Monday, 8 June 2026

🚨 NIGERIA IS BLEEDING!

NSCDC Mining Marshals Commander Accuses Police FID of Plotting to Eliminate Him Over Crackdown on Illegal Chinese Miners!

If you want to know why Nigeria is stuck in a cycle of poverty despite being sitting on trillions of dollars in mineral wealth, LOOK NO FURTHER.

The absolute rot, institutional betrayal, and shameless corruption in our security agencies have just been blown wide open, and it will make your blood boil.

In a shocking, high-stakes showdown that reads like a political thriller, the Commander of the elite NSCDC Mining Marshals, Attah John Onoja, has thrown down a massive gauntlet. He has officially petitioned Inspector-General of Police (IGP) Olatunji Rilwan Disu, accusing a rogue unit within the Nigeria Police Force Intelligence Department (FID) — specifically "Team N" led by CSP Abdulmajeed Abisoye Oyewumi — of launching a malicious campaign to cripple his unit, arrest his management team, and cover up for foreign illegal miners!

This is not a joke. This is our national commonwealth being stolen while security agencies are allegedly fighting a proxy war on behalf of cartels.

The Allegation: Sponsoring Police to Attack Nigerian Officers?

According to explosive reports, Commander Onoja didn’t mince words. He openly alleged that foreign nationals (specifically Chinese miners) whose massive illegal operations were shut down in Nasarawa State are actively bankrolling police elements to destroy the Mining Marshals!  

"We have it on good authority that the Chinese men whose illegal mining site was shut down in Nasarawa State are the ones bankrolling CSP Abdulmajeed Abisoye Oyewumi for this blackmail," Onoja revealed. "The real players in the background... are the foreign nationals that are united as common enemies against the Mining Marshals." 

Think about that for a second. While young, patriotic Nigerians are putting their lives on the line to protect our lithium, gold, and solid minerals, foreign syndicates are allegedly using our own police force to hunt them down.

The "₦2 Billion" Smear Campaign Exposed

The clash reached a boiling point after the tragic death of a Mining Marshal operative, Guard Commander Agada Levi, who was killed in the line of duty.  

Instead of helping find the real killers, the Police FID allegedly hijacked the tragedy. A viral report suddenly surfaced claiming the police arrested three NSCDC officers and traced over ₦2 Billion to a suspect's bank account.

But Commander Onoja just pulled the receipts and completely humiliated the narrative.

Onoja released the actual Zenith Bank statement of the accused officer, Jibrin Labaran. The total amount in the account? Less than ₦1 million (₦760,457.25 to be exact)—which is just his official salary!  

The police allegedly fabricated a ₦2 billion lie out of thin air just to brand the anti-illegal mining unit as corrupt, turn the public against them, and justify arresting their top leadership.

Armed Clashes: Police vs. Civil Defence

This isn't just a war of words; it has been physical and violent:

April 2025: FID police operatives allegedly clashed violently with Mining Marshals at a site in Nasarawa.  

February 2026: Another violent confrontation broke out between the two agencies in Ondo State.  

The Ultimate Disgrace: Commander Onoja revealed that police officers actually accompanied Chinese miners to a residential estate to try and arrest the Mining Marshals' lead prosecution lawyer! It took local soldiers standing guard at the estate to block the police and their foreign handlers from abducting the lawyer. 

While bandits, terrorists, and kidnappers are making life a living hell for Nigerians, a heavily armed police unit is allegedly spending its time escorting illegal foreign miners to harass Nigerian government lawyers. Let that sink in.

TIME TO SOUND OFF: LET THE RAGE LOOSE IN THE COMMENTS! 

This is a national embarrassment of the highest order. Our resources are being pillaged, and our institutions are fighting each other for the crumbs dropped by foreign cartels.

We want to hear from you. Do not hold back:

How does it make you feel to see the Nigeria Police Force being accused of acting as a "security guard" and hit-squad for illegal Chinese miners against fellow Nigerian officers?

Where is the President? If President Tinubu’s "Renewed Hope" agenda is real, why are rogue elements allowed to sabotage the Ministry of Solid Minerals like this?

What should be the punishment for any security official found guilty of selling out Nigeria’s economic survival to foreign looters?

This topic affects your future, your economy, and your country. Drop your comments below and share this everywhere until the authorities act!

Friday, 5 June 2026

The Governor Who Told The President: "You Are Not Welcome Here."

Nigeria's Second Republic.

1980.

President Shehu Shagari — leader of the most powerful civilian government Nigeria had seen boarded his presidential jet and flew to Bendel State on an official visit.

He landed at Benin Airport.

And found — nothing.

The Governor had declared a public holiday and asked everybody to stay indoors. Shagari arrived to an empty airport and empty streets — and asked rhetorically: "Where are my people?"  

His people were not there.

Because the Governor of Bendel State had sent them home.

That governor was Professor Ambrose Folorunso Alli.

And this is his story.

Who Was Ambrose Alli?

Born September 22, 1929 in Idoani, Ondo State. A Nigerian medical professor. The first civilian Executive Governor of Bendel State — now divided into Edo and Delta States.

He was not a career politician.

He was a professor of morbid anatomy.

A head of department at the University of Benin.

A man who believed that education could transform a people.

He was also a member of the constituent assembly that drafted the 1978 Nigerian Constitution.  

When he ran for governor in 1979 on the platform of Awolowo's Unity Party of Nigeria, he made promises most Nigerian politicians would never dare to make.

He promised citizens free education at all levels, free medical services, full employment and rural development.  

And then — remarkably he tried to keep them.

What He Built

After he was sworn in as governor, Alli declared education free for primary and secondary schools in Bendel State. Children received free books, biros, mathematical sets and special pencils. At every independence celebration and children's day, every child in Bendel State had a free meal of rice and stew with meat. 

He established over 600 new secondary schools and abolished secondary school fees. 

He established colleges of education in Ekiadolor, Agbor, Warri and Ozoro. Three polytechnics. Four teachers training colleges. And abolished charges for services and drugs at state-owned hospitals.  

And at the crown of it all, Bendel State University, Ekpoma.

Founded in 1981.

Later renamed, Ambrose Alli University — in his honour.

A governor who wore sandals to work because he was too busy governing to shop for shoes.

History recorded that detail.

It tells you everything about the man.

But There Was A Problem.

To build all of this — Alli needed money.

And the money was being held by the federal government.

Governor, Alli challenged President Shagari's federal government to declare openly the revenue generated in the Federation Account and how it was being shared. He took the federal government to court on the matter.

This was radical. Dangerous. Unprecedented.

An opposition governor, from an oil-producing state dragging the president to the Supreme Court over money that belonged to his people.

And one of the most remarkable things that happened was that the Governor of Rivers State, Melford Okilo, who belonged to Shagari's own ruling NPN party — joined Alli's case against his own president.  

Because when it came to Niger Delta oil money, party loyalty had its limits.

And Then Came The Presidential Visit.

Alli announced publicly that the President was not welcome in Bendel State. The police barricaded the airport doors preventing crowds from reaching the presidential jet.  

The Governor declared a public holiday. Asked everyone to stay indoors. Shagari arrived to empty streets and an empty airport and asked: "Where are my people?" 

In the end after the initial standoff — Shagari calmly sat in dignity, smiling and waving to his supporters. He proceeded to Government House where Governor Alli was waiting to receive him. 

Two powerful men.

One federal government.

One state government.

One explosive meeting.

The End And The Injustice That Followed

On December 31, 1983 — the military ended Nigeria's Second Republic.

Alli was arrested.

He was sentenced to 100 years in prison by a military tribunal for allegedly misappropriating ₦983,000 meant for a road project. 

The man who built 600 schools.

Who fed every child on independence day.

Who took the president to court for his people's money.

Sentenced to 100 years.

He was eventually released. But the damage was done.

Professor Ambrose Folorunso Alli died on September 22, 1989, his own 60th birthday at the Lagos University Teaching Hospital.  

He died on the same day he was born.

As if life itself chose the date.

Decades after his death, he was granted a presidential pardon.

His family rejected it.

"He was never guilty of anything," his son Andrew said.

"Other than giving his all to improve the lot of the people."

Professor Ambrose Folorunso Alli.

September 22, 1929 — September 22, 1989.

He told a sitting president he was not welcome.

He built 600 schools.

He fed children on independence day.

He wore sandals to Government House.

He died on his birthday.

And Nigeria sentenced him to 100 years for it.

This is the Nigeria Untold story.

The men who gave everything and got injustice in return.

Have you heard of Professor Ambrose Alli before today? What does his story tell us about Nigeria's treatment of its best leaders? Drop your thoughts below. 

Share this because His name deserves to be in every Nigerian history book.

Sunday, 31 May 2026

OGBONI, ALL THAT IS IN SECRECY

As it was all over the globe in the early times, creation of secret cult was a norm. These cults were created as deemed fit of society. Italian scientists, led by Galileo, created Illuminati. Americans till date has Masons.Yorùbá were not left out, they had Ogboni, the longest, most enduring and apex of ancient Brotherhood recognised all over Yorùbá lands. Time of creation remains unknown, due to its longetivity and the fact that Africans had no written documents.

Futhermore, no one can authoritatively beat chest and he knows all that’s happening there, without being a member. Yet, all that’s known of them is faithfully present thus:

In the olden days, Ogboni members were collections of elderly people in the Community. In fact, anyone less than 50 years old were not considered eligible members. And there seem to be little or no difference among the Cult chiefs and the chiefs in the Community.

These chiefs held jurisdictional powers over the king. They advised, mediated, sanctioned king. Not only these, they had the power to dethrone king. Or, at worst, tell him to go “open the calabash.”

The secret behind this “open of calabash” was: whenever the Community felt itself uder pressures and or duress due to the reign of a king, they simply put ‘oodẹ’ bird’s eggs inside calabash as aroko (symbological message) to the reigning king. Once the later saw this, he knew what it meant: death.

Second mode of was, they asked the king to go “open and look inside the ancestrial crown.”

Remember, the legendary tussle between Bashọrun Gaa and Àlàáfín Abiọdun Adegorolu? It’s Gaa who incited other Ọ̀yọ́mesi against Àlàáfín Labisi, Awonbioju, Agboluaje and Majeogbe.They all commited suicide.

Ogboni was so powerful that, the Yorùbá people turned it to an axiom: “ọ fẹ́ jẹ ọba, ọọ ṣe Ogboni, olúwa rẹ yí o se ẹ̀mí ara rẹ lofo (You simply want to waste your life if you want to be king and not initiated into Ogboni Fraternity).

Even till date, powerful chieftainship titles in Ọ̀yọ́ lands, Ẹgbà, Ìjẹ̀bú, etc (such as Olúwo, Asipa, Apena) had Ogboni background.

*However, the Cult has been bowed to the revolution of time in recency. For instance:*

(1). It’s now open to both the young and old.

(2). All forms of anarchism had been rectified in their laws.

(3). It’s being populated by politicians, musicians, business mogul.

(4). it’s now an inter-religious Cult.

The 3rd point above reminds one case of one famous, old-day Yorùbá on whose 8th day Prayer the Ogboni came to claim the corpse.They simply told the Alfas that the cadaver belonged to them. Same was the case of a popular young gospeler whose corpse was being fought over by his family on one part and secret society on the other.

The 4th point brings to mind inter alia words one Ogboni bigwig who said there are people of heirachy in the Fraternity, regardless of (facade) religions they represent to the outside world.

THE CULT MEETING:

Ogboni meetings hold every 17 days (ọjọ́ mẹ́tadínlógún). Though days of meeting in every community (may) differ; it’s tradition meetings hold has 16 days interval. Except for emergencies.

On the morning of the meeting, Chief Asipa (someone already designated with the chieftainship) would go and beat the sacred drum (àgbá) in Ilédi (the initiated coven. the full appelation being, Ilédi [àwọn ọmọ] àwo). By thus doing, all the members will be notified that they have meeting on that day.

Responsibilities of the meeting session is rotational among members of the cult. Someone who paid all the expenses for today’s meeting may not be responsible for another for years; depending on numbers of the members.

Chief of these responsibilities being, organization of what the members will feast on (being financial implication). Such as ekuru (beans pudding), oolẹ/moin-moin and ẹ̀kọ (corn meal). Sometimes, they may pound yam, with lots of meat and fish. Kola and bitter nuts are inclusive. But, Palm wine is the only accepted drink.

MOTHER BATH’ – ANNUAL RITUALS:

This takes place yearly. It starts with making spiritual enquiry from Ọrunmila about which date to choose on which ‘Mother’ would have her bath.

This is merely bathing of woodeen effigy of Ìyá Abẹni l’Óòtu Ìfẹ́. Aji má jẹ́ nkan tó leègun. Ìyá mi Abẹni tí jagun tí ẹ tíì m’òkè. Afinju Ìyá tíì so kujikuji mon ọwọ.

To bath ‘Mother’, they use leaves such as ọgbọ́, òtítọ́, ọdúndun, tẹ̀tẹ̀, ṣẹfunfun, shea butter and omi ìgbín. They sqeeze these leaves together, add shea butter and palm oil.

They now bring ‘Mother’ out and bath her with all these. Afterward, they ask ‘Her’ whatever they want for the coming year: health, wealth, children, etc.

When the Ritual bath is done, they start the Annual Celebration.They eat the food mentioned above. This celebration continue for 3 days after which they return ‘Mother’ to Òkè.Till next year. This, however, doesn’t stop the meetings.

I must admit I removed and obstruct some details here, for secrecy and not very sure about them. Better remove than tell what’s not.

THE DRESS CODE:

Whenever they are going to the Meeting or some important social meeting, Ogboni members’ dress code is always distinct.

While going to Meeting, they would wear white trousers, have another piece wrapped on their chest and wear one large hat.After this, they would have another piece put on shoulders. This last cloth is like the one priests put on shoulders. Then they would complement it with their staff.This staff is very noticeable and prominent. Reason being it has different statues engraved on its head.

These statues, however, make people have misconception that Ogboni members worship these statues.What difference it make to outsiders, who know them as idolaters; i.e worship of Abẹni statue?

If it’s some important social gathering, they would neither wear the white trousers, wrap the cloth piece on chest nor wear the large hat, but after they have dressed up they mustn’t forget the ‘topper’ cloth mentioned earlier, like the priests.This topper piece is the symbol of identity.

Also, it is a must that Ogboni members put red bead on the left hand. This is very, very essential. I repeat, very essential.

HOW THEY GREET ONE ANOTHER:

By greeting they are known. If Mr. A sees Mr. B but Mr. B doesn’t see him, Mr. A would shout “ọmọ ìyá (my sibling)”.Once Mr. B hears that he would naturally look Mr. A’s direction and shout same greeting.And when they meet, they shake the left hands. There are some other words of greeting in this ancient brotherhood.

“What is known about Ogboni hands is their famous handshake.When they handshake,they use their left hand to do this. You should also say the following words: Ta ba fẹ bá ọwọ Ogboni, ọwọ osi la na, a na kan siwaju, a na kan saarin.Why do they use left hand? It’s simple! According to their belief – the left hand is for gods,and the right hand is for humans.”

“Ọmọ Ìyá”, bastardized “child of (same) mother (as me)” obviously refers to goddess Abẹni whose wodden effigy they worship.

AT MEETING:

When a newcomer wants to come into the Iledi Awo before or during meeting he would knock the door thrice. Those inside would answer:

Question: Taní nkan’lẹ̀kùn (who is knocking?)

Answer: Emi olùkan ni (it is I the knocker)

Question: Kíni o fi ń kan (with what are you knocking)?

Answer: Eku méjì oluwere (two rats of swift rapidity)

Question: Kíni ó tun fi ń kan (what else)?

Answer: Ẹja méjì olùgbàda (two sacredized fish)

Question: Kíni ó tun fi ń kan (what else)?

Answer: Ògbùúrú aṣọ funfun (large piece of white cloth/garment)

Question: Kíni ó tun fi ń kan (what else)?

Answer: Ogbó ni mo fi kan (Ogbo=Orogbo: bitter nut)

Question: Kíni ó tun fi ń kan (what else)?

Answer: Ọbẹ̀ ni mo fi kan (Ọbẹ̀= ataare:alligator pepper)

Question: Kíni ó tun fi ń kan (what else)?

Answer: Àkòpa ni mo fi kan (Akopa=Obi: Kola nut)

After all these Sacred Seven Questions are answered, they would know he is a member and would open the door for him.And once the door is opened he just don’t dashed inside, one enters with all humility and solemnity sidewards. He would knee and go down on right side till right hand touch the ground and do down on left side till left hand touch the ground. Sometimes, he would roll judiciously on the ground or prostrate. All these are to greet those who have arrived earlier.

After all these, he would greet them:

Greeting: Ẹ kú ìba ooo (salutations to you)

Answer: Ìba okun, ìba ìdẹ (salutations to the sea and gold)

Greeting: ọmu ìyá dùn (Mother’s Milk is sweet)

Answer: Gbogbo wa là jọ n mú (we all are drinking therefrom)

During discussions, whenever someone wants to contribute he wouldn’t just stand up and be talking, he must first observe that none of his heirachy is among those who seem to have contributions. After this observation, he would stand and hail thus:

Greeting: Ògbóni (thrice)

Answer: Ògbóràn (thrice)

Greeting: Erelú (thrice)

Answer: Abiye (thrice)

Greeting: Eriwo yà (thrice)

Answer: Ẹ̀yà gbó; ẹ̀yà tọ (thrice)

Having said and gotten replies thus members will be taciturn, awaiting that contributor’s contribution.

MODE OF SYMBOL MESSAGES (AROKÒ):

Among the artifacts that make Mother Abẹni up are called Ẹ̀dan méjì (two dummies), the two are masculine and feminine characters.Whenever they want to send negative message to someone, either being summon for punishment or to answer query, the Ẹ̀dan that has masculine character on it is sent.Upon receiption, the receiver would be in jeopardy as he may or may not know for which he is summoned.

On the other hand, when the message is on posive side, the Ẹ̀dan that has feminine character on it is sent.

On another development on messaging, as mean of Communication, if one of Ogboni members of Community A’s wife runs away to Community B,the former will send Asipa to the latter Community to ask that the members should send back wife of their “ọmọ ìyà”.And if the wife refuses, the Community B will simply tell her to leave the Community.

BENEFITS OF BEING A MEMBER:

They all regard themselves as siblings.They take oath they know mustn’t be betrayed.

Secondly, their Initiation into the ancient Brotherhood is called “àgìdïmàlàjà àwo ilé Ìfẹ́” that is, “àwo ni gbé àwo ni gbọnwọ, tí àwo kò bá gbé àwo gbọnwọ, àwo a tẹ àwo a yà” – initiates are always there for co-initiates. No member would let any form of maltreatment come to co-member.

One thing about this Brotherhood is that, it seldom talks about itself. And since so less is known, benefits and disadvantages of being members can’t be ascertained.

Saturday, 30 May 2026

THE NAME THEY GAVE US: HOW “YORUBA” WAS INVENTED — AND WHAT EXISTED BEFORE IT

Before there was a “Yoruba,” there were the Ekiti, the Egba, the Ijebu, the Ijesha, the Oyo, the Ondo, the Egbado, the Ijesa, the Akoko, the Owo, and the Igbomina — each a sovereign republic, each with its own Oba, its own walls, its own laws, its own wars, and its own fierce pride. They were not one people. They did not call themselves one name. They did not need to.

The word “Yoruba” was not born in Ile-Ife. It was not gifted by Oduduwa. It was not coined in any palace court of the ancient kingdoms that gave West Africa some of its most magnificent civilizations. The name was an imposition — one of the quieter tools of colonial consolidation, dressed in the robes of ethnography and missionary Scripture.

As an ethnic description, the word “Yoruba” — or more correctly, “Yaraba” — was originally used in reference to the Oyo Empire and was the Hausa name for the Oyo people, as noted by the British explorers Hugh Clapperton and Richard Lander.  It was a label applied from the outside, not a name chosen from within.

Researcher Hussaini Abdu traced the name’s true origin even further — to the Baatonu people of Borgu, Oyo’s immediate northern neighbors, who called the Oyo people “Yoru” (singular) and “Yorubu” (plural), with “Yoruba” used in third-person references. The name spread through Songhai-Borgu interactions, was later reinforced through interviews with Baatonu slaves in Sierra Leone, and was subsequently popularized by European travelers and missionary records, including Samuel Johnson’s 19th-century writings. 

The missionaries who came to lay the groundwork for the eventual colonization of Africa adopted and corrupted this borrowed term into “Yoruba.” As scholar Peter Cohen noted, “The concept of a single ‘Yorùbá’ people and its baptism with the Hausa term for the inhabitants of Òyó was largely the work of liberated captives and their children returning from Sierra Leone, particularly as Protestant missionaries.” 

The name was then popularized by Hausa usage and ethnography written in Ajami during the 19th century by Sultan Muhammad Bello. The extension of the term to all speakers of dialects related to the language of the Oyo dates to the second half of the 19th century — due largely to the influence of Bishop Samuel Ajayi Crowther, the first Anglican bishop in Nigeria, who was himself Oyo Yoruba and compiled the first Yoruba dictionary, introducing a standardized orthography that effectively imposed Oyo as the linguistic baseline for all the separate kingdoms. 

Think about what this means. The Ekiti people — who had waged the great Kiriji War, one of the most remarkable military alliances in African history, precisely to resist domination by Ibadan — were now told they shared an identity with the very people they had fought. The Kiriji War was a 16-year civil conflict between the subethnic kingdoms of the Yoruba — divided between the Western Yoruba, mainly Ibadan and Oyo-speaking kingdoms, and the Eastern Yoruba, including the Ekiti, Ijesha, Ijebu, Yagba, and others.  These were not factions of one nation quarreling. These were distinct peoples with distinct political traditions, fighting for sovereignty.

The Yoruba shared a common language and culture for centuries but were probably never a single political unit. They formed numerous kingdoms of various sizes, each centered on a capital city or town and ruled by a hereditary king — an Oba — with Oyo developing into the largest of these kingdoms while Ile-Ife remained a center of profound religious significance.  Sovereignty was the unit of identity. Not ethnicity. Not the umbrella term that British colonialism and missionary Christianity would later insist upon.

The conceptualization of the Yoruba as a collective identity dates to the nineteenth century, through Christian missionaries and the early Yoruba elite. By the 1890s, when Samuel Johnson completed his monumental book, “Yoruba” had been widely used among the early Christian elite to define the land, the people, and the language.  Johnson’s book — a great work, no question — was also a political act: it helped knit separate histories into a single narrative for purposes that served colonial administration as much as cultural memory.

By the time the British had formally consolidated their hold over the region — annexing Lagos in 1861, defeating the Ijebu in 1892, signing treaties in Abeokuta in 1893, incorporating greater Yorubaland into the British Protectorate — many of the numerous factions within Yorubaland and other surrounding ethnic and linguistic groupings were politically unified by the British colony of Nigeria.  Ibadan, which had served as the administrative center of the old Western Region since the earliest days of British colonial rule, became the geographic anchor of this manufactured unity.

The Ekiti called themselves Ekiti. The Egba called themselves Egba. The Ijebu called themselves Ijebu. The Oyo called themselves Oyo. These were not sub-names. These were their names — full, sovereign, ancient, and sufficient.

“Yoruba” was the administrative convenience that absorbed them all.

This is not an argument against the extraordinary civilization that these peoples collectively produced — the art of Ile-Ife that stunned the world, the military genius of Ibadan, the trading networks of Ijebu, the resistance poetry of the Ekiti warriors. Their achievements belong to human history at its most remarkable. But the name under which they have been gathered deserves honest examination.

Identity imposed from outside — whether by missionaries translating the Bible into a standardized “Yoruba” that erased dozens of living dialects, or by colonial administrators drawing administrative lines across royal territories — is not the same as identity chosen from within. The difference matters. It mattered then. It matters now, as Nigeria continues to stumble over the colonial architecture of identity that the British built and the post-independence generation inherited without questioning.

The children of the Ekiti, Egba, Ijebu, Ijesha, Oyo, Ondo, Akoko, and all the others deserve to know what their names were before the name arrived.

History does not begin with colonization. And it should not be allowed to end there.

By Kio Amachree | Stockholm, Sweden | President, Worldview International

Monday, 25 May 2026

RIBADU JUST LEARNED THE HARDEST LESSON IN TINUBU’S APC

Nuhu Ribadu has just learned the kind of bitter political lesson many in the North keep learning the hard way under APC power politics.

Let’s not sugarcoat it. This was not just another routine appointment inside Tinubu’s government. This was a loud political message.

Ribadu has fallen.

He may still carry the title of National Security Adviser, but in Nigerian politics, title means nothing the moment real access to power starts slipping from your hands. In a presidency like Tinubu’s, power is not about what is written on paper. It is about who still has the president’s ear when doors are closed.

And right now, that power equation has changed.

Tinubu’s appointment of retired Major General Adeyinka Famadewa into the security structure was not random. It was calculated. 

In Nigerian politics, parallel appointments are rarely innocent. They are usually a silent demotion dressed up as restructuring.

That is the bitter lesson Ribadu is learning.

For nearly two years, he looked untouchable. Many saw him as the second most powerful man in the administration after Tinubu himself. He had influence, visibility, direct access, and the kind of authority many politicians spend decades chasing.

But Nigerian politics has no permanent favorites.

The moment that access begins to weaken, the fall begins instantly.

A lot of people are rushing to blame Nasir El-Rufai, especially because their political friendship has turned into open hostility. Yes, El-Rufai may enjoy seeing Ribadu humbled. Yes, their fight has become personal and bitter.

But this fall runs deeper than that.

Ribadu’s real mistake was misunderstanding the kind of politics he was playing.

He got too comfortable.

He forgot one dangerous truth about Tinubu’s APC: loyalty today does not guarantee relevance tomorrow.

Reports, statements, and controversial moments — especially that “they are our brothers” remark about Northwest bandits — only added fuel to an already growing fire. In politics, one wrong statement can become the excuse needed to redraw the power map.

But the biggest mistake was political miscalculation.

Ribadu failed to study the brutal history of the office he occupied. The NSA seat is one of the most powerful positions in Nigeria, but it is also one of the most dangerous. Many who sit there rise fast, shine briefly, and fall suddenly.

He should have moved carefully.

He should have understood that under a southern presidency like Tinubu’s, federal politics follows a pattern many northern politicians keep pretending not to see.

This is the lesson.

Northern politicians often walk into southern-led administrations believing loyalty will protect them. They expect trust to translate into lasting influence.

It rarely does.

From Obasanjo to Jonathan and now Tinubu, the pattern has remained the same. The North supports, hopes, waits… and eventually watches power shift elsewhere.

Ribadu’s fall is bigger than one man losing influence.

It is a warning.

A brutal reminder that in Tinubu’s APC, proximity to power can disappear overnight.

And for Ribadu, that lesson has come at the most painful price possible..

Sunday, 24 May 2026

THE FOREST HAS CHILDREN: Why Nigeria Must Stop Playing Checkers While Terrorists Play Chess in Oriire

Right now, children as young as two years old are somewhere in the forests of Oyo State. They didn’t choose this. They were taken from classrooms in Esinele, Yamota, and Alawusa.

And the men who took them are not asking for lunch money. They are asking for the governor. This is not just a tragedy. It is a message. And if we misread it, more classrooms will become crime scenes.

Let’s cut through the noise, the politics, and the panic. Here is what’s really happening—and what a world-class response looks like.

(1). “We Want the Governor” – Why Terrorists Use That Line. When kidnappers refuse to talk to parents and demand only the governor, it’s not random. It’s called upward negotiation, and it’s a playbook used from the Sahel to Southeast Asia.

Why?

• Legitimacy: Talking to a governor makes them feel like a political actor, not a criminal gang.

• Power: A governor can authorize ransom, prisoner swaps, or amnesty faster than anyone else.

• Pressure: It forces the state into a public dilemma and shifts the narrative from “rescue” to “deal.”

Does this prove a 2027 political plot? No. Boko Haram demanded the presidency. Bandits in Zamfara demanded governors. This is about leverage, not ballots. But it is about sending a message: We control the state’s fear.

(2). The 4-Track Strategy That Actually Saves Children.

Countries like Colombia, the Philippines, and even Nigeria in Kaduna and Katsina have faced this before. The ones who got kids back alive used the same 4-track playbook:

Track 1: Contain & Protect.

Lock down schools in the affected LGA and bordering areas. Not out of panic, but from verified intelligence. Activate hunters, vigilantes, and traditional rulers. They know every footpath in that forest. And shut down public bargaining—every word in the media is a free tactical briefing for the kidnappers.

Track 2: Intelligence-Driven Rescue.

Create one war room: Police, DSS, Military, NIA, telecoms, and local hunters. Kidnappers move across state lines, so our response must too. Track their phones, ransom lines, SIM swaps. Use drones to see through the canopy. Here is the truth most don’t know: 80% of hostages globally are released through negotiation and pressure, not Hollywood-style raids. The raid is the last card, not the first.

Track 3: Negotiation with Firewalls.

Let trained professionals handle the backchannel. Politicians can speak publicly; negotiators handle the silence. And if money is discussed, it must be tied to intelligence—on other cells, weapons, future attacks. Paying blind ransom is paying for the next abduction. We saw this with Chibok and Dapchi.

Track 4: Heal, Harden, and Starve the System

Rescue is not the end. Trauma care for children and teachers is urgent. Then harden schools: fences, alarms, safe rooms, school marshals. But the real win is killing the ecosystem. Kidnapping thrives where young men have no jobs, no future, and no fear of consequence. Give them an alternative, and you cut the recruitment pipeline.

(3). What Must Happen in Oriire in the Next 72 Hours.

(1). Federal-State Fusion: Oyo cannot do this alone. The NPF, DSS, and Defence Headquarters must formally take operational lead, with Oyo in the room. The governor can speak; the agencies must act.

(2). Radical Silence: “Government is working” is the only public line. Every leak tells the kidnappers how to move the children deeper.

(3). Attack the Network, Not Just the Forest: Arrest the financiers, the informants, the market men selling fuel and food. You don’t need the 10 men in the bush if you cut their lifeline.

(4). Activate the Throne: Traditional rulers in Oriire, Ogbomoso, and border communities in Kwara and Oyo hold intelligence no drone can see. Use them.

(4). The Hard Truth About Nigeria’s Future.

Kidnapping-for-ransom is now a business model. And businesses only die when three things happen:

(1). The Cost Goes Up: Arrested kidnappers must face swift, public trials. Impunity is their business plan.  

(2). The Profit Goes Down: Enforce the Terrorism Prevention Act. No ransom. It’s brutal politically, but it’s the only way to break the cycle.  

(3). The Alternative Appears: No 20-year-old chooses a forest and an AK-47 if he has a N150,000 job with dignity. Security without opportunity is temporary.

This is not a choice between “negotiate” and “attack.” That’s a false trap. The countries that bring children home do three things at once: apply pressure, keep the channels open, and protect the community.

Nigeria has done this before. We can do it again. But it will take coordination, not just courage. Patience, not just posturing. And a refusal to let our children become bargaining chips.

The forest has children.  

Heaven is watching. And history will record whether we rose to the moment or reduced it to tweets and blame. Gov. Seyi Makinde, God will help you, sir.

IS GOWON SEEKING FORGIVENESS — OR DEFENDING HISTORY? PART 1: THE YOUNG GENERAL WHO INHERITED A COLLAPSING NIGERIA

Before General Yakubu Gowon became the leader who presided over Nigeria during the Biafran War, he was a relatively unknown young military officer caught inside one of the most chaotic and dangerous periods in Nigerian history. Born in 1934 in present-day Plateau State, Gowon came from a Christian Northern minority background at a time when regional, ethnic, and religious identities heavily shaped Nigerian politics. He attended school in Zaria and later joined the Nigerian military during the colonial era, training in both Nigeria and abroad, including military education in the United Kingdom. Quiet, disciplined, and considered professional by many colleagues, Gowon was not initially viewed as one of the most politically dominant officers in the army. But by the mid-1960s, Nigeria itself was already moving toward disaster.

After independence in 1960, the country struggled under growing regional rivalry, ethnic suspicion, election controversies, corruption accusations, and bitter competition between political elites. Tensions exploded dramatically in January 1966 when young military officers carried out Nigeria’s first coup. Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, Northern Premier Ahmadu Bello, and several senior political figures were killed. Although the coup plotters came from different backgrounds, many Northerners believed the killings disproportionately targeted Northern leaders while leaving some prominent Igbo political figures alive. This perception created enormous anger across Northern Nigeria and permanently poisoned trust between ethnic groups inside the federation.

Major General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, an Igbo officer, eventually emerged as Head of State after suppressing the coup. But his government quickly faced suspicion and hostility, especially after he introduced policies such as Decree No. 34, which many Northern politicians and officers interpreted as an attempt to weaken regional autonomy and centralize power. At the same time, anti-Igbo sentiment intensified dangerously across parts of Northern Nigeria. Then came one of the darkest moments in Nigerian history: the anti-Igbo pogroms of 1966. Across several Northern cities, thousands of Igbo civilians were attacked, killed, displaced, or forced to flee. Historical estimates vary, but the violence deeply traumatized Eastern Nigerians and intensified fears that the federation itself was collapsing.

By July 1966, Northern officers launched a counter-coup. Aguiyi-Ironsi was killed alongside several military officers, and Nigeria entered another phase of chaos and uncertainty. In the middle of that confusion, Yakubu Gowon unexpectedly emerged as compromise Head of State. He was only 31 years old. Some senior officers outranked him, but Gowon was seen by sections of the military as more politically acceptable during a dangerously fragile moment. Yet his rise did not calm the country immediately. Distrust between the Eastern Region led by Lieutenant Colonel Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu and the federal military government continued growing rapidly.

For many Igbo families, the trauma of the pogroms changed everything psychologically. Thousands fled back to Eastern Nigeria carrying stories of killings, fear, and displacement. Markets collapsed. Families were separated. Trust in federal protection weakened severely.

Many Easterners increasingly believed Nigeria could no longer guarantee their safety as equal citizens inside the federation. Meanwhile, Gowon faced enormous pressure from different regions, military factions, and political interests all trying to prevent total national collapse while also protecting their own power and influence.

This was the atmosphere Nigeria entered before the famous Aburi meeting in Ghana. A country filled with fear. A military divided internally. A federation struggling to survive. And two young military leaders — Gowon and Ojukwu — moving slowly toward a confrontation that would eventually reshape Nigerian history forever.

Part 2 will examine the Aburi Accord itself, what Gowon and Ojukwu agreed to in Ghana, why interpretations later collapsed, and why many Nigerians still argue passionately over whether peace could have prevented the civil war.

Do you think Nigeria could still have remained united peacefully after the 1966 pogroms, or had trust already collapsed too deeply by then?

#ForgottenNigerianPoliticalHistory #YakubuGowon #Biafra #NigerianCivilWar #AburiAccord #NigeriaHistory

WHY IFECENTRIC LACK A HISTORIAN LIKE SAMUEL JOHNSON

Samuel Johnson remains one of the most important figures in Yoruba historiography. His book The History of the Yorubas published in 1921 is still widely read and cited more than a century later. Written by an Oyo descended Anglican priest it preserved oral traditions but heavily favoured the Oyo Empires perspective. For Ife centrics those who believe Ile Ife is the undisputed spiritual cultural and historical cradle of the Yoruba people this has always been a sore point. Yet one of their biggest challenges is that they have never produced a comparable single historian or definitive work that powerfully presents the Ife centred narrative.

The Dominance of Johnsons Oyo Centred Account

Johnsons work became the standard reference because it was comprehensive written in English and published at a critical time when Yoruba history was being documented amid colonial rule. He openly prioritised Oyos political and military history describing early Yoruba history as almost exclusively that of the Oyo division. This framework sidelined Ile Ifes deeper mythical and spiritual significance as the origin point of Oduduwa and Yoruba civilisation.

Ife centrics argue that this created a lasting imbalance. While they celebrate Ifes ancient bronze and terracotta art its role as the source of divine kingship the Ooni and its spiritual primacy these elements were never given the same systematic book length treatment that Johnson gave to Oyo.

Why No Equivalent Ife Historian Emerged

Several reasons explain this gap. Johnson wrote during the late 19th and early 20th century when Christian missionary education gave some Yoruba elites especially from Oyo and Ibadan areas access to writing printing and publishing. Many Ife intellectuals and traditionalists remained more rooted in oral traditions and indigenous knowledge systems rather than Western style historiography.

Colonial and missionary influence also played a role. Early Yoruba written history was often shaped by converts who aligned with British colonial structures. Oyo and its allies had stronger engagement with these new powers. Ile Ife while spiritually revered was politically less dominant in that era limiting the platform for an Ife based chronicler.

Ife history has always been powerfully preserved through the palace Ifa priests and traditional institutions. Many Ife centrics believe the true history does not need heavy Western style documentation and should remain guarded within sacred oral forms rather than public books that could be misinterpreted.

While there have been notable Ife scholars priests and writers who defended the Ife perspective such as works emphasising Oduduwas divine origin and Ifes primacy none produced a single widely accessible landmark volume that matched Johnsons scope and influence. Their contributions often remained in academic papers local publications or traditional channels.

The Ongoing Consequence

This absence has left Ife centrics in a defensive position. They frequently criticise Johnsons book for foreignizing Oduduwa and elevating Oyo but without a widely recognised counter text from their own side the Oyo centric narrative continues to dominate textbooks schools and popular discourse.

In recent years social media has become the battleground where Ife centrics push back strongly. Yet many still lament the lack of our own Samuel Johnson a dedicated credible historian who could compile a comprehensive authoritative Ife centred history that future generations can point to.

A Path Forward

The solution may not lie in imitating Johnson exactly but in combining traditional knowledge with modern scholarship. Some contemporary voices are already working in this direction through archaeology cultural studies and digital documentation. For Ife centrics producing such a work could help rebalance Yoruba historical consciousness and give their perspective equal weight.

Until that happens the frustration remains they have the sacred narrative and deep conviction about Ile Ifes centrality but they still lack that one defining historical text to stand alongside and challenge Samuel Johnson's enduring classic.

#Africa #DefendAlaafin #Nigeria #African #OyoIsYoruba #World

Sunday, 17 May 2026

THE BIG DAY LIE BY TINUBU AND DONALD TRUMP

Nigerians woke up to the news that top ISIS commander, Abu-Bilal Al-Minuki, had been killed in a joint operation with US forces.

Two years before Trump’s declaration, the Defence Headquarters had announced that the ISIS commander was among terrorists neutralised during counterterrorism operations conducted in northern Nigeria between January and March 2024.

“Tonight, at my direction, brave American forces and the Armed Forces of Nigeria flawlessly executed a meticulously planned and very complex mission to eliminate the most active terrorist in the world from the battlefield,” Trump posted on Truth Social.

Trump said the killing of the suspect would weaken ISIS operations globally and reduce threats against Americans and people across Africa.

He also thanked the Nigerian government for what he described as its partnership in the operation.

“Abu-Bilal al-Minuki, second in command of ISIS globally, thought he could hide in Africa, but little did he know we had sources who kept us informed on what he was doing.

“He will no longer terrorize the people of Africa, or help plan operations to target Americans. With his removal, ISIS’s global operation is greatly diminished. Thank you to the Government of Nigeria for your partnership on this operation. GOD BLESS AMERICA!”

President Bola Tinubu also confirmed the killing and thanked American forces for the collaboration.

But addressing journalists at Defence Headquarters in Abuja, then Director of Defence Media Operations, Edward Buba, had in 2024 described Minuki as head of Is-Al Furqan Province (ISGS and ISWAP).

According to Buba, Minuki popularly known as Abubakar Mainok among his criminal gang members, operated along Birnin Gwari Forest in Kaduna State as well as the Abuja Kaduna Highway.

The former Defence spokesman said the terror commander was killed on February 21, 2024.

Buba had claimed that over 50 combatants which included Kachallah Alhaji Dayi, Kachallah Idi (Namaidaro), Kachallah Kabiru (Doka), Kachallah Azarailu (Farin-Ruwa), Kachallah Balejo, Ubangida, Alhaji Baldu, among several others, were all killed within that period.

He added, “The attacks and offensive actions by troops during the period Jan to Mar 2024 resulted in 2,351 terrorists neutralized, 2,308 persons arrested and 1,241 kidnapped hostages rescued. Furthermore, troops recovered 2,847 weapons, 58,492 ammunitions and denied the oil theft of an estimated sum over N20 bn (N20,331,713,910.00) only.”

This is not the first time that the Nigerian military would be involved in a controversy over the death of a terrorists’ commander. Before his death by suicide in a rivalry battle, the military pronounced Abubakar Shekau dead, at least four times, and each time the outlaw produced proof of life evidence to embarrass the Nigerian Armed Forces.

Abubakar Shekau took over leadership of Boko Haram in 2009 following the death of Mohammed Yusuf, the group’s founder. It was reported that Shekau was killed during clashes between Nigeria’s security forces and Boko Haram.

Shekau took over leadership of the Boko Haram sect in 2009, following the death of Mohammed Yusuf, founder of the sect. By 2010, the military claimed he had been killed. But Shekau appeared in a videotaped interview admitting that although he had been shot in the thigh, he had been rescued.

By 2013, the military claimed that Shekau was shot dead between 25 July and 3 August, 2013, when a series of raids were conducted on Sambisa forest, a stronghold of Boko Haram in the North-East. But one month after, Shekau appeared in a newly released video, alive. The Nigerian military had claimed that the man was an imposter.

On August 18, 2016, the Nigerian military again claimed that several Boko Haram leaders were killed, while Shekau was “fatally wounded”, in a raid on Sambisa Forest by the Nigerian Air Force.

“The air interdiction took place last week Friday 19th August 2016, while the terrorists were performing Friday rituals at Taye village, Gombale general area within Sambisa forest, Borno State,” the statement read.

“Those Boko Haram terrorists commanders confirmed dead include Abubakar Mubi, Malam Nuhu and Malam Hamman, amongst others, while their leader, so called “Abubakar Shekau”, is believed to be fatally wounded on his shoulders. Several other terrorists were also wounded.”

One month later, Leo Irabor, then Theatre Commander of Operation Lafiya Dole, who later rose to the position of Chief of Defence Staff, said Shekau did not refer to one particular individual but rather is a title for the leader of the Boko Haram.

Irabo noted that both the original and subsequent Shekaus had been killed by the Army.

“I can confirm to you that the original Shekau was killed, the second Shekau was killed, and the man presenting himself as Shekau, I can also confirm to you that few days ago, he was wounded,

“We are yet to confirm whether he is dead or not… they released videos to prove that they are still active, but that’s just a façade,” he had said.

But few weeks later, Shekau, flanked by two Boko Haram fighters, released a video where he made fun of the Nigerian government and swore to keep fighting.

Aside from Shekau’s incidents, there have also been cases where statements made by military authorities were debunked and labeled as propaganda.

In April, bandits raided churches in Ariko community, Kachia Local Government Area of Kaduna State, killing some worshippers and abducting others. The Army had claimed to have rescued 31 worshippers who were abducted during Easter service.

However, in a statement dated April 6, 2026, the President of the Kuturmi Unity Development Association, J.D. Ariko, said contrary to the rescue claims, all abducted persons remain in captivity.

Few weeks after, troops of the Guards Brigade of the Nigerian Army claimed that while responding to a distress call about an armed robbery in Dei Dei neighbourhood in Abuja, one Abdulsamad Jamiu, a Corps member, was caught in crossfire.

But eyewitnesses and family members strongly rejected the “crossfire” explanation, demanding justice and a transparent probe. They allege that military personnel forced their way into his bedroom and shot him in the head while he was inside, maintaining that there was no robbery or shootout in the community as of the time the incident happened.

‘Inconsistent information weakening confidence in security agencies’

Speaking on the recurring pattern of conflicting military claims in Nigeria’s counterinsurgency operations, security analyst Ridwan Aleshinloye warned that inconsistent information from security authorities is weakening public confidence and creating confusion in the fight against terrorism.

Aleshinloye said repeated instances where security agencies announce the killing of insurgent leaders only for such claims to later be contradicted have made many Nigerians skeptical of official statements on security matters.

He noted that such inconsistencies often create panic, tension and uncertainty, particularly in communities already affected by insurgency and violent attacks.

“People, especially in Northern Nigeria, no longer have absolute trust in information coming from security authorities because there have been cases where certain claims were later debunked or contradicted,” he said.

The analyst stressed that security agencies must ensure that sensitive information released to the public is thoroughly verified before being announced.

While describing reports of the killing of insurgent commanders as encouraging developments, he urged the military to improve its communication structure and public engagement strategy to avoid misinformation and credibility gaps.

Source: Rilwan Muhammad 

WHY IS NIGERIA SO UNLUCKY

Tinubu was recently in Kenya. There, he blamed the world for the plight of the African child. He said if the African child could be sure of one sandwich or egg a day, they wouldn’t be fearful of education. Tinubu’s grammatical issues aside, he appears to be losing touch with reality.

Tinubu doesn’t need to make his speeches  memorable.  The world already knows he is neither Marthin Luther King nor Bola Ige.  We dont need these memes . And he  must stop speaking like a NADECO activist. His first term is almost over, and the international audience already holds an unflattering view of Nigeria. This is not the arena for  half-digested ideas. The world knows his  party controls nearly all states in the country. Is it Macron who should feed Nigerian children and send them back to school? Or Botswana?

The era of “balabluing” should be behind us. This is the time to recharge Lake Chad. We cant stand any  new versions of  poisoned holy communion  and church rat tales.  If Tinubu had developed the habit of regular media chats at home, he would have outgrown these tired congratulations to himself.

At his next stop, Tinubu spoke passionately about how a commodities board would have saved Africa. Ironically, the commodities exchange board he promised Nigerians during his campaign hasnt  materialized. The country still loses nearly 50 percent of its agricultural output to inefficient markets and poor storage. Yet Tinubu had the nerve to preach commodities exchange on the African stage. When the interviewer reminded him that, as president of Africa’s largest country, he was the right person to initiate the scheme, Tinubu became a pitiable sight. Nigerians are daily subjected to avoidable shame.  Do our leaders prepare for these engagement?

In one encounter, he bragged about constructing the Lagos-Sokoto highway without importing bitumen. His audience probably believed the road had been completed and handed him oversized applause. But the truth is, that road is still far from done — just like the Lagos-Calabar coastal road. Perhaps both less than 10% completed . These international appearances do not help Nigeria’s already tattered image.

While Tinubu was abroad boasting about his reforms, his acolytes back home — dressed in his signature aso-ebi — were assembling poor and hungry Nigerians, handing them miserable cash in Tinubu-branded envelopes in exchange for their PVCs. Nigeria’s farcical elections have become the butt of jokes across the continent. In scenes as repulsive as open defecation, these men openly distributed parcels of cash to desperate people right in front of cameras. The repugnance was completely lost on them.

But that was perhaps only a small piece of Tinubu’s “Hope Renewal” program. The heavier chunk has triggered a major rift in his party’s Governors’ Forum — which controls nearly 90 percent of the nation’s governors. Newspapers report that funds gathered from state coffers and pooled for election have been tampered with. Some governors, unwilling to accept this lack of accountability quietly, attempted to  break away to form a factional forum. The country is in a deep mess.

These are the same governors of the same states plagued by high infant mortality rates and millions of out-of-school children. The very states ravaged by low agricultural output because of worsening insecurity. Yet they are busy gathering  funds to perpetuate a government which has failed to unite the country or protect the poor. In many of these states, schools remain shut and there are no functional emergency services. But all that matters to these politicians is unenlightened  self interest and political  conquests .

Tinubu should have used the platform in Kenya to discuss electricity — since we have become totally shameless. Instead, he chose to milk the glory of the Dangote Refinery. But the statistics of small and medium-scale factories being liquidated by lack of reliable power and skyrocketing fuel prices would shock the world. He should have told the world the truth: that his country epileptically distributes between 3,000 and 4,000 megawatts to over 230 million people — and that since he assumed office, virtually nothing has been added to that figure.

It is not enough to brag about concrete roads that are practically yet to commence. Tinubu should have confessed how opposition parties have suffered under his regime — how INEC has refused to register new parties, how his party resisted electronic transmission of results, and how the courts and security agencies have been used to scatter the opposition.

The entire  political class has weaponized poverty. Tinubu isn’t alone. But  Tinubu unlike many before him does not tolerate dissent and political plurality well. His trumpeted  reform policies often look like  revenue-gathering schemes with zero accountability. His anti-corruption efforts have focused more on bullying the opposition and chasing small-time “yahoo yahoo” boys than on stopping the massive hemorrhage of public resources. Impunity reigns supreme. Those who sit at Tinubu’s feet — regardless of conflict of interest or outright filth — are protected. This is the closest the country has come to a one-party dominant state. Nobody is fooled by the artificial fragmentation of the opposition. The country is on slippery political slope.

There is a clear reason Nigerian youths are fleeing in droves. No reliable electricity, no functional public healthcare, no jobs, rampant insecurity, and a complete absence of principled politicking. Hope  has become a mirage .  Tinubu’s Nigeria has become a bad bet. On the world stage, our peers have left us far behind.

However , Nigeria is not unlucky. It has oil, gas, arable land, a massive youthful population, and a diaspora sending billions in remittances. The curse is structural — decades of systematic misgovernance by a self-serving  political class. The country’s democracy is an effective plutocracy.

The country needs truly transformative leadership. It needs a renaissance. Not the perpetuation of stagnant, corrupt, half-competent, globetrotting plundering plutocrats  masquerading as divinely ordained sagacious democrats. The Nigerian people must rescue themselves.

Source: Ugo Egbujo

Thursday, 14 May 2026

Why Did America Need a Black Soldier to Bleed Before It Called Him a Hero?

Long before his name appeared beside the Medal of Honor, was living a contradiction that defined Black military history in America.

A Black man was expected to defend a country that still refused to fully defend his humanity.

Born in Maryland around 1856, Walley entered a nation where even the records of Black lives were often incomplete. But one thing history preserved clearly was the uniform he wore: Company I of the , one of the legendary Buffalo Soldier regiments.

These men rode across the American West with discipline and courage while carrying something heavier than rifles.

They carried the burden of proving their worth in a country that questioned it before they even spoke.

Popular stories sometimes distort the details of Walley’s heroism, but the official record places his most famous act of bravery on August 16, 1881, in the Cuchillo Negro Mountains of New Mexico.

Under heavy fire during conflict with Apache fighters, Walley helped rescue fellow soldiers trapped in deadly conditions where hesitation could mean death.

His official Medal of Honor citation was painfully brief:

“Bravery in action with hostile Apaches.”

Just a few words for a lifetime lived inside danger, segregation, and unequal treatment.

That brevity says a lot about how Black courage was often recorded in American history — visible enough to use, but rarely honored with the fullness it deserved.

Walley received the Medal of Honor in 1890, but the medal did not erase the reality around him.

Black soldiers still faced discrimination inside the Army they served.

Still fought for respect after surviving battlefields.

Still returned home to a nation slow to recognize their sacrifice.

And yet he kept serving.

For decades.

He rose to first sergeant, served through the Spanish-American War and the Philippine-American War, and retired in 1907 after years of carrying both duty and disappointment on his shoulders.

That is what makes his story powerful.

Not just the courage shown in one moment under gunfire, but the endurance it took to keep showing up year after year in institutions that demanded loyalty while offering limited fairness in return.

The legacy of the Buffalo Soldiers is complicated and important. These Black regiments helped shape the American West while also participating in military campaigns against Native nations during westward expansion.

History becomes stronger when we tell the whole truth — not simplified versions polished to make the past easier to hold.

Walley’s life reminds us that Black history is filled with names that deserved louder recognition than they received.

Men who served.

Men who endured.

Men who proved bravery was never the question.

The real question was whether America was willing to fully acknowledge what Black Americans had already shown it.

When you think about soldiers like Augustus Walley, do you believe courage matters more when it comes from people the world never expected to survive at all?

#Africa #BlackHistory #BlackExcellence #African #World

Monday, 11 May 2026

THE GOD OF SEYI TINUBU

From public utterances of Seyi Tinubu, son of President of Nigeria, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, it is now more evident the concerns that the country presently is under a siege and that the president is drifting towards a dictatorship whereby he does what he likes and nothing anybody can do.

This comes as an online newspaper (not The DEFENDER) said on Thursday that, in a bold and controversial statement, Seyi Tinubu declared that nothing — be it human opposition or divine intervention — can stop his father from completing his full eight-year tenure in office.

Speaking in a recent interview, Seyi reportedly asserted that Nigerians had their chance to oppose his father’s rise to power but failed to do so before he assumed office. He emphasized that, now that President Tinubu is in full control of the government, there is no force that could unseat him.

him.

“If Nigerians couldn’t stop my father from becoming president after Buhari, what makes them think he would lose now when he has full control as president?” Seyi said, confidently asserting his belief in the political strength of his father’s administration.

Despite his strong words, Seyi Tinubu called on the nation to put aside political differences and work collaboratively toward building a better Nigeria. “Let’s all work together to bring out the best in Nigeria,” he urged citizens, highlighting the importance of unity in moving the country forward.

This statement from the President’s son, according to 247UREPORTS, comes at a time of growing political tensions and heightened opposition to his father’s government. Critics have raised concerns about the current administration’s policies and leadership style, but Seyi’s remarks reflect a firm belief in the resilience and determination of his father’s presidency.

While the statement is sure to spark further debate, it also underscores the confidence and resolve that the Tinubu family holds regarding the future of the current administration.

As President Bola Tinubu enters his second year in office, eyes will be on the political landscape to see whether this confidence translates into continued control or challenges for his leadership in the years ahead.

This statement, which already circulating widely across Whatsapp groups, diversely interpreted especially among Northern Nigerian youths many of who see it as blasphemous to say God is incapable of stopping an ordinary mortal like his father from completing eight years tenure.

A source, who confided in The DEFENDER while commenting in the report, said “The president is doing things the way he likes now because he along his family believes that he is now fully in power and can deploy everything to endure he stays perpetually in power without anybody being able to stop him.”

Asked if he agrees with at that belief, he asked, “Is there anyone that Allah cannot stop? Did he not Firiaona (Faraoh)? Yes he controls the armed forces and wealth of the nation and Senate, House of Representatives, the courts and the Central Bank of Nigeria but Seyi and whoever holds the belief with his father should remember that those things properties of Nigerians not private assets of the family of the president to work against Nigerians. We shall see how many Nigerians Tinubu will use the military, police and DSS operatives to kill come 2027.”

MBONGENI NGEMA: PLAYWRIGHT AND LYRICIST

Today would’ve been the 71st birthday of lauded playwright and lyricist, Mbongeni Ngema.

He was born in Verulam, a town north of Durban, Natal. He was the third born of seven children. The Group Areas Act forced black residents to leave and he and his siblings relocated to kwaHlabisa to live with their grandparents. They eked out a rural life, tending to the fields and animals on their homestead. Ngema credits his grandmother’s storytelling about his ancestors as one of the catalysts for his own success in storytelling. He attended Nhlwathi Primary School and later attended Vukuzakhe High School.

His education went up to standard ten (today Grade 12) but dropped out to pursue his musical aspirations. His father inspired him to be a self-taught guitarist. He left Durban for Johannesburg, and landed a job as a factory worker. He took part in the workers’ after work arts production often playing guitar. He then took things further by joining the renowned Gibson Kente’s theatre company; who is known as the Father of Black Theatre in South Africa. Throughout the 1970s, he appeared in a number of local productions. He also honed his skills and in the process became a playwright, screenwriter and librettist. 

His major breakthrough came with Woza Albert!, which he co-wrote with Barney Simon, and Percy Mtwa, in 1981. Woza Albert! is a satirical piece of protest theatre that imagines the second coming of Jesus Christ during apartheid as experience by a variety of black South Africans. They toured the USA jn 1984. His next venture came in the form of his own theatre company called Committed Artists. He wrote and directed another protest theatre production called Asinamali. It’s based on a rent strike in a Durban township, a common issue during the apartheid era. Its popularity earned him and his performers the scorn of the police and they were raided and arrested. It also toured the USA and earned a Tony Award nomination. It was turned into film adaptation in 2017, with Ngema starring in it as Comrade Washington.

He struck gold again when he co-wrote Sarafina! with the late Hugh Masekela in 1988. It depicts students involved in the famous 16 June 1976 Student Uprisings in Soweto which were in protest against the forced imposition of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction in African schools. The play evolved from a conversion he had with the late Winnie Madikizela-Mandela. In It had its first staging at the Market Theatre in Johannesburg in 1987, before premiering on Broadway in January 1988 and enjoying a run of 597 performances and 11 previews. It earned five Tony Awards nominations including one for lead actress Leleti Khumalo for Best Featured Actress in a Musical. It won 11 National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) Image Awards and also scored Grammy Awards nominations in the process. It was later adapted into a film in 1992, Starring Whoopi Goldberg, Leleti Khumalo, and the late Miriam Makeba.

In 1996, the democratic government of South Africa commissioned Ngema to produce a sequel to Sarafina! to raise awareness about the HIV/AIDS epidemic. What was meant to be a positive outcome turned into a scandalous government corruption investigation over the productions exorbitant and unauthorised expenditure. Ngema defended the price tag and claimed it was necessary to bring Broadway-quality shows to Black townships. In 2002, Ngema was in the news again this time for his song AmaNdiya (meaning Indians in Zulu) which accused South Africa’s Indian community of racism and exploitation. The Broadcating Complaints Commission of South Africa (BCCSA) banned the song and said it incited hatred. Former President Nelson Mandela urged Ngema to apologize, but he refused and defended his actions that no authority could direct what an artist can write about.

Ngema also released albums and one of his most popular releases was the 1985 album, Stimela Sase Zolax with its title track of the same name. His other releases include 1991’s Township Fever, Magic At 4Am released in 1994, and a greatest hits album released in 1995.

Ngema was married twice in his life: first to Xoliswa Nduneni-Ngema in February 1982. Their marriage lasted until 1991 and the couple divorced. Nduneni-Ngema later released a tell-all memoir in which she alleged abuse and sexual assault at the hands of Ngema. He then married his leading lady from Sarafina!, Leleti Khumalo. Their relationship began when Khumalo was still a teenager; she was 15 years younger than Ngema. Their marriage ended in 2005 and she described their time together as “disgusting” because she had no freedom. She also described she endured fourteen years of misery. 

Ngema lost his life on 27 December 2023 in a head-on collision. He was returning from a funeral in Lusikisiki, Eastern Cape. He was 68 and was married to Nompumelelo Gumede-Ngema at the time of his passing. South African President Cyril Ramaphosa paid tribute to Ngema, saying his creative narration of the liberation struggle honored the humanity of oppressed South Africans and exposed the inhumanity of an oppressive regime. The president granted Ngema a Category 2 Special Provincial Funeral. His funeral service took place at Albert Luthuli International Convention Centre, and he was buried at Heroes' Acre Cemetry in Chesterville, Durban.

A documentary called Dr Mbongeni Ngema: This Is My Story by Lindani Mbense is set for release on 30 May 2026 at The Market Theatre in Johannesburg.

#MbongeniNgema #Playwrights #Birthdays #Theatre

OUR DEAR AFRICAN MOTHERS

When the food was not enough for everyone, our mothers would quietly say, “I’m not hungry,” just so their children could eat.

Not because they were full… but because our stomachs mattered more than theirs.

When we asked for more food after finishing our plates, they would take from their own portion and place it into ours with a smile.

They were always the last to eat, making sure every child had enough before thinking about themselves.

If visitors arrived while we were eating, our mothers would willingly give up the food on their own plates to welcome the guest.

That is the African spirit.

That is sacrifice.

That is love.

Even while watching us eat, their first concern was never themselves.

It was always:

“Have your brothers and sisters eaten too?”

They taught us never to waste food, because they knew the pain of going without.

Every leftover was carefully covered and saved for later, because tomorrow was never guaranteed.

And when the nights were cold, they would wake up again and again to ask if we were warm enough.

If we were not, they would remove their own blankets and cover us first.

Our African mothers carried entire families on their backs without ever asking for applause.

They sacrificed silently.

Loved endlessly.

And gave everything they had so their children could dream bigger than they ever could.

To the African mother:

You are strength.

You are sacrifice.

You are the heartbeat of the continent.

No words will ever fully explain your love.

We love you deeply.

We honor you endlessly. 

Written By — K.V.A Muvavarirwa

#Africa #Motherhood #Gratitude #Zimbabwe #AfricanMothers 

Tuesday, 5 May 2026

THERE WAS A PLAN TO OVERTHROW TINUBU IN A COUP. ---ZEKIRI UMORU.

One of the accused persons standing trial in the alleged bid to violently topple the government of President Bola Tinubu, Zekeri Umoru, has admitted that he got involved in the coup plot in 2025 right inside the Presidential Villa.

Umoru, the fourth accused person and an employee in the maintenance department at the Presidential Villa, working with Julius Berger Nigeria, said he was co-opted into the coup plot by one Inspector Ahmed Ibrahim, attached to the Presidential Clinic.

In a recorded video of his extra-judicial statement made in respect of the coup plot, Umoru narrated how his contact with individuals later identified as key figures in the plot began in May 2025 through the third defendant, Inspector Ahmed Ibrahim, attached to the Presidential Clinic.

He told investigators that Inspector Ibrahim introduced him to a man named Hassan Mohammed, who he later identified as Colonel Mohammed “Ma’aji,” under the pretext of offering him electrical work at a building under construction.

Umoru said he initially believed Ma’aji was a civilian businessman after receiving money transfers bearing his name.

The accused person recounted multiple instances where he received money from Colonel Ma’aji, sometimes in the presence of Ibrahim. He also described several visits by Ma’aji and another associate, Usman, whom he later discovered to be military personnel.

He told the court that during one meeting at a location identified as “Tiger Bar,” Ma’aji gave money ranging between ₦100,000 and ₦120,000 to him and his associates after buying drinks and making inquiries about their professions.

A more significant transaction, according to the video, occurred on September 24, 2025, when Ma’aji allegedly handed him a “Ghana Must Go” bag containing cash.

Umoru said he deposited the money at a branch of Zenith Bank, where it was counted as N8.8 million.

He further testified that the following day, he and Inspector Ibrahim met Ma’aji again, during which an additional N2 million was given, with instructions that Ibrahim would later brief him on further details.

Umoru told investigators that he later became uncomfortable with the continuous flow of money and pressed Ibrahim for clarification.

According to him, Ibrahim claimed that Ma’aji was dissatisfied with the state of the country and was planning to “sanitize the government,” allegedly with the support of unnamed associates described as “boys.”

He further alleged that Ibrahim suggested a plan involving an ambulance driver to facilitate access into the Presidential Villa, with expectations of financial gain.

However, Umoru maintained in the video that he was unaware of any concrete plan and insisted he never knowingly participated in any plot.

The defendant also described an incident where he escorted Usman into the Presidential Villa. He stated that security personnel at the gate did not question them after he indicated that the visitor was there to see him.

He said he later found Usman taking photographs in his office and warned him against such actions.

Throughout the recorded interview, Umoru denied knowledge of any coup plot, insisting that he was misled by Ibrahim.

He stated that he would have distanced himself from Ma’aji had he known he was a military officer or had any intention beyond business dealings.

Umoru also expressed regret, apologising to his employers and affirming his support for President Tinubu’s administration.

The court also viewed a separate video involving an Islamic cleric, Sheikh Imam Kassim Goni, who said he relocated to Karu in Abuja after fleeing insurgency in Maiduguri.

Goni, who denied any involvement in the coup plot, told investigators that he received funds from Colonel Ma’aji strictly for prayers and charitable purposes, including requests for spiritual intervention following alleged setbacks in promotion.

He maintained that all cash received was tied to religious activities, not political or military objectives.

However, investigators in the video pointed out discrepancies between his claims and financial records, indicating that funds had been transferred to him as early as March 2023, months before the alleged promotion issues he referenced.

Additional records showed transactions running into millions of naira, including a N10 million transfer in October 2024.

The investigators suggested that discussions referenced in the videos, including remarks about gaining access and acquiring “work tools,” raised concerns about a broader scheme, though both individuals denied any knowledge of a coup plot.

Following the preview of the video-recorded extra-judicial statement, counsel to the sixth defendant and Senior Advocate Michael Numa told the court he had just received the video exhibits of his client, adding that he needed more time to review them.

Justice Joyce Abdulmalik subsequently adjourned the matter to May 11, 12 and 13 for continuation of trial.

Monday, 4 May 2026

Atiku Abubakar Sets Agenda for Proposed US Visit

PRESS RELEASE

Former Vice President of Nigeria, Atiku Abubakar has declared that his forthcoming engagement with policy and institutional stakeholders in the United States will be driven by one overriding concern: the alarming deterioration of security, governance, and economic stability in Nigeria.

Atiku states plainly that Nigeria is facing a full-blown internal crisis, one that can no longer be downplayed, politicized, or explained away. From the ravaging violence in the North-West and North-East, to the persistent bloodshed in the Middle Belt, and the growing spread of kidnapping and criminality across the country, Atiku warns that the Nigerian state is steadily losing its grip on its most fundamental responsibility: the protection of lives and property.

According to him, the situation has moved beyond isolated incidents to a pattern of systemic failure. Communities are being overrun, livelihoods destroyed, and citizens abandoned to their fate. He argues that any government that cannot guarantee basic security forfeits the moral basis of its mandate.

The former Vice President also points to the deepening economic hardship confronting Nigerians, describing it as both severe and avoidable. He notes that rising inflation, a weakened currency, and collapsing purchasing power have pushed millions into distress, while policy inconsistency and lack of strategic direction continue to erode confidence in the economy. In his words, Nigerians are not just tired, they are being stretched to the limits of endurance.

Atiku further raises concerns about the state of Nigeria’s democratic institutions, warning that declining public confidence in governance, accountability, and the electoral process poses a direct threat to national stability.

As the country moves toward another election cycle, he insists that any attempt to undermine transparency or manipulate outcomes will carry serious consequences for both unity and legitimacy.

Addressing the anticipated criticism of his international engagement, Atiku is unequivocal: telling the truth about Nigeria is not unpatriotic. He rejects the notion that engaging global partners amounts to inviting foreign interference, stressing that Nigeria does not exist in isolation and cannot pretend that its internal failures have no external implications. He maintains that the world already sees what is happening; the real question is whether Nigerian leaders are prepared to confront it honestly.

He reiterates that only Nigerians will decide Nigeria’s leadership, but insists that international partners have a legitimate interest in the stability, governance standards, and democratic health of a country as strategically important as Nigeria.

According to him, responsible leadership does not hide from scrutiny, it welcomes it as a pathway to improvement.

In a direct message to the current administration, Atiku warns against complacency and deflection. He states that power is not an entitlement but a responsibility, and that Nigerians expect results, not explanations. He calls on the government to urgently reset its priorities, restore public confidence, and demonstrate a clear, credible strategy for addressing insecurity and economic decline.

To Nigerians, he delivers a blunt reminder: no nation survives in silence. He urges citizens to remain vigilant, engaged, and unyielding in their demand for accountability, emphasizing that real change will not come from outside the country but from the collective will of its people.

Atiku concludes that Nigeria stands at a critical juncture. The choice, he says, is between confronting hard truths now or allowing the country to drift further into instability. For him, the moment demands courage, honesty, and decisive leadership, anything less would be a disservice to the nation and its future.

Signed:

Paul Ibe

Media Adviser to Atiku Abubakar

Vice President of Nigeria, 1999-2007

Abuja

03 May, 2026.

Tuesday, 28 April 2026

NOW TRUMP WANTS TO FIND JESUS.

A month ago, President Donald Trump unabashedly celebrated the death of former FBI Director Robert Mueller. “Good, I’m glad he’s dead,” Trump said. “He can no longer hurt innocent people!”

On Monday, Trump and his White House responded to a shooting at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner this weekend by decrying Democrats’ supposedly beyond-the-pale rhetoric and labeling them a “cult of hatred.”

Their chief example of this kind of rhetoric? ABC comedian Jimmy Kimmel telling a joke that made light of Trump’s potential demise. Days before this weekend’s shooting, Kimmel joked that first lady Melania Trump had “a glow like an expectant widow.”

Apparently, it’s OK for Trump to celebrate a public servant’s death; it is not OK for Jimmy Kimmel to joke about Trump’s.

The shooting at this weekend’s dinner has yet again led Trump and his White House to focus on Democrats’ rhetoric, despite Trump’s own demonstrated history of extremely ugly rhetoric. Republicans are largely repeating a blame game they waged after Charlie Kirk’s assassination last year.

Thus far, the strategy hasn’t appeared to work. Polls show Americans generally view the right’s rhetoric as more violent and dangerous.

This political violence stems from a systemic demonization of [Trump] and his supporters by commentators, yes, by elected members of the Democrat Party, and even some in the media,” White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt said Monday. “This hateful and constant and violent rhetoric directed at President Trump, day after day after day for 11 years, has helped to legitimize this violence and bring us to this dark moment.”

The first thing to note is that definitive statements about alleged shooter motivations this early are generally speculative, at best. Often, reports surface that suggest the perpetrators had mental health issues.

The accused attacker, Cole Tomas Allen, apparently left a paper trail that provides clues about his potential motivation, including social media posts that compared Trump to Adolf Hitler and encouraged others critical of his presidency to purchase guns.

Monday, 27 April 2026

DEATH BY THE POND: THE ASSASSINATION OF ASIPA AMUDA OLORUNOSEBI

The name Yusuf Ayinde Amuda Afolabi, popularly known as Amuda Olorunosebi, occupies an important place in the traditional history of Oyo Alaafin. As the Asipa of Oyo Kingdom, he was one of the principal members of the Oyo Mesi, the council of kingmakers responsible for the selection and oversight of the Alaafin. The office of Asipa, historically regarded as a position of municipal authority, has long been recognized as central to the governance of Oyo. Early historical accounts, including those documented by Reverend Samuel Johnson, describe the Asipa as a leading voice in the administration of the town.

Amuda Olorunosebi rose to this distinguished position in 1976 during the reign of Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III, a period that also witnessed the creation of Oyo State from the former Western Region. His tenure was marked by influence, wealth, and extensive social connections across Yorubaland. Beyond his traditional responsibilities, he was widely known for his involvement in agriculture. His fish farming operations in the Ijawaya and Ajegunle areas of Oyo were among the most expansive in the region, and he was regarded as a strong advocate for farming as a sustainable occupation, particularly for young people.

In early November 1992, two individuals identified as Segun Oduneye and Abiodun Faseyitan paid him a visit, claiming to represent an agricultural enterprise seeking land for a fishery project in Oyo. They presented a letter of introduction and were received in accordance with customary hospitality. Following initial discussions, the Asipa directed his aides to show them suitable land at Ijawaya. The visitors expressed satisfaction with the land and indicated their readiness to proceed. Over the following days, they made repeated visits and eventually requested that the Asipa personally accompany them to the site to confirm ownership.

On 26 November 1992, after attending a family event, the Asipa agreed to visit the farmland in their company. He was accompanied by aides, including Ganiyu Ajiboye and Raimi Ishola. Upon arrival at the site in Ijawaya, the situation changed suddenly when an armed individual, whose identity was concealed, emerged and opened fire. In the confusion that followed, one of the aides managed to escape, while another sustained serious injuries. The Asipa was left at the scene with the attackers.

The incident was reported to the police shortly thereafter, prompting an immediate response led by the Divisional Police Officer in Oyo, while higher authorities in Ibadan and Lagos were also notified due to the status of the victim. Upon arrival at the scene, the body of Asipa Amuda Olorunosebi was discovered near his fish ponds. Preliminary findings indicated that although a firearm had been used, the gunshot alone did not immediately result in death. Evidence suggested that the attackers subsequently employed sharp weapons, confirming that the killing was both premeditated and executed with calculated brutality.

The assassination of the Asipa represented a significant moment in the traditional and social history of Oyo. As a prominent member of the Oyo Mesi, his death raised serious concerns about security and the vulnerability of high-ranking traditional figures. It also highlighted the use of deception as a method of gaining access to influential individuals. The death of Amuda Olorunosebi remains one of the most notable criminal incidents in the history of Oyo in the late twentieth century, serving as a lasting reference point in discussions on leadership, trust, and the preservation of traditional institutions.

Source: Onigegewura

MICHAEL JACKSON FLEW TO JAMAICA WITH A $50M OFFER — BOB MARLEY SAID NO

When the world's biggest pop star flies to Jamaica with an offer that could make you the richest reggae artist in history, most musicians say yes immediately. But when Michael Jackson sat face-to-face with Bob Marley in a Kingston hotel suite in 1978 and proposed a collaboration that would have created the most explosive musical partnership of all time, Bob's response shocked the King of Pop and proved that some artists value message over money, soul over stardom, and spiritual integrity over commercial success. The conversation that followed would reveal the fundamental difference between entertainment and enlightenment and show why the greatest collaborations sometimes never happen. If stories of legendary artists choosing principle over profit and staying true to their spiritual mission move your soul, subscribe to Bob Marley: The Final Note and hit that like button.

Because sometimes the most powerful statements are made by saying no. Los Angeles, California. October 20th, 1978. 2:15 p.m. Michael Jackson sat in his Beverly Hills recording studio, nervously adjusting his sequined glove as he reviewed documents his management team had prepared. At 20 years old, Michael was transitioning from Jackson 5's teen heartthrob to a solo superstar and he needed something that would establish his credibility as a serious artist capable of bridging different musical worlds. That something, he believed, was Bob Marley. The studio around Michael represented everything he had achieved and everything he hoped to transcend. Gold and platinum records lined the walls, achievements that had made him wealthy beyond imagination, but hadn't satisfied his artistic ambitions. Michael wanted respect from serious musicians, critics who dismissed pop music, and audiences who craved substance along with entertainment.

Michael's management team had spent months researching the viability of collaborating with Bob Marley. The numbers were staggering. Michael's pop audience combined with Bob's growing international following could create a market of over 100 million potential record buyers. But for Michael, the appeal went deeper than commercial success.

He genuinely admired Bob Marley's music and the profound impact it had on people. Michael's mind flashed back to 1975 when Jackson 5 had performed in Kingston, Jamaica. That night, backstage at the National Stadium, Michael had met Bob Marley for the first time. The encounter had left an indelible impression on the young entertainer.

While Michael commanded stages through choreography, costume changes, and spectacular production, Bob's power came from something entirely different, spiritual authority that needed no enhancement. Michael remembered watching Bob perform that night from the wings. There were no costume changes, no elaborate stage effects, no choreographed dance moves.

Just Bob, his guitar, and a message that seemed to flow directly from his soul to the audience. Bob had been gracious but enigmatic during their brief meeting, treating the famous Jackson brother with the same humble respect he showed everyone. Michael remembered being struck by Bob's calm intensity, the way he seemed to be listening to something beyond the conversation, the profound peace that surrounded him despite the chaos of the music industry.

"Young Michael," Bob had said, placing a gentle hand on the teenager's shoulder, "God has given you great gifts. Use them to uplift people's spirits." At the time, Michael had interpreted this as encouragement for his entertainment career. Now he wondered if Bob had meant something deeper. Three years later, Michael was ready to bridge their two worlds.

He had prepared extensively, studying Bob's interviews and understanding Rastafarian philosophy. But this wasn't something that could be handled through phone calls or intermediaries. Michael knew he needed to travel to Jamaica and meet Bob face-to-face to demonstrate the seriousness of his proposal. After 3 days of coordination through Chris Blackwell at Island Records, a meeting was arranged for October 23rd at the Pegasus Hotel in Kingston.

Michael flew to Jamaica specifically for this encounter, understanding that the success of his proposal would depend on earning Bob's respect through direct, honest conversation. Kingston, Jamaica. October 23rd, 1978. 8:30 p.m. The exclusive Pegasus Hotel's penthouse suite was buzzing with quiet conversation when Michael Jackson walked through the heavy wooden doors.

The meeting had been arranged through Chris Blackwell, who thought the two music legends should discuss Michael's proposal face-to-face. But Michael had an agenda beyond social pleasantries. He wanted to propose something that would reshape both their careers forever. The contrast between the two men was immediately striking.

Michael wore an expensive silk shirt, perfectly tailored pants, and his signature sequined glove, representing everything successful about the American music industry. Bob, in contrast, wore simple jeans and a cotton shirt, his dreadlocks flowing naturally, embodying the authentic spiritual energy that had made him reggae's most respected voice.

Bob was sitting in a corner chair, quietly tuning his acoustic guitar while discussing Rastafarian philosophy with several elders. Despite the hotel's upscale atmosphere, Bob's presence seemed to transform the space into something more sacred than commercial. Bob looked up as Michael approached, setting down his guitar with the measured calm that characterized everything he did.

"Michael Jackson," Bob said with a slight smile, gesturing to the empty chair across from him, "the prince of pop music. Bless up, bredren." Michael slid into the chair, immediately struck by the difference between this intimate setting and their brief backstage encounter 3 years earlier. Here, face-to-face, he could see the profound intelligence in Bob's eyes, the spiritual weight he carried, the way he seemed to be listening to something beyond their conversation.

"Bob, it's an honor to finally sit with you properly," Michael said, his nervous energy evident despite his attempt to appear confident. "I've been hoping for this opportunity for years." Bob's expression remained warm but curious. "What brings the King of Pop to Jamaica, Michael? What's on your heart?" Michael leaned forward across the small table between them, his excitement building as he outlined his vision.

"Bob, I want to propose something that could change music history. A full collaboration, an album, a world tour, maybe even a concert film. We could combine your consciousness with my reach, your message with my platform." Bob studied Michael's face carefully, reading not just his words but his intentions.

The hotel suite's ambient noise, clinking glasses, muffled conversations, soft jazz, created a backdrop that somehow made their conversation feel both private and significant. "Tell me more about this vision," Bob said, folding his hands on the table. Michael's excitement grew as he painted his picture, gesticulating with typical enthusiasm.

"Picture this. Your spiritual lyrics with my melodies and production values. Your authentic message reaching mainstream audiences who have never heard conscious music. We could reach 100 million people with messages about unity, love, and social justice." Michael outlined the scope of his vision with genuine passion.

Record executives had estimated the project could generate over $50 million in revenue. The tour would hit every major American city, introducing reggae to audiences who had never heard conscious music before. Bob listened intently, occasionally nodding, but his eyes never left Michael's face.

Across the table, he could sense Michael's genuine enthusiasm, but also the fundamental misunderstanding that lay beneath the proposal. "And how would this collaboration work practically?" Bob asked quietly. "Would my message change to fit your audience, or would your audience change to receive my message?" The question hung in the air between them like smoke from sacred fire.

Michael hadn't expected such a direct philosophical challenge, and Bob's steady gaze made it impossible to avoid the deeper implications of what he was proposing. "We could find a middle ground," Michael suggested hopefully. "Keep your message but make it more accessible to mainstream audiences who might not be ready for the full intensity of Rastafarian philosophy.

"Bob leaned back slightly, creating physical space that somehow made his next question more powerful. "What does more accessible mean, Michael?" Sitting across from Bob in the intimate setting of the suite, Michael felt the weight of having to articulate something he'd never fully examined. "Maybe less political content.

More universal themes like love and unity that don't make people uncomfortable. Songs that can play on mainstream radio without causing controversy." Bob's response was gentle but penetrating, his voice cutting through Michael's commercial enthusiasm like truth through illusion. "Universal love that avoids uncomfortable truths isn't universal love, Michael. It's comfortable love.

And comfortable love never changed anything." The face-to-face setting made every word feel more significant, more personal. Michael could see the compassion in Bob's eyes, but also the unwavering commitment to principles that couldn't be compromised for any amount of success. Bob continued with an insight that would haunt Michael for years.

"When you perform, Michael, what are you trying to accomplish? What do you want people to carry with them when they leave your concert?" Michael straightened in his chair, suddenly feeling like a student being examined by a master teacher. I want to entertain people, make them happy, give them an escape from their problems.

And I want to wake people up, Bob replied, his voice carrying the same authority that made his music so powerful. To help them understand their problems and find the strength to solve them. Both callings have value, but they cannot be the same thing. Bob's voice took on the teaching quality that made his conversations as influential as his songs.

Michael, you have tremendous talent, tremendous gifts from Jah. Your ability to move people through music is extraordinary, but this collaboration you're proposing, it would require one of us to compromise our essential nature. The conversation continued for over an hour, with Bob patiently explaining his philosophy, while Michael tried desperately to find ways to make the collaboration work.

But sitting face-to-face, seeing Bob's unwavering spiritual commitment up close, Michael began to understand that this wasn't about business strategy or creative compromise. It was about two fundamentally different approaches to the purpose of music. Michael, Bob continued with profound gentleness. When Marcus Garvey spoke about black pride, white people were uncomfortable.

When Martin Luther King spoke about justice, white people were uncomfortable. When Jesus spoke about loving your enemies, everyone was uncomfortable. Discomfort is often the first sign that consciousness is awakening. Bob paused, allowing his words to settle. When you perform, you give people what they want.

ANTI-APARTHEID ACTIVIST, ABRAM LOUIS 'BRAM' FISCHER

Today would’ve been the 118th birthday of Afrikaner lawyer and anti-apartheid activist, Abram Louis ‘Bram’ Fischer. 

He came from an aristocratic family; his grandfather Abraham Fischer was Prime Minister of the Orange River colony before the 1910 unification, and his father Percy Fischer, was Judge President of the Orange Free State. His family played a prominent role in the Afrikaner struggle for independence from British colonial rule. 

He was schooled at the prestigious Grey College in Bloemfontein and attend Grey University College (predecessor to the modern University of the Free State). A staunch and unwavering nationalist from a young age, he was elected Nationalist Prime Minister of a student parliament at university. In 1930 he was awarded a Rhodes scholarship and went on to New College, Oxford. During his time in Europe, he would take the opportunity to visit the Soviet Union. It was also around this time he would meet Molly Krige, who would later become his wife and political partner. She was a distant relative of Jan Smuts. Upon his return, he became a sought after lawyer, specialising in mining law and mineral and water rights. 

His political awakening came after he joined (at the behest of his mentor, Leo Marquard) Bloemfontein’s Joint Council of Europeans and Africans, an interracial, liberal and multiracial body established in 1921 to prompt racial harmony, social welfare, and improvements in the living conditions of Africans. At his very first meeting, he shook hands with a black man for the first time in his life. Due to the racial indoctrination he had received from childhood, this would be an uncomfortable experience for him but one that would become his Road to Damascus. 

In 1935, he joined the Johannesburg Bar, and he would marry Molly in 1937. They would also become members of the Communist Party in 1942, which would put them in touch with like-minded individuals and organisations working to oppose racial segregation in South Africa. His political views did little to deter his career at the time, with many looking forward to him climbing the political ranks and perhaps be Prime Minister one day. All that changed when the National Power and its coalition partners gained power in the 1948 elections and instituted the policy of apartheid. The Suppression of Communism Act killed any communist ambitions and in put the Fischers in the regimes crosshairs. 

In 1952, he defended Nelson Mandela and 19 other ANC leaders for their participation in the Defiance Campaign. In 1953, he was banned for the first time under the Suppression of Communism Act. He was also involved in the mammoth Treason Trial of 1956-1961, where all the defendants were acquitted. Nonetheless, he continued being a brilliant legal mind and by 1961 was elected chairman of the Johannesburg Bar Council. The events of the 21 March 1960 Sharpeville massacre brought widespread changes in South Africa. It introduced the General Law Amendment Act of 1962 aka the Sabotage Act of 1962, which gave the state powers to detain a person without trial for up to 90 days and to impose restrictions such as house arrest and banning orders. Bram and his wife were subjected to the statues of this law on countless occasions. 

When Lilliesleaf farm was raided on 11 July 1963, it resulted in the arrest of the then newly-formed High Command of uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK), and saw Nelson Mandela being brought to the mainland from Robben Island where he was serving a five-year prison term for inciting a strike and leaving the country illegally. Fischer was once again at the forefront of the legal defence during the Rivionia Trial (1963-1964). Although the state prosecutor Percy Yutar sought the death penalty, Mandela and his co-accused were spared and instead sentenced to life imprisonment. A few month later, on 23 September 1964, Fischer himself was arrested and charged with being a member of a banned organisation (the South African Communist Party). 

Fischer then abandoned bail and went underground. His actions went against the advice of Mandela who wanted him to use his legal prowess to challenge the apartheid regime in the court room. After his disappearance, he was struck off the advocate’s roll in 1965. After 290 days underground, Fishcher was finally apprehended by the law. He had assumed a new name and went by “Douglas Black”. In March 1966, he was put on trial on charges of furthering the aims of a communist organisation and conspiracy to overthrow the government. He was found guilty and sentenced to life imprisonment and sent to Pretoria Central Prison (now called Kgosi Mampuru II Management Area). 

In 1967, he was awarded the Lenin Peace Prize. His years in prison were harsh, since he was looked at as a traitor to his own people (Afrikaners). Prison authorities singled him out for unfair treatment and punishment. By 1974, there was a noticeable deterioration in his health. Denis Goldberg, one of the Rivonia Trial defendants Fischer represented, made urgent appeals to prison authorities about Bram’s health. Goldberg kept a secret diary of his medical care which was subsequently smuggled out of prison. Authorities denied him the use of a crutch and instead, a broom was used when his hip began giving him problems. A fall in the shower resulted in a fractured femur and neck. He endured the pain for 13 days until prison authorities sent him to a hospital. Upon his return, he was unable to look after himself and Goldberg petitioned the prison to allow him to take care of Fischer in his cell. It was later discovered that he was suffering from cancer. 

After news of his illness made the news, there was public outcry for him to be released on medical grounds. But since he was a political prisoner, he was required to serve his sentence daily. The apartheid regime only relented in April 1975 and released him into his brother’s care in Bloemfontein. It had been officially designated part of the prison estate so that his visitors could be restricted. He died on 8 May 1975. In one final act of cruelty, the apartheid regime confiscated his ashes, and were never returned to his family. The Department of Prisons did this to prevent his gravesite from becoming a “shrine” for the struggle against apartheid. 

At the time of his death, Fischer had two daughters, Ruth and Ilse. His youngest child, a son Paul, died of cystic fibrosis at age 23. His wife Molly tragically drowned when Bram swerved off the road to avoid a cow. The car landed in the Kool Spruit, near Ventersburg. The couple were on their way to Cape Town to celebrate Ilse’s 21st birthday. 

The township of Bram Fischerville, one of the first major post-apartheid housing projects, was named after him. In 2003, he was posthumously awarded the Order for Meritorious Service in Gold. He became the first South African to be posthumously reinstated to the Bar. In 2004, Stellenbosch University posthumously awarded him an honorary degree, a decision that rubbed alumni and management the wrong way. New College of Oxford University has held the annual Bram Fischer Memorial Lecture since 2007. In 2012, Bloemfontein International Airpot was renamed Bram Fischer International Airport. In 2015, the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits) posthumously awarded him an honorary doctorate. In 2017, a feature film called Bram Fischer / An Act of Defiance was released. It starred Peter Paul Muller as Bram Fischer. 

Hendrik Verwoerd Drive—named after the former prime minister known as the "architect of apartheid"—was renamed Bram Fischer Drive. The University of the Free State, his alma mater, hosts the annual Bram Fischer Memorial Lecture. The National Museum in Bloemfontein has a permanent Bram Fischer exhibition and compiled the 'Bram Fischer Trail', to  indicate the location of all the buildings and sites in and near Bloemfontein that are associated with Bram. The trail consists of a map with photographs and a short description of each building and site. These include, among others, Harmonie, the Fischer family’s home in President Reitz Street, and Ramblers Club in Aliwal Street where Bram played for the Free State rugby team against the visiting All Blacks in 1928. 

#BramFischer #Birthdays #OnThisDay #World

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