YOU CANNOT READ.—ABUBAKAR ATIKU

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has launched a sharp rebuttal against President Bola Tinubu,

accusing him of hypocrisy, distortion of history, and political desperation—while pointedly declaring that “it is not my fault that you can’t read.”

The response was contained in a statement issued in Abuja on Friday morning, by Atiku’s Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication, Phrank Shaibu, who signed the release on behalf of the former Vice President.

“It is not our fault that the President does not and can not read,” the statement said, adding that a proper understanding of Nigeria’s reform history was clearly documented in ‘The Accidental Public Servant’ authored by Malam Nasir El-Rufai.

In the strongly worded statement, Atiku described Tinubu’s recent remarks as a “reckless tirade” that exposes “a troubling pattern of hypocrisy and historical amnesia.”

“Atiku Abubakar’s attention has been drawn to the latest reckless tirade by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu—a performance that exposes not just desperation, but a troubling pattern of hypocrisy and historical amnesia,” the statement read.

The former vice president expressed surprise that a sitting president, who has faced scrutiny over his own credentials, would attempt to discredit others with what he described as verifiable records of public service.

On the issue of privatisation, Atiku’s camp argued that Tinubu’s criticisms were inconsistent with his current policies, noting that the president had previously opposed reforms he now appeared to be implementing.

According to the statement, Atiku had long advocated the privatisation of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPc) and the sale of refineries to credible investors, a stance Tinubu allegedly resisted at the time.

However, it claimed the current administration is now overseeing what it described as a flawed system.

“This is not reform; it is privatisation without accountability,” the statement declared, alleging a lack of transparency and clear valuation in ongoing processes.

The statement further defended Atiku’s role in Nigeria’s economic reforms, citing companies such as Oando Plc, Conoil Plc, Ardova Plc, Indorama Eleme Petrochemicals, Benue Cement Company, and Transcorp Hilton Abuja as examples of successful privatisation outcomes.

In a direct attack on the president’s intellectual posture, the statement said Tinubu’s comments reflected a failure to engage documented history.

It added that Tinubu’s remarks suggested ignorance of publicly available records and credible accounts of past reforms.

“You cannot oppose reform when it demands courage and then execute a shadow version of it in power,” the statement added.

Atiku’s camp also criticised the tone of the president’s comments, describing them as dismissive and lacking substance.

“The President’s attempt to reduce a serious economic legacy to playground ridicule only underscores a deeper problem: a leadership more comfortable with insults than with facts,” it said.

The statement further highlighted the current economic situation in Nigeria, pointing to rising hardship among citizens.

“Across the country, families are skipping meals, businesses are shutting their doors, and hardworking citizens are watching their incomes evaporate under the weight of relentless inflation and a collapsing purchasing power,” it stated.

It added that what has been presented as reform has translated into worsening living conditions for many Nigerians.

“This is the true state of the nation, and no amount of rhetoric can mask the pain etched into the lives of ordinary Nigerians,” the statement said.

The statement concluded by asserting that Atiku’s record remained “clear, documented, and defensible,” while urging restraint on the part of the president.

“A leader who has not fully resolved questions about his own background should exercise restraint before casting aspersions on others,” it added, ending with a warning: “Nigerians are watching.”

𝐈𝐧𝐬𝐢𝐝𝐞 𝐆𝐞𝐝𝐢 𝐑𝐮𝐢𝐧𝐬, 𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐊𝐞𝐧𝐲𝐚𝐧 𝐂𝐢𝐭𝐲 𝐓𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐃𝐢𝐬𝐚𝐩𝐩𝐞𝐚𝐫𝐞𝐝 𝐖𝐢𝐭𝐡𝐨𝐮𝐭 𝐚 𝐓𝐫𝐚𝐜𝐞

Hidden within a thick coastal forest near Malindi lies one of Kenya’s most fascinating and mysterious historical sites, Gedi Ruins. At first glance, it looks like a quiet collection of old walls and stone structures. But behind those ruins is the story of a once-thriving city that rose, flourished, and then disappeared without a clear trace.

𝐀 𝐎𝐧𝐜𝐞-𝐓𝐡𝐫𝐢𝐯𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐒𝐰𝐚𝐡𝐢𝐥𝐢 𝐂𝐢𝐯𝐢𝐥𝐢𝐳𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧

Gedi was a well-organized Swahili town believed to have been established as early as the 12th century. 𝐀𝐭 𝐢𝐭𝐬 𝐩𝐞𝐚𝐤, 𝐢𝐭 𝐰𝐚𝐬 𝐡𝐨𝐦𝐞 𝐭𝐨 𝐛𝐞𝐭𝐰𝐞𝐞𝐧 𝟐,𝟓𝟎𝟎 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝟑,𝟎𝟎𝟎 𝐩𝐞𝐨𝐩𝐥𝐞, 𝐜𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐚𝐛𝐨𝐮𝐭 𝟒𝟓 𝐚𝐜𝐫𝐞𝐬 𝐨𝐟 𝐥𝐚𝐧𝐝. The city was carefully planned and divided by social class. 𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐰𝐞𝐚𝐥𝐭𝐡𝐲 𝐥𝐢𝐯𝐞𝐝 𝐢𝐧𝐬𝐢𝐝𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐢𝐧𝐧𝐞𝐫 𝐰𝐚𝐥𝐥, 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐦𝐢𝐝𝐝𝐥𝐞 𝐜𝐥𝐚𝐬𝐬 𝐨𝐜𝐜𝐮𝐩𝐢𝐞𝐝 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐚𝐫𝐞𝐚 𝐛𝐞𝐭𝐰𝐞𝐞𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐭𝐰𝐨 𝐰𝐚𝐥𝐥𝐬, 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐩𝐞𝐚𝐬𝐚𝐧𝐭𝐬 𝐥𝐢𝐯𝐞𝐝 𝐨𝐮𝐭𝐬𝐢𝐝𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐦𝐚𝐢𝐧 𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐥𝐨𝐬𝐮𝐫𝐞. These strong perimeter walls also served as protection, showing that Gedi was both important and secure.

𝐑𝐞𝐥𝐢𝐠𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐂𝐮𝐥𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐚𝐥 𝐋𝐢𝐟𝐞

Religion played a central role in the lives of the people who lived here. Archaeological findings show that the residents were Muslims, with 𝐚𝐭 𝐥𝐞𝐚𝐬𝐭 𝐞𝐢𝐠𝐡𝐭 𝐦𝐨𝐬𝐪𝐮𝐞𝐬 𝐝𝐢𝐬𝐜𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐞𝐝 𝐰𝐢𝐭𝐡𝐢𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐫𝐮𝐢𝐧𝐬. Some of these mosques date back to the 15th century and reveal thoughtful design and structure.

They had designated spaces and entrances, a raised platform for sermons, and architectural features that allowed sound to travel clearly across the building. Nearby tombs with Arabic inscriptions, including one dated to 802 in the Islamic calendar, further connect Gedi to a broader Islamic world.

𝐀𝐝𝐯𝐚𝐧𝐜𝐞𝐝 𝐖𝐚𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝐒𝐲𝐬𝐭𝐞𝐦𝐬

One of the most impressive aspects of Gedi is its level of innovation, particularly in water management. The city had wells strategically placed near important structures like mosques. Water used for washing was not wasted. Instead, it was channeled through a system where it passed through sand and porous coral, naturally filtering it before returning clean to the well. I think that this kind of water recycling shows just how advanced the people of Gedi were.

𝐔𝐫𝐛𝐚𝐧 𝐏𝐥𝐚𝐧𝐧𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐃𝐚𝐢𝐥𝐲 𝐋𝐢𝐟𝐞

Daily life in Gedi reflects a society that was far from primitive. The city had narrow but well-planned streets, and houses were built using thick coral walls that kept interiors cool even during hot days. There were also basic sanitation systems, including designated toilet areas with drainage. At the center of it all stood a large royal palace, the biggest structure in the city, which served as a place of leadership and governance.

𝐅𝐨𝐫𝐞𝐢𝐠𝐧 𝐓𝐫𝐚𝐝𝐞𝐬

Gedi was not isolated from the rest of the world. Excavations have uncovered objects from different parts of the globe, showing that the city was part of a wide international trade network. Items such as coins from China, glass beads from Venice, scissors from Spain, and lamps from India were found within the ruins. Even cowry shells from the Maldives, used as currency, were discovered. These findings prove that Gedi was connected to global trade routes long before modern globalization.

𝐒𝐮𝐝𝐝𝐞𝐧 𝐃𝐢𝐬𝐚𝐩𝐩𝐞𝐚𝐫𝐚𝐧𝐜𝐞

Despite its success, the city was 𝐜𝐨𝐦𝐩𝐥𝐞𝐭𝐞𝐥𝐲 𝐚𝐛𝐚𝐧𝐝𝐨𝐧𝐞𝐝 𝐢𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝟏𝟕𝐭𝐡 𝐜𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐲. Historians believe this may have been caused by a mix of water shortages, disease outbreaks, and conflict. There are also accounts of migrating groups entering the region and forcing the original inhabitants to flee. Whatever the exact reason, the result was the same: the city was left empty, and over time, nature began to reclaim it.

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐅𝐞𝐚𝐫 𝐭𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐏𝐫𝐞𝐬𝐞𝐫𝐯𝐞𝐝 𝐢𝐭

After its abandonment, Gedi took on a different kind of identity. Local communities began to believe that the place was haunted, and this fear kept people away for generations. Because no one settled there again, the ruins remained untouched, slowly preserved by the surrounding forest. Even today, some locals still speak of the site with caution, describing it as a place with a mysterious presence.

𝐑𝐞-𝐝𝐢𝐬𝐜𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐲

The ruins remained largely unknown to the outside world 𝐮𝐧𝐭𝐢𝐥 𝟏𝟖𝟖𝟒, 𝐰𝐡𝐞𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞𝐲 𝐰𝐞𝐫𝐞 𝐛𝐫𝐨𝐮𝐠𝐡𝐭 𝐭𝐨 𝐩𝐮𝐛𝐥𝐢𝐜 𝐚𝐭𝐭𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 by the explorer Sir John Kirk. Later, in 1927, Gedi was officially declared a historical monument, and restoration efforts began in the following years. In 1948, archaeologist James Kirkman carried out extensive excavations, uncovering many of the artifacts that help tell the story of this lost city.

Today, Gedi Ruins stands as both a historical site and a forest reserve. Much of the ancient city is still hidden beneath thick vegetation, waiting to be uncovered. Walking through the ruins, you pass old mosques, palace remains, tombs, and narrow pathways that once carried the daily life of a thriving community.

What makes Gedi truly unforgettable is its mystery. It is a place that proves how advanced African civilizations were, how connected they were to the world, and how easily even the most organized societies can vanish.

#Africa #BlackHistory #Kenya #African #World

"LADY SINGS THE BLUES: THE UNFORGETTABLE VOICE OF BILLIE HOLIDAY"

Few artists in history have wielded music with the raw, aching emotion of Billie Holiday (1915–1959). Known as “Lady Day,” Holiday wasn’t just a jazz singer; she was a living embodiment of the struggles, passions, and contradictions of 20th-century America. Her voice, at once fragile and powerful, told stories that transcended time, speaking to pain, love, injustice, and resilience in ways no one else could.

Early Life: A Troubled Beginning

Billie Holiday was born Eleanora Fagan in Baltimore, Maryland, in 1915. Her childhood was marred by hardship: her parents’ separation, periods of neglect, and brushes with poverty shaped her early life. Despite these challenges, music became her sanctuary. Holiday’s earliest influences were the church hymns of her youth and the jazz and blues records she secretly listened to. Her raw talent emerged in adolescence, as she began singing in Harlem nightclubs in New York City during the vibrant jazz scene of the 1930s.

The Rise of Lady Day

Holiday’s first major break came in 1933 when she joined pianist Benny Goodman’s band. Her voice—hauntingly lyrical and deeply emotional—soon caught the attention of jazz legends like Count Basie and Artie Shaw. What set Billie apart was her ability to infuse songs with a profoundly personal interpretation. She didn’t just sing the lyrics; she became the lyrics, bending rhythm, stretching phrases, and allowing silence to speak as loudly as her notes.

A Voice That Changed Jazz

Billie Holiday’s style revolutionized jazz singing. Her phrasing was unconventional, often singing behind the beat to create a languid, soulful tension that became her signature. Songs like “God Bless the Child”, which she co-wrote, and “Strange Fruit”, a haunting protest against lynching, revealed the depth of her artistry. Holiday could transform heartbreak into beauty, and pain into something almost sacred. “Strange Fruit”, in particular, remains one of the most politically powerful songs in American history—an early and courageous act of using music as social commentary.

Personal Struggles and Tragedy

Behind the glamour of jazz clubs and recording studios, Billie’s life was tumultuous. She battled poverty, racism, addiction, and abusive relationships. Her struggles with drugs and alcohol became notorious, affecting her career and health. Yet, even in her darkest moments, her voice retained an unmatched emotional power. This paradox—brilliance amid despair—became part of her legend.

Legacy and Influence

Billie Holiday’s influence on music cannot be overstated. She paved the way for future generations of jazz and blues singers, including Nina Simone, Ella Fitzgerald, and Amy Winehouse, who cited Holiday as an inspiration. Beyond technique, she showed that music could carry weight: it could confront social injustice, express vulnerability, and embody resilience. Her recordings remain timeless, a masterclass in emotional storytelling through song.

The Enduring Myth of Lady Day

Holiday passed away at just 44, in 1959, but her spirit endures. Her life and music have inspired countless books, films, and tributes, including the acclaimed biopic “Lady Sings the Blues” (1972) starring Diana Ross. To listen to Billie Holiday is to experience a window into a soul that lived, suffered, and sang with unparalleled authenticity. She didn’t just perform music—she inhabited it, leaving a legacy that is eternal.

Conclusion

Billie Holiday remains one of the most iconic voices in jazz and blues history. She was more than a singer; she was a storyteller, a revolutionary, and a symbol of artistic courage. Her music, imbued with heartbreak and beauty, continues to move audiences, reminding us of the power of voice, emotion, and truth. As Lady Day herself once said: “If I’m going to sing like someone else, then I don’t need to sing at all.” In every note, Billie Holiday sang as herself—and that is why she remains unforgettable.

#UnitedStatesOfAmerica #Austria #Historical #Colonialhistory #Colonialism #Afrique  #UnitedKingdom2025 #Colonizers #Africa  #AfricanCulture #AfricanHistory #Canada #AfricanHeritage #Germany #Australia #unitedkingdom #unitedstate #UnitedNations #AfricaDiaspora #World

THE MAYOTTE PEOPLE

I'll be fair about Mayotte, a French Region, that will have its President fly for more than ten hours to reach it.

Within its stages of growth, with its small population, I'd say it's managable.

You can imagine, in their 2023–2024 estimates, the total population of Mayotte is roughly 350,000, with approximately 48% to 50% being immigrants.

That means real Mayotteans or Mayottans, are in the scope of an approximate 180,000 people.

So; guess who damages the French Region?

I came to understand, that Mayottan culture, despite Islam being the main religion, is predominantly matriachal, and  property is passed down from Woman to Woman, and not Man to Man.

That means; Men live in houses belonging to Women, and I'd say, it is out of this matriachal thought, which is within it's culture, that society knew itself and opted for a French President.

Which actually worked for them.

Having a population of 180,000 people, isn't really a burden for the French economy, adding the evaluation and prospects of the island, given its location and many other variants, I'd say it is quite profitable for the French to have Mayotte as its territory, and profitable for the locals as well.

Bearing this in mind, Mayotte has French infrastructure (the island operates with European-standard roads, public services, schools, and hospitals funded and built by France) a superior welfare system, better healthcare, and higher wages (sometimes eight times higher) compared to the independent Union of Comoros. 

No wonder Congo, Rwanda, Burundi and Madagascar made their way to what they considered a safe heaven.

Carrying along with them, all the problems Mayotte is facing today. 

But I'd also say, some of these problems are French created, especially in consideration of the Genocide witnessed in Rwanda And Burundi, Congo as well, instability in Madagascar and the Comoros.

So I believe, it shouldn't be a Mayottan burden, but a French one.

#Africa #BlackHistory #French #African #World

PETER MAMPOGOANE NCHABELENG

Today marked the 40th anniversary of the death in detention of trade unionist and anti-apartheid activist, Peter Mampogoane Nchabeleng. 

Affectionately known as ‘The Lion of the North’, Nchabeleng was brought up in the village of Apel in Sekhukhuneland. He was the sixth child of Zebulon and Salome Nchabeleng. After attending high school in Pretoria, he found employment at the Government Printers (now called the Government Gazette). It would during this time that he would become politically active and became the African National Congress’s (ANC) Atteridgeville branch secretary. Not only that, but he also held South African Communist Party (SACP) members and was embroiled in the trade union movement by being the regional secretary of the Allied Workers’ Union and later on for the South African Congress of Trade Union (SACTU). 

He was also a member of Sebatakgomo, a peasant resistance movement opposed to the introduction of Bantu Authorities in Sekhuhuneland. It later changed its name to Fetakgomo, as the organisation was falsely accused of wanting to kill white people. This name was derived from a Sepedi proverb, "Fetakgomo o sware motho, mafetakgomo ke moriri o a hloga", which in essence means that people must value life and people, and forget about material possessions because they can be replaced.

As a Pedi speaker, he acted as interpreter for the late Joe Slovo, who regularly defended many individuals involved in the peasant revolt in Sekhukhuneland. Following the 1960 Sharpeville Massacre, the apartheid regime outlawed political activity by introducing the Unlawful Organizations Act of 1960, effectively banning the ANC, the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) and other political organizations. In 1962, Nchabeleng fell foul of the law and was charged with furthering the aims of a banned organisation (ANC) and sabotage. He was sentenced to and eight-year prison term on Robben Island in 1964. After his release, Nchabeleng and his family were banished from Atteridgeville to Apel, his homeland. 

The banishment did little to quell his political activity and his home in the region became the bedrock for ANC activists. In 1974, he was arrested for contravening the terms of his banning order by being in communication with trade unionist Stephen Dlamini. The state had evidence of this and he received a three-year sentence suspended for three years. In 1977, he was charged with harbouring and recruiting people for military training along with Joe Gqabi. In the same year, he was part of the Pretoria 12 terrorism trial alongside his son Elleck, Joe Gqabi, Tokyo Sexwale, Bafana Mohlamonyane, Naledi Tsiki, Nelson Diale, and Martin Ramokgadi. He, Diale (he was on Robben Island during the same period as Nchabeleng) and Gqabi were acquitted, but his son and the other defendants were convicted; Elleck did six years on Robben Island; Sexwale did 13 years of an 18-year sentence; Tsiki received a 14-year sentence. In 1978, Nchabeleng’s banning order was renewed for another five years. 

The 1980s would represent a turning point in the struggle against apartheid. Political resistance increased, which coincided with a sharp rise in law enforcement violence. Gqabi would later go into exile but in 1981, he was assassinated by the former South African Defence Force in Harare, Zimbabwe, where he was the ANC Chief Representative in that country. In 1982, Nchabeleng escaped an assassination plot when a letter bomb placed inside his son’s school report was discovered. Sensing that his life was in danger, he appealed to the ANC leadership in exile he wanted to leave South Africa, but they declined his request, as they saw his role as important to the liberation struggle in the country. In 1983, PW Botha’s government introduced a new constitution which abolished the office of Prime Minister and combined its powers with the ceremonial post of State President to vest power in an Executive Presidency. It also introduced a new Tricameral Parliament - which represented White, Coloured, and Asian political interests but still left Africans disenfranchised. On 20 August 1983, the United Democratic Front (UDF) was formed in retaliation against apartheid reform ambitions. Nchabeleng was elected President of the UDF’s Northern Transvaal region in February 1986. 

He was instrumental in establishing community and youth structures in the Sekhukhune region. He worked with youth leaders such as Peter Mokwana, France Mohlala, Ephraim Mohale and his son, Elleck. According to Nchabeleng’s wife, Mrs Matsatsi Gertrude, the Lebowa North Riot Squad and Security Branch showed up at their home on 9 April 1986 and took her husband away to Schoonoord Police Station. They assaulted him in her presence and enquired if he had imprisoned before. He informed them that he had been on Robben Island before, to which the police replied and said that this time they were going to kill him. Two days later on 11 April, the police returned to tell them of Nchabeleng’s death in detention of a heart attack. He was only 58 when he died. The state gave his family the runaround concerning his remains, which they ultimately found in Groblersdal. An inquest into his death revealed the police severely wounded him with his injuries causing him to lose consciousness and then to suffocate. His funeral was attended by over 20,000 mourners and was under heavy police presence. Peter was the 63rd person to die in police detention. His passing sparked a consumer boycott of white towns in the Northern Transvaal. 

Nchabeleng left behind his wife and his eight children, some who were also politically active as him. In July 1997, his widow and one of his sons, Maurice, gave testimony to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) about the events prior and after Nchabeleng’s detention and subsequent murder. A secondary school, hall, and complex bare his name, as well as a street in Mokopane. In 2009, former President Jacob Zumba posthumously awarded Nchabeleng the Order of Luthuli in Gold for his exceptional contribution to the fight against the apartheid system in South Africa. His son Mpho wrote a book titled 'The Lion of the North', which chronicles and honours his father's political legacy. 

#OnThisDay #PeterNchabeleng #BlackHistory #World