children into our operational car. I drove the car to Ayegun, got down and left others. My heart was pumping hard. Inwardly, I was so afraid. Since that day till now, I have been unable to eat. I have been drinking water only.”

*How I was arrested*

“On Thursday, I was called by a police officer and a member of our transport union. I was told to enter the police vehicle. There, I was told that they were searching for Oloro. My heart flustered, but I also knew he had other issues, so I suggested we call him. We did, but he didn’t pick the calls. Later, he sent me a voice note, and the police took the phone from me. They heard other voice notes in which Oloro complained to me about the person he wanted to buy a gun from but who took the money without giving him the gun. That was how the police officers said I knew about gun purchase by Oloro. I was arrested, after which the police got to know about my involvement in the kidnapping on Saturday when Oloro was captured.”

*During the operation, three of us, Oloro, Kelechi and I, used masks —Solution*

The second suspect, Solution, also told his own story: “I’m aged 43. I’m from Ishara Remo in Ogun State, but Ibadan-based. I’m a member of Oodua People’s Congress (OPC). I trained in rewiring. I have a business named Solution Land Automobile Service. I got to know Oloro about a year ago. Oloro was initially a member of OPC  but was expelled after the kidnap case he had back then. I heard about him from OPC members. He later went to Lagos but used to come to Ibadan. I didn’t know how he got my number. He called me and started interacting with me. He was a cab driver in Lagos, and whenever he needed money, he would call me and I would send him some amount.

“He came to Ibadan one day and asked me to meet him at Toll Gate at  Ibadan end of the Lagos-Ibadan expressway. He told me that he wanted to move around the city, asking if I could get him a vehicle for about a week. I told him I couldn’t because that day was the first time I was seeing him face-to-face and the car with me was not mine. I was repairing a vehicle’s gear that would need running for a week. However, I said I could go with him to wherever he wanted to go. That was last year.

“He was using his Corolla car for the operation. He bought it at Gbagi area about seven months ago. He informed me about joining his kidnap gang about six months ago, but what he asked me to do was to follow him in my own car. For example, if he was going to Iwo Road, he would ask me to wait at Oremeji area. After a while, he would ask me to make a U-turn. Sometimes, he would just call and tell me to join him at (a popular joint at Podo) or Mokola or another place. Whenever we returned from those places, I would be wondering on the reason for the patrol.

“I knew two people with him then. One of them was TJ who used to come to Ibadan from Lagos. Another one is a commercial motorcyclist at Apata area of Ibadan. I believe he introduced the operation to me when those ones were no longer with him. He said he wanted to use my car, but when he saw it, he told me it was too small. He brought one Toyota Corolla belonging to Kelechi to my house at Podo area on Tuesday, June 2. There were two pump action guns in it.

“On Wednesday morning, Oloro came to my place in his own Toyota Corolla car. The key of the car brought to me the previous day was handed over to Alawaye.

“During the operation, three of us – Oloro, Kelechi and I – used masks. Alawaye did not use a mask because he sat in the car. Oloro gave me an axe to hold. He and Kelechi held the two pump action guns. Oloro was the one who broke the side glass of the car conveying our victims. He opened the door and told me to pick one of the children who sat in the front. Kelechi picked the second child. Oloro was the one who bundled the mother into the car.

“The person who was preparing food for the captives was Oloro’s relative. He didn’t follow us for the operation, but it was as if he was always invited to handle feeding of the victims. Whenever Oloro needed money, he would ask me to lend him. I didn’t know how much was demanded as ransom because it was Oloro and Kelechi that used to go and collect it  wherever they told the family of the victims to drop it.

“Before the last operation which I joined, he once gave me N300,000 for following him with my car. He gave me N200,000 at another time.”

How I was arrested

“On Thursday, the day after the operation, I called Oloro, but he didn’t pick my calls. On Friday, it was the same thing. I was disturbed by that but shrugged my shoulders and continued with my life. I was at home on Saturday but later went to Top One to relax. While there, I messaged him, asking for the reason he was not picking my calls, but he didn’t respond immediately. Later he asked me where I was and I told him. He said he would come to join me. That was when police arrived to arrest me. By then, Oloro had not told me the amount I would get as my share of the ransom when paid.

“I don’t know how I got into such a crime. I have a lucrative business. If God can save me from this, I will never venture near crime again.”

Getting Oloro for an interview was a difficult task. He has refused to talk since Sunday when the Commissioner of Police, Olugbenga Ayodeji Abimbola, briefed journalists on how the victims were rescued and suspects arrested, with two of them neutralised. It was learnt that not only has Oloro refused to talk, he also shunned food and water, and was soiling himself with urine and faeces in the cell he was kept in. On Tuesday, Saturday Tribune learnt that he was taken to hospital because of his condition but he refused to respond to doctor’s questions to know the treatment he needed.

Oloro was said to possess many charms recovered from him. The FID-IRT operatives said the charms he possessed were so many that some were even found in his car.

*Past kidnap operations*

Among the arrested suspects, Oloro had been known to be deep in criminal activities. On September 20, 2022, he was paraded by the Oyo State Police Command after his arrest along with his kidnap gang leader, BJ by the Monitoring Unit. At that time, the duo, with other suspects carried out several kidnappings within Ibadan and Ogun State. In his confession during an interview in a story published in Saturday Tribune on September 24, 2022, Oloro confessed that before he was caught for kidnapping, he had once been arrested for snatching cars at gunpoint which resulted in his being remanded in prison. But, according to him, he secured freedom when he enjoyed what he called “prerogative of mercy” which he claimed was bestowed on him by the judiciary.

After his arraignment for the kidnap, Oloro, who claimed to be a Muslim and Ogun worshipper, and another suspect, Aleshe, were remanded in prison as the matter was being heard in court. However, it was learnt that Aleshe was released on bail on April 26, 2024, because of a contagious disease he had, while it is yet unclear the reason Oloro secured a bail also.

However, Aleshe allegedly returned to kidnapping less than a month after he was granted bail, as he carried out an operation on May 16, 2024. Aleshe continued until he was arrested by the Anti-Kidnapping Squad in Ogun State. A credible source confirmed to Saturday Tribune that Aleshe is still in prison in Abeokuta.

THE 2026 FIFA WORLD CUP EXPERIENCE

One of the most interesting things I've heard about this world Cup, has been the role of evangelical/protestant faiths in changing people's societies/cultures almost in irreversible ways.

This whole discussion came from Brazil. Brazil has been a legendary country in football matters until this century if I'm not wrong. They were a powerhouse in world cups. Until matches like the 2014 match against Germany that saw Germany score 7 goals. Something that would have been extraordinary had it not been THE Brazil that was at the receiving end of it.

And so people have really tried to figure out where the rain started beating Brazil.

Some people ( from outside Brazil) are claiming that it's because the kids are not coming from the favelas anymore. The brilliant football kids that turn into world sensations.  But that has been disproven as most Brazilian footballers were not from the favelas even in the 20th century when Brazil was at the top of World Football.

And so the most interesting explanation has been the rise of evangelism.

Now what has fascinated me about this theory is that regardless of how much it applies to Brazilian football or not,  it definitely makes so much sense for other countries that saw the evangelical movement of the 80s going on forward.

And the theory is this, countries like Brazil, were mostly catholics. But their Catholicism did not erase their culture. In fact, to some extent, it integrated it. For those familiar with occult or witchcraft rituals,  you know that the Brazilians and some Latin countries have witchcraft rituals that feel very Catholic. Like they are calling for Catholic saints as others call for ancestors or spirits in the same rituals.

In simple terms, you could be fully into your culture,  complete with talking to ancestors,  having your rights of passage just like your forefathers, having your superstitions, while being a good Catholic.  Your religion did not take away from your culture. They co-existed.

And Brazilians say that that then allowed for the "Latino spirit" of passion and community to seep into everything.  From songs, to their soap operas to football.

I'm not a football person,  so I can't bring out how they've explained how that "passion and community sense" seeped into how Brazilians played football.  Almost like a dance. It's what made their matches interesting in the 20th century.  That they went beyond the usual European formation that has currently dominated the game. That watching them was like watching a body made of different parts that complement each other.  Like a beautiful soul dance where you let the music move you even as you observe the rules.

But Brazilian evangelism came a bit later than African countries evangelism.  So while African countries were ditching stiff churches for dancing churches..Brazil got there this century. 

But what does religion have to do with football?

Whereas the Catholic religion in Brazil had been made to exist alongside people's cultures and other beliefs, protestantism forces people to abandon their cultures. You can't be lighting candles to ancestors and still going to church.  You have to choose one.

And so this has seen people become stiff. The community spirit is being replaced by individualism. The passion is being replaced by " God's will".

So for example,  Brazilians are saying that in the 20th century, both the team and country took excelling at football to heart. You could touch the national pressure on their team to represent them well. That fiery passion we talked about earlier.

But right now, in the streets, that passion has been replaced by " God's will". If the team wins, then Praise God. If it doesn't, it was God's plan. That spirit of passion is gone.

And football is just where the rest of us can observe the effects of that evangelical shift. 

But it's zombifying effects are in every country that got the evangelism gospel. People start praying for things they should be voting for. They start excusing bad leaders with " God's plan".

There is a barreenness that comes with that very specific evangelism spirit from the West.

Remember this isn't about Christianity alone. Muslim people have their own shift that occurred a bit later than the evangelism shift.

Where if you read of Somalia before the war, or even Western and Northern Africa, Islam of before radicalisation co-existed with African cultures. There was no choice to make. You could exist as a person fully immersed in your community,  and still be Muslim. Most African Muslim women did not even wear the Hijab by the way. They wore the same dresses their Christian counterparts wore. Somali may even apparently be the one that gave us the very famous Deras in Kenyan households.

Till the radicalisation came. With it came women now wearing black mostly and wearing Hijabs. Now governments have to watch out because any time soon a young Muslim man could be blowing up random people to get to their heaven. From Somalia to Nigeria. Same Islam radicalisation.

So the problem isn't religion. It's these particular waves of intense religions that have spread in the last 40 or so years that are worrying.  Remember some people in Western Kenya, during colonisation, actually used Christianity to start a sect that opposed colonisation.

Yet somehow, the radicalisation of today's religion,  does not ever lead to people standing up for oppression.  Instead, it co-exists with government oppression,  and even goes ahead and makes people better individualised zombies that can be oppressed while asking God for help but not doing anything materially to revolt.

Is it any wonder, that this seems like a deliberate plot from the CIA to destabilise people,  right from their very souls?

Source: Mwende Kyalo

Babatunde Omidina (Baba Suwe): The Life of Nigeria's Comedy Legend

When the history of Nigerian comedy is written, one name will forever stand among the greatest—Babatunde Omidina, popularly known as Baba Suwe. For more than three decades, he brought laughter into millions of homes through his unforgettable performances in Yoruba films. His unique facial expressions, witty dialogue, energetic acting style, and natural comedic talent made him one of the most beloved actors in Nigeria's entertainment industry.

Born on 22 August 1958 on Inabere Street, Lagos Island, in what was then British Nigeria, Baba Suwe was of Igbogbo, Ikorodu, Lagos State, origin. Although he grew up in Lagos, he spent part of his childhood in Osogbo, where he attended Children Boarding School and later Ifeoluwa Grammar School, earning his West African School Certificate. He also attended Jamaitul Islamia Primary School in Lagos and Adekanbi Commercial High School before completing his education.

Baba Suwe discovered his passion for acting at a young age and joined the Nigerian theatre scene in the early 1970s. His talent quickly caught the attention of established actors and producers. He appeared in several stage plays before making his way into Yoruba-language films. His breakthrough came after featuring in Omolasan, but it was the 1997 movie Iru Esin, produced by Olaiya Igwe, that transformed him into a household name across Nigeria.

From that moment, Baba Suwe became one of the biggest stars in Yoruba cinema. His ability to portray funny, troublesome, clever, and sometimes unlucky characters made him a fan favourite. His comic timing was exceptional, and his performances appealed to both young and old audiences. Throughout the late 1990s and 2000s, he dominated the Yoruba movie industry, appearing in numerous successful productions.

Some of his most popular films include Ba O Ku, Baba Londoner, Aso Ibora, Obelomo, Elebolo, Larinloodu, Kotan Sibe, Sikiratu Sindodo, Baba Jaiye Jaiye, and Maradona, among many others. His movies were watched not only in Nigeria but also by Yoruba-speaking audiences around the world.

Beyond acting, Baba Suwe also worked as a film producer and mentor, helping to promote Yoruba culture and entertainment. His influence inspired a new generation of actors and comedians who admired his originality and dedication to his craft.

In his personal life, Baba Suwe married fellow actress Monsurat Omidina, popularly known as Moladun Kenkelewu. The couple shared a successful career in the entertainment industry until her death in 2009, which deeply affected him. He later remarried and was blessed with children.

One of the most difficult moments of Baba Suwe's life came in October 2011, when he was arrested by the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) on allegations that he had swallowed cocaine while returning from France. He was detained for weeks and subjected to repeated medical examinations because officials believed he was carrying illegal drugs internally. Despite extensive investigations and multiple scans, no drugs were ever found in his body.

The incident attracted nationwide attention and generated widespread debate. Baba Suwe maintained his innocence throughout the ordeal, insisting he had committed no crime. After years of legal proceedings, the courts ruled in his favour and awarded him compensation for his unlawful detention. Although he eventually received justice, Baba Suwe often stated that the experience damaged his health, reputation, finances, and acting career.

As the years passed, the legendary actor battled diabetes and other health complications. His condition became widely known, prompting support from fellow actors, politicians, businesspeople, and fans across Nigeria, who contributed financially toward his medical treatment. Despite the assistance, his health continued to decline.

On 22 November 2021, Baba Suwe passed away at the age of 63. News of his death spread rapidly across Nigeria, with tributes pouring in from actors, filmmakers, government officials, and millions of fans who had grown up watching his films. He was buried according to Islamic rites in Ikorodu, Lagos State.

Although Baba Suwe is no longer alive, his legacy continues to thrive. His films remain popular on television and digital platforms, introducing new generations to his timeless comedy. He transformed Yoruba comic acting into an art form and proved that laughter could unite people across different backgrounds. His unforgettable characters, signature expressions, and extraordinary performances secured him a permanent place in the history of Nigerian cinema.

Today, Baba Suwe is remembered not only as one of the greatest comedians Nigeria has ever produced but also as a cultural icon whose work preserved the richness of Yoruba storytelling while bringing joy to millions. His life was filled with triumphs, challenges, resilience, and remarkable achievements, ensuring that his name will never be forgotten in the history of Nollywood.

Oliver "Tuku" Mtukudzi - The Voice of Zimbabwe | Culture & Music

In the rich tapestry of African music, few figures loom as large as Oliver "Tuku" Mtukudzi. The Zimbabwean singer-songwriter, guitarist, and cultural icon left an indelible mark on the continent’s soundscape over a career that spanned more than four decades. Known affectionately as Tuku, he blended traditional Shona rhythms with jazz, mbira, and soulful grooves to create a genre all his own “Tuku Music.” His husky vocals and poignant lyrics captured the everyday joys, struggles, and hopes of Zimbabwean life, earning him reverence both at home and on the global stage.

Born on 22 September 1952 in Highfield, Harare, Mtukudzi came of age during the final years of colonial Rhodesia. He burst onto the scene in 1977 as part of the Wagon Wheels band alongside Thomas Mapfumo. Their breakthrough hit “Dzandimomotera” quickly went gold, setting the stage for his solo journey with the Black Spirits. Following Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980, Tuku’s music evolved into a powerful force for social commentary, addressing themes of peace, tolerance, women’s rights, and the challenges of nation-building.

Mtukudzi was extraordinarily prolific, releasing between 59 and 67 albums during his lifetime. His early works in the late 1970s and 1980s, such as Ndipeiwo Zano (1978), Africa (1980), and Nzara (1983), established him as a major voice in Zimbabwean music. By the 1990s, he was experimenting with broader appeal while staying rooted in his cultural heritage.

The 1998/1999 release of Tuku Music marked his international breakthrough, drawing acclaim from world music audiences and leading to tours across Europe and North America. Other standout albums include the socially charged Bvuma (Tolerance) (2001), Nhava (2005), and the deeply personal Sarawoga (2012), a tribute to his son Sam Mtukudzi, who tragically died in a 2010 car accident. In his later years, releases like Eheka! Nhai Yahwe (2016) and the reflective Hany'a (Concern) (2018) showcased his enduring vitality and commitment to speaking truth through song.

Beyond the studio, Mtukudzi excelled as a multifaceted artist. He starred in groundbreaking Zimbabwean films such as Jit (1990) and Neria (1993), for which he also composed the acclaimed soundtrack. He wrote and directed musical theater productions and mentored emerging talent through his arts initiatives.

Accolades and Humanitarian Legacy

Mtukudzi’s contributions earned him prestigious honors that underscored both his artistic excellence and humanitarian spirit.

Highlights include:

The M-Net Best Soundtrack Award (1992) for Neria.

Best Southern African Male Artist and Lifetime Achievement Award at the KORA Music Awards (2003).

An honorary degree from the University of Zimbabwe (2003).

National Arts Merit Awards (NAMA) for Best Male Vocalist/Group in 2002 and 2004.

Honorary Doctorate of Humane Letters from the International Institute of Philanthropy (2014).

The AFRIMA Legend Award (2017).

In recognition of his advocacy, he was appointed UNICEF Goodwill Ambassador for Southern Africa. His philanthropy extended to supporting children’s causes, women’s empowerment, and community development, solidifying his role as more than just a musician he was a cultural statesman.

Oliver Mtukudzi passed away on 23 January 2019 at the age of 66 following complications from diabetes. His death prompted an outpouring of grief across Zimbabwe and the African music world, with tributes highlighting his role in strengthening national identity through song.

Today, Tuku’s music continues to resonate. Streaming platforms keep classics like “Neria,” “Bvuma,” and tracks from Tuku Music alive for new generations. His children, including musician Selmor Mtukudzi, carry forward aspects of his artistic and humanitarian legacy.

In an era of rapid change, Oliver Mtukudzi remains a timeless reminder of the power of music to heal, unite, and inspire. As one of Africa’s most authentic voices, Tuku did more than entertain he chronicled a nation’s soul.

Oliver Mtukudzi’s catalog is widely available on major music platforms. His story endures as a cornerstone of Zimbabwean and African musical heritage.

THE PLOT TO KILL PETER OBI.

"Let 2023 be the last time of Igbo interference in Lagos politics."----BAYO ONANUGA TINUBU PRESIDENTIAL SPOKESMAN.

The last act of Funso Williams, the once popular Lagos State gubernatorial candidate a vibrant opponent of Bola Ahmed Tinubu. He had gone to seek the help of the late Pastor T.B. Joshua. What he told the Pastor that day turned out to be prophetic. People are out to kill him he had raised the alarm. That night people broke into his house and killed the very popular aspiring candidate. Peter Obi is far more popular that Funso Williams. He too is aspiring to defeat Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Just like Willaims did. Obi has raised the familiar alarm that people are after his life. And in this toxic political divide fueled by Tinubu and his goons. We are supposed to ignore it. Act like he is talking balderdash. In the midst of a ruling class that does not see the opposition and those with contrary intelligence as friendly.

Hate is a very strong word. But what is the right word to use to qualify the unbridled animosity towards those with dissenting views by APC. It is either you belong to the party and its cultlike thinking. If you do not buy the nonsense they are selling, hook line and sinker. Then you should be hook, line and sinker in the bottom of the Lagos Lagoon. Do not take my words. I am paraphrasing what the Oba of Lagos, a staunch supporter of APC said. A boldly partisan traditional ruler in a State with a large diverse population. The same state where a thug called MC Oluomo threatened lives of anyone that comes out to vote against the APC. He was rewarded with a title in Abuja by Tinubu. Who needs the hyper-polarization strategy to rule. The deep-seated partisan sectarianism is the reason why someone will kill Peter Obi and get away with it.

The ugly truth that APC and its cult followers will not say is that you are immoral and even abhorrent if you refuse to see the beauty of the man Tinubu. The Messiah that is God sent to take Nigeria to the promised land. Ignore the slippery slope into a one-party state. And the reason for your ability to see and decipher. The rare decision to use your brain to think. Peter Obi is to blame for your reasoning like a grown adult. Not an infantile kindergarten. Men like him think too much. Read too much. Like William Shakespeare wrote in JJULIS CEASER, "such men are dangerous". That sadly is the political orientation of Tinubu and APC. It is not a broad inclusive group. Seyi Tinubu has a thousand security personal following him to Ojude Oba. Peter Obi, an aspiring popular presidential candidate travels alone. So, it should not be nebulous to us when he raises this alarm. A serious government would take it seriously. After all Peter Obi is a Nigerian like them. Or so I think.

 "Lagos is like Anambra, Imo, any Nigerian state. It is not No Man's Land... It is Yoruba land. Mind your business."----BAYO ONANUGA.

Source: JAIYEOLA AJASA.

REMEMBERING ROBERT MATANO

The whistle of the train cutting through the Kenyan countryside in 1985 carried no hint of the storm awaiting Robert Stanley Matano. En route from his Mazeras home to Nairobi, the long-serving Minister for Information and Broadcasting was blissfully unaware that his political world had just collapsed via a terse one o’clock radio announcement from the Presidential Press Unit. When the train pulled into the capital, the reality of his sudden sacking hit him like a thunderbolt; a man who had faithfully served both Jomo Kenyatta and Daniel arap Moi across numerous ministries suddenly found himself calling his own office just to request a vehicle to haul his personal effects out of a government house. It was a stark, unceremonious turning point for a politician whose life had always balanced on the edge of high-stakes power and uncommon integrity.

Born in Kaloleni in 1925, Matano’s journey began with herding his father’s livestock before his sharp intellect propelled him through Alliance High School and Makerere University. He entered the turbulent waters of pre-independence politics under the wings of Ronald Ngala, championing the regional majimbo system under KADU before crossing the floor to join the ruling KANU machine in 1964. When Tom Mboya was assassinated in 1969, Kenyatta thrust Matano into the eye of the storm as acting KANU Secretary General. For over a decade, he presided over a KANU that was practically a ghost of its former self; starved of funds, buried in debt, and disconnected phone lines. Still it was an era when the party’s word was absolute law and Matano remained the gatekeeper of political clearance.

It was this very role as gatekeeper that brought about the most explosive and unforgettable chapter of his career in 1979. Inside the KICC, then KANU headquarters, tensions boiled over regarding the political clearance of former KPU members, including Oginga Odinga. Matano found himself locked in a fierce, physical confrontation with the notoriously temperamental KANU national treasurer, Justus ole Tipis. As arguments escalated into outright combat, Tipis lunged forward and struck Matano squarely on the head with his iconic club. The shocking image of two top ruling party officials trading blows and weapons within the inner sanctum of power became etched into the nation's political memory.

Despite holding immense influence for nearly three decades, Matano was an anomaly in Kenyan politics; a man completely unsoiled by the traps of personal greed. He refused to use his positions to secure state jobs for his children, nor did he use his ministry to amass vast wealth, ultimately losing his seat in the infamous 1988 queue-voting elections to a political newcomer. He retired quietly to his rural home to practice farming, passing away in 2008 in absolute poverty, yet leaving behind a legacy as a fiercely clean, down-to-earth leader who chose honour over alignment with the corrupt status quo.

TINUBU TO JOURNALISTS: STOP LOOKING FOR SENSATIONAL NEWS

President Tinubu's advice to Nigeria's media: Choose between substance or sensation, credibility or clickbait

REMARKS BY PRESIDENT BOLA AHMED TINUBU, GCFR, AT THE MAIDEN STATE HOUSE MEDIA DINNER (SHMD), STATE HOUSE, ABUJA, on Thursday, 2 July 2026

PROTOCOLS

Good evening, ladies and gentlemen.

I am happy to join you today for the maiden State House Media Corp Presidential  Dinner. 

First, I apologise on behalf of the media department for not setting up a meeting like this earlier. The frenetic pace of work and the constant shifting of schedules, due to one challenge or another, have been responsible for this.

I appreciate all of you here for your tireless efforts in covering the State House. I appreciate your dedication to ensuring Nigerians are informed about my government's activities. 

Let me also assure you that my administration remains committed to ensuring you have the access, the resources, and the freedom to do your jobs as prescribed by the constitution.

Democracy rests on the pillars of freedoms: Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of association, and others. I am an apostle of a free press. I have defended and advocated for the rights of the media throughout my public life and will continue to do so. While press freedom and free speech remain the bedrock of an open and democratic society, journalists and citizens must also not forget the imperative of balancing rights with responsibility and the duty you hold to society to report and inform with care and accuracy to facts and in a manner that ensures the society is not set on fire. 

(6). Democracy is stymied without a free press. The fourth estate of the realm must be a free estate, and not a fief. However, where there is enormous power, there should be accountability and responsibility. The ethics of the profession must be considered sacred and upheld by practitioners.

(7). The recurring incidents of misinformation, disinformation, fake news, voice and facial cloning and deep fakes are concerning. These are the drawbacks of the social media age. Media practitioners should not be willing couriers of falsehood or unverified information injurious to national security and the nation.

I hope this gathering becomes a cherished tradition—a unique occasion to celebrate the important relationship between government and the media and the indispensable roles both institutions play in sustaining our democracy.

Tonight, we are gathered in one room pretending to be friends when, in truth, we are often adversaries. Now, before tomorrow's headlines announce that the President has declared war on the media, let me quickly clarify.

We are adversaries only in the democratic sense, as the media constantly distrust those in power. In nation-building, we are partners.

Government exists to serve the people through leadership, policy, and public service. The media exists to serve society by watching those entrusted with power, asking difficult questions, and holding government accountable.

The Nigerian people have deliberately assigned us these roles. Government must act. The media must watch. Government must explain. The media must question. That arrangement guarantees a certain level of tension. It ensures that we are constantly at each other's throats—not because we dislike one another, but because democracy demands it.

This partnership and rivalry will not disappear as long as governments exist.

But tonight, the tables turn slightly. The media will take a few hits. For the record, I am both a lover and a long-time supporter of the Nigerian press. My courtship with the media began more than three decades ago and has not waned. The only difference is that I now find myself on the receiving end of the headlines.

Sometimes I genuinely wonder whether the media likes or hates me. One day, I read a headline that said:

"Tinubu Scores Big As Nigeria's Economy Expands."

The very next day, I encountered another headline:

"Nigeria's Economy Falters As Tinubu Loses Grip."

Both stories may come from the same media ecosystem. Between those two headlines, a lot must have happened. The question is: did the media do its homework? Did it provide citizens with the context, analysis, and insight required to understand what changed? Or are we increasingly drifting towards the old newsroom creed: "If it bleeds, it leads"?

After more than three decades in public life, I have learned that one should never underestimate the wiles of politics—or the improvisation of those who report on it. Over the years, I have probably become one of the most analysed, scrutinised, investigated, predicted, and speculated-upon politicians in Nigeria's democratic history.

And then, of course, came the election season, when every rumour became a prediction, every prediction became a certainty, and every certainty became a breaking news alert. The opposition, understandably, sought every opportunity to challenge my candidacy and question my record. That is politics. I do not quarrel with that.

What fascinated me was how quickly speculation could become accepted wisdom, how allegations could become headlines, and how often conclusions arrived long before the facts.

Yet democracy eventually has its day.

The Nigerian people listened. They evaluated. They separated fact from fiction. And ultimately, they rendered their verdict. That experience reinforced my belief that while democracy depends on a free press, it also depends on a responsible press.

We live in an era where misinformation and disinformation travel faster than facts. The media must choose fact over falsehood. The media must choose substance over sensation. The media must choose credibility over clickbait and the endless race for followers, likes, and viral outrage.

The public depends on journalists not merely to report events but to separate fact from fiction, truth from speculation, and evidence from opinion. In a world where everyone with a smartphone is now a journalist, the responsibility of professional journalism has never been greater.

Professional journalism must remain the standard by which truth is distinguished from rumour and facts from fiction. Let me also make it clear that freedom of expression is not freedom to defame. Freedom of the press is not freedom to deliberately mislead.

Rights come with responsibilities. Public trust is earned through fairness, professionalism, accuracy, and integrity. The media space is no longer an unregulated frontier. Nigeria has enacted laws, including the Cybercrimes Act and other relevant legislation, to protect citizens from malicious falsehoods, cyberstalking, identity theft, and other abuses that increasingly accompany the digital age.

These safeguards are not intended to weaken press freedom. Rather, they exist to protect citizens and preserve the integrity of our information ecosystem.

Tonight, however, is not about blame.

Tonight is about celebrating the media and the indispensable role it plays in our national life. My administration remains fully committed to the constitutional guarantees of freedom of expression and press freedom as enshrined in Sections 22 and 39 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Section 39 guarantees every Nigerian the right to freedom of expression and the right to establish and operate media institutions. Section 22 places upon the media the noble responsibility of holding government accountable to the people. Together, these provisions form one of the strongest foundations of our democracy.

Equally important is the Freedom of Information Act, which continues to promote transparency, openness, and citizen access to information. Our commitment to these principles remains unwavering.

Distinguished ladies and gentlemen,

Nigeria today is undergoing one of the most ambitious periods of reform in its history. The difficult but necessary reforms undertaken by this administration are yielding results. Our economy is stabilising. Public revenues have strengthened significantly. State governments are receiving substantially higher allocations to support development. Investor confidence is returning.

Our foreign reserves have improved considerably. The oil and gas sector is attracting renewed investment. The stock market has witnessed remarkable growth. Key economic indicators are moving in the right direction. Through tax reforms, fiscal reforms, infrastructure investments, and improvements in the business environment, we are laying the foundations for a more competitive, productive, and prosperous economy.

The journey is not yet complete. Challenges remain. But the direction is clear, and the foundations for long-term growth are being firmly established. Regarding security, our administration has maintained a determined, multi-dimensional approach.

Military operations have intensified across several theatres. Intelligence gathering has improved. Inter-agency collaboration has strengthened. Regional and international cooperation has expanded.

As a result, thousands of criminal elements and terrorists have been neutralised. Numerous hostages have been rescued. Communities previously under threat have been reclaimed. 

Security agencies continue to demonstrate courage and professionalism in confronting terrorism, banditry, kidnapping, oil theft, and other forms of criminality.

While Nigeria continues to face security challenges, we have moved steadily from reacting to threats toward systematically degrading them. We remain resolute in our commitment to securing every part of our country and ensuring that every Nigerian can live, work, and prosper in peace.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The media remains one of the most important pillars of any democratic society. But beyond their traditional role as watchdogs, the media are also critical partners in national development. They inform citizens, shape public discourse, promote civic participation, strengthen national cohesion, and contribute to economic and social progress.

As we look to the future, let us continue to strengthen the relationship between government and the media—not by abandoning healthy scrutiny, but by deepening mutual respect, professionalism, and responsibility, and by strengthening our shared commitment to the Nigerian people.

Let us replace needless hostility with constructive engagement. Let us replace sensationalism with professionalism. Let us replace the pursuit of outrage with the pursuit of truth. Together, let us continue building a nation where truth matters, accountability thrives, democracy flourishes, and every Nigerian has reason to believe in the promise of our country.

I thank you for your dedication, service, and contributions to our democracy.

May God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Thank you and enjoy the evening.

FIRE IN SOWETO AS SOUTH AFRICANS CHASE OUT BLACK AFRICANS FROM THEIR COUNTRY

Thousands of people have marched in South Africa's main cities to demand that all undocumented migrants leave the country.

Police officers - backed by private security guards - have been deployed because of fears that protests could turn violent. Anti-migrant groups had set Tuesday as the deadline for undocumented migrants to leave.

Many foreigners have already fled to escape violence and intimidation. South African police say 25,000 have been repatriated so far. Most are from other African countries.

One undocumented Malawian told the BBC he was "happy to be going back" but "heartbroken" to be leaving behind four young children.

The Ministry of Police said the protests have largely been peaceful across the country, with isolated incidents of looting and attempted looting.

In Johannesburg, the financial capital, shops in the city centre were closed, while police visibility is high on major streets.

The military has been deployed in Hillbrow, a suburb in Johannesburg where many African migrants live, following reports of a teenager being shot and a car being torched, local media report.

Some protesters threw bricks, breaking the windows of some homes in Yeoville, another suburb where many African migrants live.

In a neighbourhood in Germiston, about 15km (nine miles) from Johannesburg, demonstrators went to homes, evicting residents they suspected were foreign nationals and handing them over to police officers, insisting they check their documentation, local media report.

Police said they had arrested five people for the alleged looting of a foreign-owned shop in Johannesburg's biggest township, Soweto.

About 10 people were also arrested for looting in KwaZulu-Natal province, while a woman was arrested for assaulting a police officer and a man for "intimidation" following reports of a foreign national being beaten up, police said.

Businesses in central Durban, the main city in the province, were also shut.

Protesters handed over a memorandum listing their demands to government officials in Durban and Johannesburg.

The leader of anti-migrant group March and March, Jacinta Ngobese-Zuma, said they would protest every Thursday for the next six months to force the government to "get rid of" undocumented migrants who were still in South Africa.

A demonstrator - who is part of another anti-migrant group, Operation Dudula - told the BBC they would "push the police" to arrest foreigners who are not legally in the country.

President Cyril Ramaphosa met some of the protest leaders on the eve of Tuesday's marches to defuse tensions.

He has repeatedly warned demonstrators to act peacefully, while also accepting the need for immigration reforms.

OGBOJU ODE NINU IGBO IRUNMOLE

Fagunwa's first book was written in a bush, they thought he was a ghøst, his body was found with cap on his head 3 days after

A long interesting read👇

Daniel Olorunfemi Fagunwa wrote “Ogboju Ode ninu Igbo Irumole”, while serving as the Headmaster of St. Andrew’s Practising School, Oyo, from 1930 and 1939. In the course of writing the book, Fagunwa like a mystic, had to look for a bush path. He left Oyo town and moved towards Ibadan road and created a path, through a bush, to a very big tree, which was so huge, that one could not see sun-rays under the tree. He brought a small table, a chair and books underneath the tree, to begin writing his first novel.

He later realized that posite the bush path he created, there was a woman selling yam in a kiosk. He did not know that the woman was suspecting that he was not a human being. He used to come out of the bush to buy yam and returned there. The woman then contacted some hunters and villagers to search the bush. Fortunately, the period they came was when he had gone to buy yam, otherwise they would have searched the place and could have kïllēd him. He was returning to the bush after buying yam when those men stopped him.

They asked him where he was going and where he came from. He told them the story about himself. They asked: ”you say you are writing a book, is it in the bush that writers work?” They followed him inside the bush and behold, they saw a chair and table and books on the table. They asked him where he originated from, he told them that he was the Headmaster of St. Andrew’s Practicing School, Oyo, that was how they spared him.

When he finished writing the book and finding a publisher, he made £25 from which he prepared for the wedding to his first wife, bought a brand new bicycle, gramo phone with some records, iron bed, mattress and so many other things. He also hired a vehicle from Lagos, to bring him to Oyo with his luggage.

When he got to Oyo, his fiancée, surprised, asked him where he got money to buy these treasured items; and that was how the encouragement and inspiration to write further books started.

DEMISE

Fagunwa did not disappear as had been previously reported. He was returning from a business trip in Northern Nigeria, slept in Bida, and, the following morning, left because there was a river Wuya on the way, that had no bridge.

There, they had to take a ferry, conveying people and vehicles across the river. At the river bank, he told his driver, James, an Ibadan man, to wait, while he followed one path by the bank of the river. The driver shortly after Fagunwa left him, started hearing splashes of water, only to realize that Fagunwa had slipped by the river bank into the river.

Fagunwa’s body was discovered three days after. There was no scratch on his body when he was discovered the third day. He was found fresh, erect and was also still holding his eye glasses. His wrist watch and other accessories were intact. He still had his cap on his head. He still had his shoes on and also his complete agbada.

Fagunwa’s remains were buried at the cemetery of the St. Luke’s Anglican Church, Oke-Igbo- his home town on the 10th of December, 1963. His body did not disappear as was being speculated. He was from a Christian home.

Credit: Vanguard

THE EVIL OF MIKE OZHEKHOME

Mr Ozekhome was accused of forgery of documents including a passport and an irrevocable power of attorney to lay claim to to the London property.

He is also facing prosecuiton in Nigeria for forgery and other crimes regarding the scam.

In February, the Office of the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) re-arraigned Mr Ozekhome and Mr Useni’s son, Ponfa Useni, regarding their roles in London property scandal.

The defendants were re-arraigned on 12 charges of forgery and impersonation before the FCT High Court in Maitama, Abuja.

The re-arraignment followed an amendment of the charges initially filed against Mr Ozekhome as the sole defendant.

The amendment introduced Ponfa as the second defendant.

The LPPC, the body that confers the highly coveted SAN rank on accomplished lawyers, said Mr Ozekhome’s suspension from using the rank “is intended to safeguard the integrity, dignity, and prestige of the Rank of Senior Advocate of Nigeria while due consideration is given to the matters under review.”

It therefore directed Mr Ozekhome to refrain from parading himself, presenting himself, or otherwise holding himself out as a Senior Advocate of Nigeria pending the conclusion of the disciplinary proceedings.

The LPPC said it remains committed to upholding the highest standards of professional ethics, integrity and discipline within the legal profession.

It added that the rank of Senior Advocate of Nigeria must continue to command public confidence and respect.

The rank of SAN is the highest distinction conferred on legal practitioners in Nigeria. It is awarded annually to lawyers and academics who have distinguished themselves in legal practice, legal scholarship, and contributions to the development of the law.

The rank comes with a number of privileges, including a reserved seat in the “inner bar” of Nigerian courtrooms, priority attention to cases of the rank holder, special recognition during court sessions and formal events of the legal profession, and wearing of a special silk different from the regular gown of other lawyers.

The LPPC is the body responsible for the conferment of the SAN rank and the preservation of its dignity and integrity. The committee oversees the SAN selection process, considers petitions and complaints relating to the rank, and may suspend or withdraw the privilege in appropriate cases in accordance with its guidelines.

Background

The suspension comes amid ongoing disciplinary and criminal proceedings linked to a disputed property in London.

In September 2025, a UK property tribunal dismissed claims over a house at 79 Randall Avenue, North London, and found that the case before it was built on forged documents and impersonation. The tribunal rejected Mr Ozekhome’s claim that the property was transferred to him in 2021 by a man identified as Tali Shani.

Following the judgment, the Attorney General of the Federation, Lateef Fagbemi, announced that Nigerian authorities would examine the issues raised by the case.

PREMIUM TIMES reported that The Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission later opened an investigation, while criminal charges were subsequently filed against Mr Ozekhome over alleged forgery and use of false documents connected to the property dispute. Mr Ozekhome has denied wrongdoing.

PRESS RELEASE SUSPENSION OF CHIEF MIKE OZEKHOME FROM THE RANK OF | SENIOR ADVOCATE OF NIGERIA The Legal Practitioners’ Privileges Committee (LPPC), at its 173rd General Meeting held on 23 June 2026, approved the suspension of Chief Mike Ozekhome, from the Rank of Senior Advocate of Nigeria. This action was taken pursuant to Paragraph 26(6) of the Guidelines for the Conferment of the Rank of Senior Advocate of Nigeria and All Matters Pertaining to the Rank, pending the final determination of the disciplinary proceedings, presently before the Disciplinary and Ethics Sub-Committee of the LPPC and other proceedings. The suspension is intended to safeguard the integrity, dignity, and prestige of the Rank of Senior Advocate of Nigeria while due consideration is given to the matters under review. Accordingly, Chief Mike Ozekhome, shall refrain from parading himself, presenting himself, or otherwise holding himself out as a Senior Advocate of Nigeria pending the final determination of the disciplinary proceedings. The LPPC remains committed to upholding the highest standards of professional ethics, integrity, and discipline within the legal profession and to ensuring that the Rank of Senior Advocate of Nigeria continues to command public confidence and respect. j e a a of . an ; KABIR E. AKA +I, ESQ. Chief Registrar, Supreme Court of Nigeria Secretary, Legal Practitioners’ Privileges Committee.

On 23 August 2013, Ozekhome was kidnapped at the Ehor stretch of the Benin-Auchi Expressway, Nigeria, with his driver Chinedu. The abduction at Ehor led to the deaths of four policemen who attempted to intervene.

DID OBI ONYEJEKWE REALLY FATHER OLUSEGUN OBASANJO? A CRITICAL LOOK AT THE EVIDENCE

Every few years, the same claim returns to Nigerian social media:

"Olusegun Obasanjo is not truly Yoruba. 

He is the biological son of Obi Joseph Okwudili Onyejekwe of Onitsha."

The argument usually relies on photographs.

People point to similarities in facial structure, height, and appearance. 

Some even argue that the resemblance is too strong to be a coincidence.

But serious historical questions require more than photographs.

They require evidence.

Let's examine what we actually know.

FIRST: WHO WAS OBI JOSEPH OKWUDILI ONYEJEKWE?

Joseph Okwudili Onyejekwe was born in 1912 and later became Obi of Onitsha after a lengthy succession dispute that ended with his installation in 1962.

Before ascending the throne, he served in the colonial police service and was already a notable figure in Onitsha.

These facts are well documented.

SECOND: WHAT DO WE KNOW ABOUT OBASANJO'S FAMILY?

Olusegun Obasanjo was born in 1937 in Ogun State.

Historical accounts consistently identify his father as Amos Adigun Obasanjo Bankole, a member of the Owu community.

The Obasanjo family lineage, ancestral roots, and connections to Owu-Totoro have been publicly acknowledged for decades.

Importantly, no credible historical record, court proceeding, colonial document, family testimony, or academic publication has ever produced evidence linking Obi Onyejekwe to Obasanjo's birth.

Not one.

THIRD: WHAT EVIDENCE SUPPORTS THE RUMOR?

This is where the story becomes interesting.

Despite how widespread the claim is, the evidence presented is usually limited to:

Physical resemblance.

Social media speculation.

Unverified stories passed from one person to another.

There are no birth records.

There are no letters.

There are no official acknowledgments.

There are no contemporary witnesses whose claims have been independently verified.

In historical research, such evidence would not meet even the most basic standard of proof.

FOURTH: WHY DO PEOPLE BELIEVE IT?

Because human beings naturally search for patterns.

When two people share similar facial features, many assume there must be a family connection.

Yet history is full of unrelated individuals who look remarkably alike.

Physical resemblance alone has never been accepted as proof of parentage.

If it were, thousands of family histories around the world would have to be rewritten.

THE QUESTION CRITICAL THINKERS SHOULD ASK

If Obasanjo were truly the son of one of the most prominent royal figures associated with Onitsha, why has no verifiable evidence emerged after decades of public scrutiny?

Remember:

Obasanjo has been a military officer, Head of State, President, international diplomat, and one of the most studied political figures in Nigerian history.

His life has been examined by journalists, historians, political opponents, intelligence agencies, biographers, and researchers.

Yet no documented proof connecting him to Obi Onyejekwe has ever surfaced.

That does not automatically prove the rumor false.

But it does mean that extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence.

And so far, the evidence simply does not exist.

THE VERDICT

A photograph can raise a question.

A rumor can spark curiosity.

But history is not built on resemblance.

History is built on records, documents, witnesses, and verifiable facts.

Until credible evidence appears, the claim remains what it has always been:

An interesting story but not an established historical fact.

What is your view? 

Should physical resemblance be considered evidence, or should history rely only on documented facts?

Source: Heart 2 Heart With Sammy

HOW TO COMMIT THE PERFECT CRIME.

Former Minister of Petroleum Resources Diezani Alison-Madueke stole at least $2.5 billion from the country. Whistleblower allegations from former officials suggest up to $20 billion in state oil revenues vanished under her management.

Breaking News: Diezani Alison-Madueke: A Long Walk Through Pain, Trial and Vindication

On 17 June 2026, after years of investigation, legal battles and intense public scrutiny, a jury at Southwark Crown Court in London returned verdicts of not guilty on all charges against former Nigerian Minister of Petroleum Resources, Diezani Alison-Madueke. The trial, which lasted several months and followed more than a decade of investigations, has finally come to an end. (Reuters⁠)

The case was heard at Southwark Crown Court, London. During the proceedings, the prosecution, acting on behalf of the Crown Prosecution Service, alleged that Mrs. Alison-Madueke accepted benefits, gifts, luxury accommodation and other advantages from individuals connected to the oil and gas industry in exchange for influence over oil and gas contracts. She faced five counts of accepting bribes and one count of conspiracy to commit bribery. (London South East⁠)

Her lead defence counsel, Jonathan Laidlaw KC, vigorously challenged the allegations. He argued that Mrs. Alison-Madueke did not possess the unilateral authority to award contracts and was, in many instances, acting on official recommendations and established governmental procedures. He further argued that purchases made on her behalf were reimbursed and that Nigerian ministers were prohibited from maintaining foreign bank accounts. Most importantly, Mrs. Alison-Madueke consistently maintained before the court that she never asked for, sought, or accepted bribes of any kind. (London South East⁠)

The jury carefully considered the evidence over many months. After extensive deliberations, they found her not guilty on all charges. That verdict must be respected, whether one agrees with it or not. In every democratic society governed by the rule of law, the judgment of a competent court and jury deserves acceptance. (Reuters⁠)

Beyond the legal arguments lies a human story.

For more than ten years, Diezani Alison-Madueke lived under the shadow of criminal allegations. Her movements were severely restricted. She endured prolonged legal uncertainty, public criticism, and the emotional burden of defending her name in a foreign country. During this difficult period, she battled cancer and faced the pain of separation from family and loved ones. There were important family moments she could not attend and personal losses she could not properly mourn.

Regardless of where one stands on the politics surrounding her case, no fair-minded person can deny that ten years under investigation and legal restrictions is a heavy burden for any human being to bear.

Many Nigerians remember Diezani not only as a defendant in a courtroom but also as a public servant who occupied one of the most strategic offices in the country. Before entering government, she had a distinguished career in the oil industry, including senior executive responsibilities with Shell. As Minister of Petroleum Resources, she served during a period when Nigeria’s crude oil production exceeded two million barrels per day. She also became the first female President of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), representing Nigeria on the global stage and helping project the country’s influence in international energy affairs. The period also witnessed reforms that strengthened local participation in the petroleum sector and contributed to the growth of the Nigerian Content Development and Monitoring Board (NCDMB).

History will continue to debate her tenure. That is the nature of public service. But history should also record that she devoted significant years of her life to the Nigerian petroleum industry and to Nigeria’s international standing.

I also wish to acknowledge President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for allowing the judicial process in the United Kingdom to run its course without interference. The independence of the courts is a cornerstone of democracy. The President neither sought to influence the proceedings nor prejudge the outcome. He allowed the legal system to do its work and respected the sovereignty of the British judicial process.

As Nigerians, we must now demonstrate the maturity to accept the verdict. The jury has spoken. The court has delivered its judgment. The rule of law demands respect for that outcome.

This is therefore a moment not for bitterness but for reflection. We should learn the lessons of this long and difficult chapter. We should recognize the human cost of prolonged legal battles. And we should allow healing to begin.

Diezani Alison-Madueke has endured a decade of scrutiny, restriction, illness, separation and uncertainty. In many respects, those years amounted to a punishment in themselves.

My appeal is simple: let us put aside hatred and division. Let us allow her to return home in peace. Let her heal from the wounds of the past decade. Let her reconnect with family and loved ones. Let her contribute, in whatever way she can, to the progress and development of Nigeria.

The trial is over.

The verdict has been delivered.

It is time for healing, reconciliation and national reflection.

THE ART OF A USELESS DEAL

The agreement between Iran and the US lays out the terms of the ceasefire between the bitter rivals, the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, some financial relief for Iran and a reiteration from Tehran that it will never produce a nuclear weapon, according to a copy of the text obtained by CNN.

The 14-point memorandum of understanding has not yet been officially released but a copy of it was obtained by CNN from a US official. A diplomat who saw it at the G7 summit in France this week confirmed its contents, as did two other diplomatic sources with knowledge of negotiations.

Under the agreement, the US will allow Iran to sell its oil and petrochemical products, and Tehran may be able to tap into a $300 billion development fund if it meets commitments related to its nuclear program in further negotiations. The document does not include specifics on what will become of Iran’s highly enriched uranium.

The US official told CNN that the text reflects the agreement signed digitally by President Donald Trump, Vice President JD Vance and Iranian parliamentary speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf on Sunday. However, given both the US and Iranians’ secrecy around the language, it remains unclear whether the draft text shared with CNN will reflect the exact wording of the final document due to be signed in person on Friday in Switzerland. Technical details are also being finalized so the wording could still shift.

Speaking to CNN, US officials have downplayed the significance of the memo itself, calling it a “political document” that does not reflect critical back-channel commitments Iran has made to the US, specifically on the future of Tehran’s nuclear program. The White House did not respond to a request for comment when presented with the draft obtained by CNN. The semi-official Iranian news agency Tasnim described leaked versions of the draft as inaccurate. Bloomberg earlier published a version of the draft.

The Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States, together with their allies in the current war, declare upon the signing of this Memorandum of Understanding an immediate and permanent end to the war on all fronts, including Lebanon, and undertake that from now on they will not launch any hostile action against each other, and will refrain from the threat or use of force against each other. The final agreement will confirm the provisions of this Article and the remaining Articles.

The Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States undertake to respect each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and to refrain from interfering in each other’s internal affairs.

The Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States undertake to negotiate and reach a final agreement within a maximum period of 60 days, extendable by mutual consent.

Immediately upon the signing of this Memorandum of Understanding, the United States lift the naval blockade and prevent any interference or obstruction against the Islamic Republic of Iran, and restore traffic within a maximum of 30 days to its full capacity; the traffic of ships shall be proportional to the pre-war volume of traffic on the part of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The United States also undertakes to withdraw its forces from the surrounding areas within 30 days after the final agreement.

Upon signing this Memorandum of Understanding, the Islamic Republic of Iran will immediately take steps to ensure that the movement of merchant ships from the Persian Gulf to the Sea of Oman and vice versa is resumed within 30 days to the pre-war volume, taking into account the need for the removal of technical obstacles and the neutralization of mines by Iran.

The United States undertakes, together with its regional partners, to create a comprehensive plan agreed upon by both parties for the rehabilitation and economic development of the Islamic Republic of Iran, while ensuring financing of at least $300 billion. The implementation mechanism of this plan, as part of the final agreement, will be formulated within 60 days.

The United States commits to ending, on a schedule to be agreed upon as part of the final agreement, all types of sanctions currently facing the Islamic Republic of Iran, including resolutions of the United Nations Security Council and the Board of Governors of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), and all unilateral U.S. sanctions, both primary and secondary.

The Islamic Republic of Iran reiterates that it will never produce nuclear weapons. The Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States have agreed that the fate of enriched material and the fate of all other mutually agreed nuclear-related issues, including Iran’s nuclear needs, will be adequately addressed in a final agreement; the final agreement will confirm the provisions of this Article.

The Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States agree that, pending a final agreement, they will maintain the status quo: Iran will maintain the status quo on its nuclear program, and the United States will not impose new sanctions on Iran or strengthen its forces in the region.

The United States undertakes that immediately after the signing of this Memorandum of Understanding, and until the date of the lifting of sanctions, the United States Treasury Department will issue waivers for exports of Iranian crude oil, petrochemical products and their derivatives, and all related services, including banking, insurance, transportation, and the like.

The United States undertakes that, in light of the progress of negotiations towards a final agreement, frozen or restricted funds and assets of the Islamic Republic of Iran will be released and made fully available. These funds, whether held in the master account or transferred, will be used for any final beneficiary payment determined by the Central Bank of the Islamic Republic of Iran and will be fully available for use. The United States undertakes to issue all necessary permits and licenses on this basis.

The Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States agree that an implementation mechanism will be established to oversee the successful implementation of and future commitment to the Final Agreement.

Following the signing of this Memorandum of Understanding, and upon receipt of assurances regarding the commencement of implementation of Articles 4, 5, 10, and 11 of this Memorandum of Understanding, and the continued implementation of these steps, the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States will enter into negotiations for a Final Agreement solely with respect to the remaining Articles.

The final agreement will be approved through a binding resolution of the UN Security Council.