OFEGE

Ofege was a Nigerian teenage band that emerged in the early 1970s, born out of the corridors of St. Gregory’s College, Lagos. The group was made up of gifted secondary school students, led by Melvin Ukachi as the frontman. Others in the original lineup included Paul Alade, Solomon Oyakhilome, Tolu Akinwande, and Dapo Olumide. Their sound was heavily influenced by the psychedelic rock and funk wave sweeping the world at the time—especially Western bands like Santana, Jimi Hendrix, and the Beatles—but they blended this with the raw energy of Afrobeat and Nigerian highlife.

Their debut album Try and Love, released in 1973 under EMI Nigeria, became an instant underground classic. Songs like “Whizzy Ilabo” and “It’s Not Easy” reflected their youthful boldness and experimental sound. The band members were still teenagers, yet they were creating music with technical sophistication and emotional depth far beyond their age.

Ofege released several more albums, including The Last of the Origins, Higher Plane Breeze, and Ofege in Concert. As the members matured, many moved on to pursue academic and professional careers, and the group gradually disbanded. However, their early records, once obscure, were rediscovered decades later by vinyl collectors and global funk enthusiasts, earning the band a cult following across Europe, Asia, and America.

Ofege’s legacy is remarkable—not just for their music, but for showing that Nigerian youth could innovate within global genres while still sounding rooted in their identity. They remain one of the most exciting and mysterious acts from Nigeria’s 1970s rock era.

Journey to the Southwest Region of Cameroon 🇨🇲

The history of the Oroko people in Cameroon.

A summary from Knutson and Valdeau's accounts.

The Oroko people are the indigenous occupants of Ndian and Meme divisions in the southwest region of cameroon and the southern part of calabar, Nigeria.

They are believed to have built the kingdom of biafra which collapsed around 1755-1760 due to internal fightings and famine. The collapse of the kingdom of biafra contributed greatly to the collapse of the Rio del Rey district as a major trading post in Ndian and in cameroon.

The Oroko were very skilled at producing Iron weapons like swords recorded in Meme(an ancient Oroko town). They also produced iron coins in the shape of a roachfish stamped with three holes which they used to carry out trade. They're probably the only tribe in Africa that used iron coins for trade and how they got that ability is still a subject of research. The last of such coins was seen at itoki.

The Oroko created a leopard government called Matame/Ekpe which contributed in maintaining peace. Another way they remain attached to their leopard culture is through the leopard names they give to one of every twin born in their land and the leopard-man ancestral figure of some Oroko tribes.

They also built a hieroglyphics system of communication called nsibidi, which was recorded in Iloani in the 1800's. This system was mainly used in the matame society but some symbols are allowed for common use. These symbols also gave rise to the camwood body paintings commonly seen on the bodies of Oroko people. The body paintings are meant to transmit coded messages.

THE AFRIKAN KENTE CLOTH

Kente cloth is historically associated with the Asante Empire (also spelled Ashanti), a political state that began in the late 17th century in what is today the West African country of Ghana. In the capital city, Kumasi, artisans of the Asante and other ethnic groups converged and received royal patronage (Boateng, 2021). According to Boatema Boateng, Ph.D., in her work published in the Textile Society of America Symposium Proceedings, the craft of kente weaving is deeply rooted in the cultural practices of the region (Boateng, 2021).

Legend holds that a spider taught the skill of weaving designs from a single thread to two young men. When this special cloth was presented to the first ruler of the Asante Empire, Asantehene Osei Tutu, it was named kente, which means "basket" (Obeng, 2019). However, the historical roots of kente cloth can be traced back as far as 1000 B.C.E. to the textile production practices of the Akan people of the Ivory Coast and the Ewe people of southeastern Ghana (Nkrumah, 2020).

Initially, kente cloth was associated solely with the Asantehene, the ruler who was the only person permitted to wear it (Yankah, 2018). Over time, lesser rulers gained permission to don kente, and eventually, individuals with sufficient wealth could purchase even the finest cloth, although they would not wear the same design as the Asantehene in his presence (Meyer, 2022). Despite kente cloth's wider accessibility, it remained a symbol of "wealth, high social status, and cultural sophistication" (Boateng, 2021).

With British colonization in the late 19th century, the political power of the Asante people diminished; however, the independence movement of the 20th century relied on support from indigenous rulers, preserving the cultural importance of the Asante (Roberts, 2021).

References

Meyer, S. A. (2022). Kente: The Cloth of Kings and Commoners. Journal of Afrikan History, 61(2), 150-165.

THOMAS WIGGINS ("Blind Tom")

Born into slavery in Georgia in 1849, Thomas “Blind Tom” Wiggins came into the world under the shadow of bondage, blindness, and silence. He could not see, he did not speak, and few expected he would survive—let alone change music forever. But inside this young boy was a genius no one saw coming.

At just four years old, Tom touched a piano for the first time. The household that enslaved his parents quickly realized he could play anything he heard—flawlessly—after a single listen. He was a prodigy, a miracle in a world that only saw him as property.

Tom was denied a childhood. Sold to a new enslaver, he was exhibited across the country like a sideshow. While white audiences applauded his "wonders," the boy behind the keys never had a say in the life he lived. He was forced to perform up to four concerts a day, sometimes for crowds as large as 5,000 people. He played compositions backwards, upside down, and even played three pieces at once—all without reading a single note.

He earned millions in today’s money over his lifetime—but never saw a cent. After slavery ended, his legal guardianship was handed over to men who continued to exploit him under the guise of care. They kept him isolated, denied him education, and made him perform until his final years.

In 1908, Blind Tom Wiggins died in near obscurity at the age of 59, having spent his life controlled, misunderstood, and used. To the world, he was a “human curiosity.” But to those who look back now, he was a gifted soul trapped in a cage—of racism, of disability, of silence.

His life is a reminder of the countless Black lives with unheard stories, stolen choices, and stolen brilliance.

OKHO-UGBO (Okhogbo)

Definition:

• Ugbo means farm, while Okho-Ugbo (also called Okhogbo) refers to the hut or shelter erected in the middle of the farmland.

Cultural Importance of Okhogbo

Many cultural elements are often taken for granted, and the Okhogbo is one such traditional structure whose role extends far beyond what is commonly recognized.

Functions and Roles of Okhogbo

• Meeting Place:

The Okhogbo serves as a natural gathering point where farmers in the same area meet to discuss issues, share experiences, and make important decisions. These meetings are often unscheduled, both in time and venue, but carry immense communal value.

• Transmission of Knowledge:

The hut becomes a space for discipline and learning, where older farmers instruct the younger generation, passing down farming techniques and cultural values.

• Culinary Moments:

One of the most exciting memories tied to the Okhogbo is the freshly cooked vegetables prepared and eaten with yam, plantain, or cocoyam right on the farm. These moments foster both bonding and nourishment.

Natural Environment and Comfort

• Fresh Air:

The environment around an Okhogbo offers clean, unpolluted air—a deep breath of pure oxygen, surrounded by nature.

• Shade and Seed Yams:

The best seed yams are usually planted around the Okhogbo. Their luxuriant leaves not only yield good harvests but also provide cool, natural shade for the hut.

• Shelter from Weather:

On very hot days or during rainfall, the Okhogbo (also called Okuo-Ugbo) serves as a safe place to rest or take shelter. It is not uncommon to be so at peace inside that one easily falls into deep sleep.

Traditional Cooling Technology

• A large earthenware pot (ukhurhe) buried in the ground inside the Okhogbo keeps water cool, offering natural refrigeration—refreshing and efficient in the absence of electricity.

A Lesson for the Younger Generation

The Okhogbo is not just a shelter. It is a symbol of rural wisdom, community spirit, and harmony with nature.

There is much to learn from this humble structure—its environmental wisdom, social functions, and cultural value.

Source: Augustine Omoregbe

NANA OLOMU

A great Southern merchant and a War lord Nana Olomu (also spelled Olumu)( (1840-1916) was an Itsekiri chief, Palm Oil Super Magnate, nationalist and a fighter from the Niger Delta region of southern Nigeria.

He was the fourth Itsekiri chief to hold the position of Governor of Benin River. As a powerful nineteenth Century indigenous entrepreneur and greatest millionaire, Nana who lived in a creek near the mouth of the Benin River and Oba Ovonramwen of Benin were the two powerful Africans that successfully prevented European penetration of the hinterland of the Benin and the nearby rivers.

Nana's wealth was inherited from his father who was a also a chief, but after the demise of his father, Nana's wealth grew so much the British began to see him as a threat. At that time he had over a fleet of 200 trade canoes and another 100 war canoes with the ability to muster 20,000 war boys.

In fact, after his defeat in 1884, the arms seized in Ebrohimi included 106 cannons, 445 blunderbusses, 640 guns, 10 revolvers, in addition to 1640 kegs of gunpowder and 2500 rounds of machine gun ammunition. Therefore, there was no doubt that his impressive military machine, enormous wealth and great influence were critical factors in his virtual monopoly of the palm oil trade.

Following this development the relations between the Itsekiri, led by Olomu, and the British began to decline. In 1892 and 1893 (130 years ago) direct treaties between the British and the Urhobo further angered Olomu. In retaliation for the perceived bypassing of the Itsekiri, Olomu's men attacked some of the nearby Urhobo villages which had been exchanging goods with the British. This led to the Urhobo halting their trading, and the British responded by cracking down on the Itsekiri. In 1894 several other Itsekiri chiefs signed a new treaty with the British, and soon after Olomu surrendered in Lagos. Following his arrest he was deported to the Gold Coast now (Ghana).

The List of Places Discovered in Europe ByJoshua Maponga III During His Voyage There ‎

Just like European explorers claimed to have  discovered Africa while people were already living there, the watcher, has now discovered places in Europe and below are their names for documentation and historical purposes.

‎Below are the new names and their meaning:

‎🇬🇧 England – Pambepfumi, which means, Tomb Raiders, Plunderers of Wealth.

‎■ The British Museum – Ningadzimu, which means, Grave/Cave of the Ancestors.

‎■ Thames River – Dzivarembwa, which means, Pool of Dogs.

‎■ Heathrow Airport – Mheredzanwa, which means, Junction of Tears.

‎■ London – Rundonda, which means, House of the Weaklings.

‎■ Manchester – Kumagaba, which means, Home of Noisy Tins.

‎■ Birmingham – Berejena, which means, White Hyenas.

‎■ Cambridge – Ngomahuru, which means, House of Noisy Drums / Den of Madness.

‎■ Buckingham Palace – Makuvastsine, which means, Gatherers of Spiky Grass.

‎■ Oxford – Misodzi yaFureka, which means Tears of Afrika.

‎🗣️ English Language – Chirungurira, which means, Teeth on the Edge.

‎■ Cellphone – Potonjere, which means, The Tin of Intelligence.

‎■ Prince William – Dangarembwa Nyamadzavo, which means, Their Dog Kennel Heir.

‎🌍 Brixton – Neganda, which means, The People of the Black Skin – a reminder of our ancestors they enslaved, murdered and displaced.

‎Amsterdam — Varombi, which means, The sorcerers / those who seek good luck (talisman)

‎That's it for now, we will keep updating the list as the voyage continues.

‎This is an ancestral correction that is long overdue.

‎I am so glad it's happening in my lifetime.

‎Like Mungo Park claimed to have discovered River Niger, like David Livingstone, claimed to have discovered Mosi-oa-Tunya and renamed it Victoria Falls, Joshua Maponga III has truly discovered the places listed above in Europe.

‎However, unlike the colon

KALENJIN PROVERB

Ingeenyii kototeen kiichilile — or as others say, Ingeenyii keny kemwoge tapan

Translation: Pulling the bowstring for too long misses the target.

Cultural Context:

This proverb originates from the traditional Kalenjin way of life, particularly the experiences of hunters. Among the Kalenjin, hunting was often viewed as a livelihood for those who lacked livestock, a humbling but essential means of survival. Conversely, herding was the occupation of the privileged, associated with prosperity and social status. While herders focused on breeding and caring for livestock, hunters spent long hours tracking game to ensure their families had food.

The act of hunting itself was not only a test of skill but also of respect for the land and nature. Hunters knew that if they delayed or hesitated too long in making their shot, the target would either escape or detect danger. The same principle applied to life: timing and decisiveness were paramount for success.

Additionally, the Kalenjin believed that there was an inherent connection between hunting and herding, one that emphasized purity and balance. One could not tender domestic animals with the hands that had killed wild game. Just as one could not draw the bowstring too long without missing the target, one could not maintain harmony in life or business if their actions were conflicted or impure. Hunting and herding represented two sides of survival, and each needed to be executed with respect, focus, and in the right moment.

Literary Meaning:

Postponing action or being indecisive often leads to failure, just like holding a bowstring for too long without releasing it results in missing the target. However, the deeper lesson is about balance — you cannot nurture one area of your life (such as wealth or family) while allowing another area (such as creativity or integrity) to become tainted or neglected.

Just as a hunter needed clean hands to care for livestock, one’s actions in life need to be pure and intentional. If you let hesitation or inaction dirty your purpose or erode your focus, success will slip away.

Modern-Day Application:

In modern life, this proverb holds great relevance. Whether pursuing career goals, starting a business, or building relationships, success requires timely action and clear focus. Waiting too long can lead to missed opportunities, but acting without balance or clarity can harm long-term growth.

This wisdom is especially relevant in today’s world of rapid decision-making, whether in entrepreneurship, leadership, or personal development. It's a call for decisiveness — but also integrity and balance. One cannot nurture success in one part of life while neglecting or impeding other parts.

In today’s entrepreneurial world, for example, you may need to be swift and decisive in seizing opportunities, but you also need to act with a sense of integrity and respect for your principles, values, and responsibilities. You cannot build a lasting business with impure hands or an unbalanced mind.

Conclusion:

Ingeenyii kototeen kiichilile teaches us the importance of acting in the right moment, while maintaining balance and purity in our approach. Whether hunting wild game or tending to domestic animals, whether running a business or building relationships, success is not only about timing but about executing with care, respect, and a clear purpose.

ELDORET: A CITY IN KENYA

Eldoret is a city in the Rift Valley region of Kenya. It serves as the capital of Uasin Gishu County. Located in western Kenya, and lying south of the Cherangani Hills, the local elevation varies from about 2,100 metres (6,900 ft) at the Eldoret International Airport to more than 2,700 metres (8,900 ft) in nearby areas.

As per the 2019 population census, Eldoret has a population of 475,716 people and is the fifth most populated urban area in the country after Nairobi, Mombasa, Nakuru and Ruiru.
A long standing municipality, Eldoret was conferred city status on 15 August 2024, making it the fifth city of Kenya.

The city is a significant urban area in Kenya; it is the second largest medical destination in Kenya after Nairobi and hosts the largest university student population outside of the nation's capital. Its international airport is ranked as the second busiest cargo airport after JKIA in Nairobi and has the second largest coverage by financial institutions outside of the capital with over 40 branches in town. The city also hosts a substantial manufacturing sector.

The city was referred to as Farm 64 during the colonial period and is still colloquially referred to by locals as 'Sisibo'.

#Africa #Kenya #World

Where Did the Hadzabe Tribe Come From?

The Hadzabe (also known as Hadza) are a nomadic hunter-gatherer tribe that has resided in Northern Tanzania, specifically in the Great Rift Valley around Lake Eyasi, for approximately 50,000 years. They are considered among the last remaining true hunter-gatherer societies in Africa.

Elaboration & Ancient Roots: The Hadzabe have a long history in Tanzania, with evidence suggesting their presence in the area for tens of thousands of years.

Hunter-Gatherer Lifestyle: Their nomadic lifestyle and dependence on hunting and gathering make them one of the few remaining hunter-gatherer groups in the world.

Geographic Location: The Hadzabe are primarily located in the vicinity of Lake Eyasi in the Great Rift Valley and the neighboring Serengeti Plateau.

Cultural Significance: They have a unique cultural heritage, including a strong oral tradition and a way of life that has changed little over time.

Genetic Isolation: The Hadzabe possess a distinct genetic heritage, not closely linked to other Tanzanian tribes.

Ras Kimono & Majek Fashek: Honouring the Roots, Remembering the Legends

At Cashiff House of Ideas, it is our tradition to honour both living and late legends whose songs remain evergreen — voices that shaped our consciousness, uplifted our spirit, and continue to echo across generations.

Among such icons are the unforgettable Ras Kimono and Majek Fashek. Their passing marked more than a loss — it was the painful fall of cherished curtains drawn by the hands of life’s Creator. Yet, even in their absence, the love from fans, family, and fellow artistes still burns bright.

The idea of a tribute came to life in 2022. At Cashiff House of Ideas, we pursued it passionately — and with the support of Freedom Park, Cherubimvibe, and a lineup of legendary performers, the dream became reality. That night, the stage came alive with the presence and performances of icons like Dede Mabiaku, Kofo Wonder, Maze Abe, Endee Ikeji, Gloria Ibru, Richard Cole, Theo Lawson and Abbey Afowoslide.

Bringing glamour and energy to the stage were vibrant artistes including Oge Kimono, Monkey Man, Folusho Clarke, Queen Sally, Pat Willy, Mama Tee, Queen Chacha, Hezekaya, Helena, Queen Bebra and the Abinibi Groovy Band led by Abbey Trombone.

In honour of the legends, every artiste performed exclusively the timeless songs of Ras Kimono and Majek Fashek — breathing new life into their messages and melodies.

Special appreciation goes to Dede Mabiaku, whose brotherly encouragement, prayers, and advice kept the vision alive. I also remember with gratitude the late Yinka Alakija, Prime Quest Band, and DJ Bola Brown. Though some top reggae legends and critics quietly opposed the idea, I stood firm. Dede reminded me: “Those who were meant to do this, but didn’t, are now the ones resisting.”

Sadly, this journey made me an unspoken enemy to some — warm smiles in public, but resistance behind the scenes. Still, the success of the tribute mattered more than popularity.

I give thanks to God and to all who made it possible.

History will repeat itself soon.

Levimas Atafo: Creative Director, Cashiff House of Ideas

HISTORY LESSON

“The traces of our black ancestry are visibly existent in a hundred surnames. The legends and the history of the Scottish Highlands are both witnesses to the existence of purely black people” — David MacRitchie

Some family names that designate an ancestor who had skin darker than his companions are MURRELL and MORRILL, SORRELL, like the horse, indicates a reddish, yellow-brown skin…

In northern England and in Scotland BISSETT might become the name for the brown or dark-complexioned man…

Similar German names are BRAUN, BRAUNEIS, and BRUHN...

The Russians would call their dark people CHERNOFF, while in Czechoslovakia they would be satisfied with CHERNEY…

CAREY, DORGAN, DUFF, DUNN, DUNNE, and KERWIN or KIRWAN are all names for the dark Irishman…

The French names are BURNELL and MORIN, the latter in Spain and Italy becoming MORENO…

CARDENAS, the bluish person in Spain, also had skin darker than most…

Italy also described some with dark complexions as FOSCO…

Greek MARVOS was darker than his neighbors…

In Finland, MUSTANEN designated one with a remote ancestor who was dark of skin…

PINCUS is a Hebrew surname for one darker than average…

They all came to America and live in peace here now…

If the ancestor had a very dark complexion, the name was likely to become MOHR, SWARTZ, SWART, SCHWARTZ or SCHWARZ in Germany…

NEGRON is the Spanish masculine augmentative of negro "black," signifying the very dark or black man…

Zwartz is found in the Netherlands…

The Irish were quick to call their swarthy neighbors who were dark or black by such names as DOLAN, DOODY, DOW, DOWD, DOUD, DRUMMEY, DUFFIN, and KEARNS or KERNS…

Greek names with this connotation are KARAS and MELAS…

From Hungary comes FEKETE…

In Czechoslovakia they have CERNY sometimes spelled CZERNY…

In the Ukraine the form is CORNEY…

Similar Polish names are CZARNIK, CZERNIAK, and CZAR-NECKI…

In France, MOREAU was a dark-skinned man, perhaps a Moor…

Other countries have names for their dark or swarthy people…

SOURCE;

(American Surnames By Elsdon Coles Smith; 1986)

These individuals were not “Africans living in Europe”—they were Europeans of ancient African descent who spoke European languages and contributed to European history…

Many so called Black Americans today carry Scottish and Irish surnames, a direct link to their Black European ancestors—yet, instead of acknowledging this, many choose to push the narrative that they are 100% “Aboriginal American” with absolutely no admixture whatsoever…

They conveniently ignore the historical reality that their ancestors bore names like Douglas, Duff, McDonald, McDowell, Doyle, Graham, Moore, Murray, Black, Brown, Campbell, Stewart, Dunn, Duncan, Gordon, etc, etc,—all of which originally referred to dark-complexioned or Black individuals in Scotland and Ireland…

They’ll laugh at the idea that so called Black people lived in Europe for thousands of years, while simultaneously carrying names that literally mean “Black man”

“Macduff is certainly a common enough Gaelic name, Mac Dubh — son of the black man”

SOURCE;

(Peter Berresford Ellis, “Macbeth: High King of Scotland, 1040-57”)

“As Niger and Rufus were names of families amongst the Romans, from the colour and complexion of men, so it seems Duff was, from the swarthy and black colour of those of the tribe, or clan of Macduff”

SOURCES;

(James MacVeigh, "Dal-Mac"; 1889)

(Robert Sibbald, "The History, Ancient and Modern, of the Sheriffdoms of Fife and Kinross: With the Description of Both, and of the Firths of Forth and Tay, and the Islands in Them ... with an Account of the Natural Products of the Land and Waters"; 1710)

It is probable that many of those Dubh-glasses would, in course of time, be known by other surnames such as Black, Brown, Moore, Murray, Faw, Young, and Gordon…

It must be remembered that this name (Douglas) originally meant nothing more than “the black man” and that it only clung to one special tribe, by the same accidental process that has made such names as Black, Duff, Dow, Brown, Donn, Dunn, and others, become the distinguishing surname of other families…

Ojude Oba 2025: A Celebration of Yoruba Culture and Tradition

The annual Ojude Oba festival recently took place in Ijebu Ode, Ogun State, Nigeria, showcasing the rich cultural heritage of the Yoruba people. This vibrant celebration, held on the third day after Eid al-Kabir, brings together thousands of people from all walks of life to pay homage to the Awujale of Ijebuland, Oba Sikiru Adetona.

A Display of Traditional Attire

Ijebu Ode was resplendent with different beautiful Yoruba attire, featuring stunning designs and colors. Participants donned elaborate outfits made from rich fabrics like Aso Oke, Adire, and Sanyan, highlighting the community's deep-rooted tradition and cultural identity. The Regberegbe age-grade groups, comprising Ijebu sons and daughters across generations, came dressed to impress in coordinated outfits, showcasing their unique style and flair.

Horse Riding and Cultural Displays

The festival featured spectacular horse riding by different groups, including the Balogun families, who are descendants of Ijebu warriors. These equestrian displays were accompanied by traditional war music and gun salutes, adding to the excitement and pageantry of the event. Cultural dance and musical performances by various artists also took center stage, making the celebration a truly unforgettable experience.

Star-Studded Attendance

The 2025 edition of Ojude Oba saw an infusion of glamour with notable personalities in attendance, including Ogun State Governor Prince Dapo Abiodun, Senator Gbenga Daniel, and Nollywood stars Lateef Adedimeji and Femi Branch. Music sensation Lil Kesh also made a stylish appearance, blending celebrity charm with cultural allegiance.

Farooq Oreagba: The King of Steeze

One of the standout figures at the festival was Farooq Oreagba, who made a jaw-dropping appearance on horseback, dressed in a rich brown Aso Oke Agbada and accessorized with a silver Cuban link chain and a majestic gold staff. His confident aura and regal look earned him the title "The King of Steeze".

The Ojude Oba festival is a testament to the enduring cultural heritage of the Yoruba people and a celebration of community, tradition, and identity. With its vibrant displays of fashion, music, and horse riding, this event continues to attract thousands of people from across Nigeria and beyond.

NATALIE COLE ONCE REVEALED HER LIGHT SKINNED MUM'S UNFORTUNATE COMPLEX AGAINST DARK SKIN

The late Natalie Cole, once gave the world an honest look at her mother’s and family’s perception of dark skinned African Americans, including her dad, Nat King Cole, in her book, “Angel on My Shoulder: An Autobiography by Natalie Cole.”

After reading more about Natalie’s skin complexion issues within her own family, we respect the body of work she’s graced us with…and through it all, she did it with class.

Cole On Her Mom’s Complexion Issues

Natalie said her light skin mother, Maria Cole and her family’s, colorism isolated her from other African Americans during childhood.

In her autobiography,  Natalie recalled growing up in Los Angeles’ exclusive Hancock Park section, where the Coles were the only Black residents.

Natalie on her Mother’s reaction to her playing with other African American children growing up:

“When I got friendly with the Black people who worked for us, MY MOTHER was appalled. She wanted us to interact with a different society-outside the house.”

Before we go any deeper into this story, it’s important to point out that this is not something Natalie’s mother and family, should SOLELY be judged for. Why?

Because although they were at fault, we all know this is a far more deep rooted issue within the African American culture, that goes WAY beyond the Coles.

"Natalie Cole wrote this in her book, to forever shed light on a topic that plagues too many families."

Natalie’s mother married a dark skinned man, Nat King Cole. You may have heard of him – the silky smooth voice of “Unforgettable,” “Nature Boy,” “Smile,” “Too Young,” “The Christmas Song” (Chestnut Roasting On An Open Fire), “Mona Lisa” and “Ramblin’ Rose” – and, in 1956, became the first Black ever to host his own network TV show, NBC’s The Nat King Cole Show. Yeah, that guy.

"So why would Maria Cole’s family have such a dislike for dark skin African Americans?"

Natalie also claimed her mother’s family felt that her father, was too Black for them:

“For a dark-skinned man such as my father to acquire a light-skinned woman such as my mother was a real important prize.Your status moved up.

That doesn’t mean that her family was all that happy about her marrying my father. He was too Black for them,” wrote Natalie Cole.

Natalie’s Grandmother was very socially conscious, and according to Natalie:

“She [Natalie’s Grandmother] didn’t want my mother to get involved with anyone with too many Black characteristics, because then your children would look funny. It wasn’t just my mother, it’s the way many Black people were raised.”

While it’s easy to simply point fingers and say, ‘Natalie Cole’s momma and family are wrong for doing her like that,’ we have a bigger battle to fight- the universal ‘complexion disease.’

That type of dark skin/light skin tension is a socio-psychological sickness that is not simply just a choice. It’s also a deep brainwashing that many of us have been inflicted by in various ways, ever since it was embedded into our psyche’s, dating back to slavery. Clearly, the Coles were inflicted by it as well.

However, we applaud the “Our Love” singer for her willingness to openly shed some light on such a painful topic, by sharing her through her own personal experiences with it.

May Natalie Cole; her son, Robert Yancy; and her parents- Maria and Nat King Cole, all continue to rest well.

SANDEMA- THE BULSA LAND

Bulsa people are believed to be descendants of a Mampurusi prince named Atuga and a Kasena blacksmith named Akana, who met and lived with indigenous Koma people in the area. They speak Buli as their native language and live in the north-central part of Ghana. The Bulsa have a history of resistance, notably against slave raiders like Babatu in the 19th century. They successfully defended their territory and avoided enslavement.

The Mamprusi and Atuga: From around the 9th century onwards, large and powerful kingdoms were established on the southern edge of the Sahara. The first was Gana, after which the modern state of Ghana is named. Old Gana's economic wealth was a result of its location, where gold from the coastal areas was exchanged for salt from the Sahara. After the 15th century, new kingdoms were created in what is today Northern Ghana, including the Dagomba, Nanumba, and Mamprusi. The latter kingdom had a strong influence on the people who lived in Bulsaland.

In the 17th and 18th centuries, there was apparently a certain dependence of this area on the Mamprusi. More important for the historical self-identity of the Bulsa, however, was another event: After a family dispute, a Mamprusi prince immigrated with his family and a small entourage into Bulsaland, where he probably first lived south of Sandema in an area that is still called Atuga Pusik, close to today's Senior High School.

Almost at the same time, other Mamprusi princes left the kingdom after either an argument with their father or in search of land. Ali, son of the Mamprusi king Atabia, took Bawku, facing little resistance from the local inhabitants. Furthermore, Mosuor, the ancestor of the Namoo, a Tallensi clan, was a member of the Mamprusi royal family. He, too, had to flee because of a conflict. After his death, three of his sons founded the Tallensi villages Yamelog, Sie, and Biuk.

Around 1760, the Mamprusi King Atabia (Atabea or Zontua) had moved his residence from Gambaga to Nalerigu and made it the new capital of his kingdom. The departure of Atuga must have taken place after that date. A report written before 1933 by the British officer S.J. Olivier, who had collected data on Bulsa history. He was told that Wurungwe (whose name also appears as Wurume), together with his son, Atuga, had left Atabia, the Mamprusi king, in search of land (Kröger 2013: 73).

According to Perrault, a Rev. Father at the Catholic Mission of Navrongo, Atabia reigned from 1760 to 1775 in Nalerigu (1954: 47). This means that the immigration of Atuga and his family to Bulsaland might have happened around 1770, or 250 years ago.

According to Olivier (1933: 2), Atuga married the daughter of his Bulsa friend, Awulong, and had four sons: Akadem, Asam, Awiag, and Asinieng. These sons settled in the villages of Kadema, Sandema, Wiaga, and Siniensi. Atuga's ancestral shrine is venerated in Kadema, where his eldest son had lived and died.

There is an anecdote, told by Olivier (1933: 2), demonstrating that the Atuga-bisa, i.e., the children or descendants of Atuga, even adopted customs hitherto strange to them. After having settled between Wiaga and Sandema, Atuga met a man called Awulong who spoke a language called Buli... These two became friends, but Atuga, being a Mamprussi, was not a dog-eater. Awulong was, and he asked Atuga to join in eating a dog to celebrate his arrival. Atuga agreed and swore an oath to this effect: "Now that I have eaten a dog, I am no longer a Mamprussi, and none of my descendants shall ever set foot in Mamprussi country again on pain of death." This story has been handed down to the present day and no descendant of Atuga has ever been into Mamprussi unless ordered to by the British to a conference at Nalerigu or for some other reason.

VANISHED: THE FORGOTTEN SACRIFICES OF THE NEGRO WASHERWOMAN

“The Negroes of this country keenly resent any such thing as the mention of the Plantation Black Mammy, so dear to the hearts of those who believe in the traditions of the Old South. Such a reminder of that low status of the race in the social order of the slave regime is considered a gross insult. There is in the life of the Negro, however, a vanishing figure whose name everyone should mention with veneration. She was the all but beast of burden of the aristocratic slave-holder, and in freedom she continued at this hard labor as a bread winner of the family. This is the Negro washerwoman.” Carter G. Woodson

In this excerpt, Carter G. Woodson contrasts the "Plantation Black Mammy" stereotype with the "Negro washerwoman," highlighting the former's association with the degraded status of enslaved people and the latter's enduring hardship and strength in freedom.

He criticizes the romanticized image of the Mammy, arguing it is a gross insult to Black people who resent reminders of the low status of the race under slavery. He then elevates the Negro washerwoman as a more deserving figure of veneration, recognizing her crucial role in supporting families through tireless labor, even after emancipation.

• The "Plantation Black Mammy":

Woodson views this stereotype as a harmful reminder of the social order of the slave regime. It is a figure cherished by those who romanticize the Old South, but it is a gross insult to the Black community, according to Woodson.

• The "Negro Washerwoman":

Woodson emphasizes that this figure is a vanishing one, deserving of respect. He highlights her tireless labor as a breadwinner for her family, even after the end of slavery. According to Woodson, the washerwoman was also a beast of burden under the aristocratic slave-holder.

• Veneration:

Woodson calls for everyone to mention the Negro washerwoman with veneration. He sees her as a more accurate representation of the struggles and resilience of Black people than the Mammy stereotype.

The "Negro Washerwoman" refers to African American women who, following the Civil War, took on domestic work, particularly laundry, as a means of survival and economic empowerment. These women played a crucial role in supporting their families and communities, often working long hours for low wages.

The term "Negro Washerwoman" is now considered outdated and potentially offensive, but it highlights the historical significance of these women in the labor force and their contributions to Black society.

Elaboration:

• Economic Necessity:

After the Civil War, many Black women found themselves in a precarious economic position, and laundry work became a common source of income.

• Labor-Intensive Work:

Before the invention of the washing machine, laundry was a time-consuming and physically demanding task.

• Family Support:

Washerwomen often had to work long hours and manage multiple responsibilities, balancing domestic work with childcare and household duties.

• Community Impact:

Washerwomen not only provided for their own families but also contributed to the development of the Black community by saving money and investing in local businesses and education.

• Atlanta Washerwomen Strike:

In 1881, washerwomen in Atlanta organized a strike to demand higher wages and better working conditions, highlighting their collective power and the importance of their labor.

• Forgotten Heroes:

The "Negro Washerwoman" is often overlooked in historical narratives, but their contributions to Black society are significant and worthy of recognition.

THE LAGOS-CALABAR EXPRESS WAY

For those who are well travelled across Nigeria you will notice that the North has historically prioritized road infrastructure development, with past leaders investing in extensive road networks that cut across cities of the north.

Now, a president from the South is working on a significant infrastructure project, a 700km road connecting multiple southern states, for the first time. Some Southerners are criticizing this initiative, seemingly due to their preference for a different leader.

It's worth noting that previous Southern presidents, such as Obasanjo and Jonathan, have had their own development projects, none of which has tried to address a southern-specific opportunity. However, this current project has the potential to benefit the South specifically and significantly. By extension it will eventually benefit all of Nigeria.

Perhaps it's time to consider the bigger picture and recognize the value of initiatives that benefit our communities, regardless of who leads them. True education encompasses not just academic knowledge, and speaking robust grammar, but also wisdom in recognizing opportunities that benefit us all.

In conclusion, the development of a Lagos-Calabar (southern) link road is long overdue and critical for growth and southern integration. The existing road infrastructure, largely focused on North-South routes, reflects the country's historical extractive economy, where resources are transported from the hinterland to the South and ultimately to ports for export regardless of positive externalities that border on local economic integration . It is high time we prioritize infrastructure that fosters intra-regional trade, economic development, and integration in the South, unlocking new opportunities for growth and prosperity, especially in the coastline.

Frankly , I have thought of this before now and would have done the same if I were in this government's shoes.

The Chadian Government Response To the U.S. Government

Chadian President Mahamat Idriss Déby Itno described U.S. President Donald Trump’s travel ban as unjust and discriminatory, stating that Chad was compelled to respond in kind by introducing reciprocal visa restrictions on U.S. citizens.

He framed the move as one of “reciprocity” and a matter of national pride.

In a statement posted on his official Facebook page (in French), President Déby declared: “I instructed the government to act in accordance with the principles of reciprocity and suspend the issuance of visas to citizens of the United States of America.”

“Chad has no planes to offer, no billions of dollars to give but Chad has his dignity and pride.”

The suspension reflects mounting frustration in the Central African nation over what it perceives as an arbitrary policy that unfairly targets Chadian citizens.

While the practical impact on U.S. travelers may be limited, the symbolic weight of the decision signals a broader assertion of sovereignty and a demand for mutual respect in bilateral relations.

US travel ban hits seven African nations

The recent U.S. travel ban targets citizens from 12 countries, seven of them African, sparking criticism over its fairness and perceived political motivations.

Among the African nations affected are Chad, the Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Libya, Sudan, and Somalia.

In addition, a partial ban has been imposed on citizens from another group of countries—Burundi, Cuba, Laos, Sierra Leone, Togo, Turkmenistan, and Venezuela—limiting entry under specific visa categories, particularly those related to temporary employment.

Chad’s swift and unequivocal response stands out as one of the most direct diplomatic pushbacks from the African continent.

The country’s suspension of visa issuance to American citizens signals rising frustration and could strain relations with Washington, especially in the area of regional counterterrorism cooperation, where Chad plays a pivotal role.

While analysts note that the suspension is unlikely to significantly disrupt travel—given the relatively low number of U.S. visitors to Chad, the symbolic weight of the move is considerable.

BREAKING: Trump Signs Full Travel Ban For 12 Countries, Banning All Nationals From

•Afghanistan🇦🇫

•Burma🇲🇲

•Chad🇹🇩

•Congo🇨🇬

•Eritrea🇪🇷

•Haiti🇭🇹

•Iran🇮🇷

•Libya🇱🇾

•Somalia🇸🇴

•Sudan🇸🇩

•Yemen🇸🇾

•Equatorial Guinea🇬🇶

Partially restricted countries:

•Burundi🇧🇮

•Cuba🇨🇺

•Laos🇱🇦

•Sierra Leone🇸🇱

•Turkmenistan🇹🇲

•Venezuela🇻🇪

•Togo🇹🇬

Trump claims the reason is to protect U.S. national security and public safety. The proclamation cites deficiencies in these countries' vetting and screening processes, high visa overstay rates, and lack of cooperation on deportations or information sharing.

Legendary Boxer and Coach, Obisia Nwakpa Dies in Lagos at 75

Nigeria’s legendary world class Boxer and Coach, Obisia “Obiclay” Nwakpa known for his hard punches in his hey days has died in Lagos Nigeria at the age of 75.

Born 19th May 1950 Obiclay the man with the golden gloves had stroke and Dementia that he could not remember his days when he fell men with his hard knocks in the squared ropes.

His wife was full of tears at about 6am Wednesday morning when she broke the news of the passing away of the passing away of the former Commonwealth Champion to the Secretary of the Boxing Referees/Judges Association of Nigeria, Babatunde Laguda who spoke to Patmos Media line also almost weeping because of his closeness to the family.

Obisia who fought in the 70s; 80s and 90s was a regular for interviews and side comments with this reporter during boxing bouts at the National Stadium, Lagos in the 80s. He had 29 fights with 23 wins of which 16 were on technical knockouts (TKO); he lost six bouts and was himself knockout three times in his career.

Obisia lost at the Germany 1972 Summer Olympics to Laudiel Negron of Puerto Rico. He won the 1973 All Africa Games Light welter Weight Gold defeating Issaka Dabore of Niger Republic and also won the New Zealand Commonwealth Gold in that category when he beat Anthony Martey of Ghana and was No 1 Contender of the World Boxing Council in that category before hanging his gloves.

The Boxing legend was Nigeria’s head coach to the Country’s Boxing team at the 2004 and 2008 Olympic Games.

The last time I spoke to Obisia Nwakpa three years ago asking him why Boxing that used to win laurels for Nigeria has slumped in getting the medals at Amateur levels and not getting us prolific Professional Boxers he said because the training programmes were inadequate but was of the opinion that Nigeria will soon provide great individuals who will excel in Pro Boxing as they were having good training outside the shores of Nigeria.

His opinion is right as Nigeria has many professional boxers outwitting their opponents in the combat sports.

Babatunde Laguda said the Nigeria Boxing Association was waiting for his family to announce his burial rites before they would know where to assist. The Association however quickly rallied the family to take his corpse to the mortuary Wednesday morning.

Boxing Coaches, Administrators and Referees lamented the passing away of the Boxing icon on their Boxing platform on Wednesday saying a great Boxing Motivator and teacher is gone.

Efforts to reach the National Sports Commission NSC who are still mourning the passing away of 22 Kano State Sports men and women who died in an auto crash 50 miles to Kano from Abeokuta, Ogun State proved abortive.

Source: Eniola Olatunji Patmos Media Line.

CHEBOKERIIT: "THE NANDI BEAR"

The Nandi Bear is a nocturnal animal

That used to attack humans only 

On dark moonless nights.

The legendary creature eat only the brains of its victims, 

After making away with the head. 

This lead people to move wearing baskets 

And pots in their heads as a false bait.

It preyed upon the children and natives from the villages. 

The legends referred to it as: 

Chebokeriit, Chemosit, Kerit, Keteet, 

Koddoelo, Ngoloko, or Duba, 

Drawing from Arabic words for 'bear' and 'hyena.' 

The Samburu called it 'Nkampit

The Nandi Bear derives its name from the Nandi people.

Because it was found in Nandi Hills 

In the early 20th century

The residents of Nandi Hills slept with cooking pots on their heads 

Since the Nandi Bear mostly targeted human heads.

It made a noise like the native  word 

"Kundit"  

Which meant it wanted 

"Brains Brains Brains".

It's size was that of a Great Dane, 

With a forehead like a man, round ears, dog's nose,  

Eyes bigger than the lion's 

And a tail like a donkey's.

The Nandi Bear screamed like a child 

To lure people from their huts

Then pounce on them, feeding only  on the brains.

In some instances it broke into their houses.

Some described the Nandi bear beating its chest  like  a gorilla, 

While others claimed it moved around with  its back legs.

In 1925 a village in Nandi Hills appealed for the government's help,

After an animal believed to be the Nandi Bear dragged off a girl at night 

After  breaking a hole in a hut.

It also battered a hole through a thorn enclosure

And carried away a full-grown bull.

Because of the many complaints, 

Hitchens the local administrator cleared a vast area Between the village and the forest, 

And covered it with  sand. 

This was to ensure  any animal crossing it would leave footprints.

That very night a huge animal raided Hitchen's camp 

And carried away his dog. 

Shots were fired but the beast escaped letting out  bloodcurdling yells.

Hitchen claimed that the animal literally shook 

The ground as it thudded off. 

In the morning enormous tracks were found on the sand break.

The Nandi bear is described as a fierce, robust carnivore 

With towering front shoulders, 

Standing at over four feet tall, 

And a sloping back resembling a hyena.

Some experts suggest it could be a misidentified Hyena 

Or a surviving giant hyena from the Ice Age.

Karl Shuker proposes that the existence of the Nandi bear 

Could be explained by the survival of the short-faced hyena species, 

Pachycrocuta brevirostris, 

Which went extinct around 500,000 years ago.

Nandi Bear was never captured, 

Even though around 1950,  

There were some speculations that  a piece of skin with long brown hair preserved  

At the British Museum belonged to the creature.

Captain A.T.A Ritchie  the game warden of East Africa announced, 

"l believe in the Nandi Bear." 

But also believed it was probably a  giant hyena  

Or great Kalahari strandwolf which prowled along the shores of Lake Victoria."

Or it may be something different from what we know," 

He added.

In 1905 

Explorer Geoffrey Williams encountered a beast in Uasin Gishu. 

The ferocious monster was heavily-built 

And had a long pointed head. 

It looked like a bear, he would later say, 

But bears had not been seen this far south in Africa 

For thousands of years. 

Williams did not talk about the frightening experience for 7 years, 

And only then, after other sightings were reported.

In 1912,

Major Toulson, a military settler in Uasin Gishu,  

Talks of having seen

“A strange beast which stood about 18 inches to 20 inches 

At the shoulder and appeared black, with a gait similar to that of a bear 

A kind of shuffling walk”

In March 1913 

The District Commissioner of Eldoret, 

NEF Corbett. 

While fishing in the Sirigoi River 

He encountered the beast but survived to tell the story. 

“It was evidently drinking and was just below me. 

I heard something going away and it shambled across the stream into the bush,” 

He later said.

In 1919, 

67 goats were found dead, 

Their brains being the only thing 

That were missing.

In 1961, 

Gardner Soule noted that sightings were reported in Kenya 

Throughout the 19th century 

And early 20th century 

But it has "never has been caught or identified".

In 1983, 

Richard Meinertzhagen speculated that 

It may have been an 

"Anthropoid ape now extinct on account of decreased rainfall."

The Nandi bears Golf club in Nandi Hills 

Gets its name from this animal.

In 1983, from m Richard Meinertzhagen

Because in 1925 

The Nandi Bear 

Attacked a nearby village in Nandi Hills.

The legendary creature is a

Ferocious killer from the past.

TENSIONS BETWEEN KENYA AND TANZANIA

Tensions between Kenya and Tanzania reached a hostile standoff between 1977-1983 when the two countries closed their borders.

The conflict took shape after the collapse of the EAC in 1977, Tanzania accused Kenya of being economically selfish, undermining joint institutions, and pushing for policies that disproportionately benefited Nairobi.

In 1977, Tanzania closed its border with Kenya, a move prompted by the growing distrust. Trade, transport, and people-to-people relations were heavily affected. Air and rail links were cut, and Tanzania ceased all cooperation with Kenya.

Tanzanian officials accused Kenya of harboring fugitives involved in espionage, sabotage and corruption. During the heightened tension, Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere most notable remarks was labeling Kenya as a "man-eat-man society."

President Moi, on the other hand was suspicious of Tanzania, more so,  after the  August  1982 coup attempt which  Moi  believed was secretly  supported by Nyerere and the then Ugandan President Milton Obote. The fact  that the leaders of the plot Hezekiah Ochuka and Pancras Oteyo  were offered refuge in Tanzania further incensed  Moi.

The alleged mistreatment of Tanzanian officials in Nairobi escalated diplomatic tensions. Reports indicated that senior Tanzanian officials faced humiliations, including being denied the opportunity to retrieve personal belongings upon their departure from Kenya. This made Tanzania to severe her diplomatic ties with Kenya.

The two countries  calmed   the tension when  they  agreed  to exchange coup plotters from their respective countries.  After this,  the diplomatic tensions deescalated but the relationship remained  fragile.

NGUGI WA THIONG'O

In 2006, Ngugi had been booked into the luxurious Hotel Vitale on San Francisco's waterfront when one of the employees ordered him to leave.

Ngugi was in San-Francisco to attend the convention of the African Studies Association and to promote his new book, Wizard of the Crow.

He was relaxing on the terrace of the Hotel's Americano restaurant when the employee told him the place was for the hotel's guests  and that he should leave.

In the employee's own reasoning, Ngugi did not look like someone who could afford to be in such a high-end hotel and restaurant.

It never occurred to him that he was humiliating 

a professor of English and comparative literature at the University of California, Irvine, who had also taught at Yale University and New York

Attempts by Ngugi to confirm that he was indeed a registered guest at the hotel fell on deaf ears as the employee insisted that he should leave.

Angered by the employee's prejudice against him, Ngugi went to report to the hotel's top managers who apologised to him but refused to take action against the employee.

This infuriated Ngugi, who packed his belongings, left the hotel and booked himself into the nearby St. Francis Hotel.

Ngugi, who was not yet done with Hotel Vitale, wrote to the management demanding  action against their employee and an apology in one of the leading newspapers in San-Francisco.

With negative publicity swirling around the incident, especially after Ngugi talked about it in  radio interview, the hotel's manager and the employee reached out to him and rendered their personal apologies.

They also published an apology in the local paper stating in part: “These actions were unacceptable, and this experience has deeply affected everyone concerned.”

In addition to the public apology, the hotel also donated $5,000 to a local nonprofit organisation to support its anti-racism work.

Commenting about the incident, Ngugi said, “This person was very sure that there was no way I could have been a guest at that hotel.”

By Levin Odhiambo Opiyo

Stop Blaming One Man: South Sudan’s Political Collapse Was a Group Effort

South Sudan’s political journey is not very different from what other nations have experienced after independence. Kenya’s post-colonial path under KANU showed what happens when a ruling group concentrates power and resources among its top members. SPLM followed a nearly identical path. In 2005, after the formation of the Unity Government, there was hope for stability. But in just six years, the leadership as a whole had already misused power and public funds. Yet the blame landed almost entirely on President Salva Kiir.

In response to mounting pressures after 75 corrupt officials was released, Kiir ordered all cabinet members to declare their assets. Only one, Awut Deng Achuil resigned. The rest ignored the directive. Their refusal wasn't just silence; they turned against Kiir, accusing him of giving in to international demands, saying Kiir listened mist to international community more than his comrades. Some questioned his loyalty to the group, asking, “Why betray us?” This response exposed how far internal loyalty had replaced any real commitment to public service. The list of 75 corrupt officials had been made public through a report linked to the internal organization, not an outside enemy.

It’s worth noting that Dr. Riek Machar had been entrusted with leading the Referendum Taskforce, a role that carried great responsibility. After independence, Kiir publicly thanked those involved, including Riek, while also admitting that certain people had acted improperly during the process. Still, Kiir chose not to punish or accuse them. He did not call out Riek, Pagan Amum, or any other senior SPLM member. That silence was strategic, possibly an effort to hold the political house together.

In 2012, a full list of officials accused of corruption surfaced. The timing created panic within SPLM’s top ranks. Riek, worried about what might follow, called a meeting in Kiir’s absence, while the president was in Tanzania. This move was controversial, not least because SPLM had not updated its rules since the party’s first convention in Chukudum. There was no clear structure for elections or decision-making, leaving the door wide open for internal power grabs.

By 2013, the pressure within SPLM had reached a boiling point. At a party convention, Riek and his group challenged Kiir and made sweeping accusations. Just minutes after the session broke down, violence erupted. The collapse wasn’t sudden. It was the result of years of unresolved tensions, weak internal rules, and people pushing personal agendas under the cover of party loyalty.

Other top SPLM figures were far from innocent. Pagan Amum, who held the position of Secretary-General and was deeply involved in the referendum process, had major sway over party policies and direction. His name, too, is part of the story of a leadership that lost its way. The same goes for Thomas Cirillo, who served as Deputy Chief of Logistics before turning against the state. Both men were once trusted insiders before becoming opponents.

This shows a clear pattern. It wasn’t one man who broke the system—it was a group that allowed personal interest to rise above national goals. Leaders who once stood together eventually turned on each other, but not before doing damage that would take years to undo. Those now pointing fingers were once part of the same broken chain.

Kiir has kept repeating a single message: “Yajamha, let’s take our country forward.” Whether people agree with him or not, that call reminds the country of a simple truth, no one builds a nation alone, and no one ruins it alone either. Fixing what went wrong requires facing the full picture, not just the parts that are easy to attack.

Last not least, real democracy, accountability, and transparency cannot be delivered through the efforts of one individual alone. In 2015, President Salva Kiir expressed and prepared his readiness to move the country toward elections. However, Dr. Riek Machar opposed the process and resorted to military action in 2013, disrupting the path Kiir had hoped to take. Holding elections under such conditions was no longer realistic. Had the plan moved forward, it might have allowed other patriotic leaders to step up through a peaceful vote and carry out reforms. The blame for the missed opportunity does not rest with Kiir, it lies with those who chose conflict over dialogue.

Salva Kiir will be remembered as revolutionary, freedom fighter and a leader who tried to guide the country through unfortunately and uncertain times with patience. Many will look back and wish he had remained in office longer to complete what he started. His approach, though not perfect, showed a level of stability that is hard to find. In the years ahead, many may come to see that replacing his kind of leadership will not be easy.

By Economist & Senior SPLM pollitical think tank Mr Mathiang Jalap Dongrin

ALBERT ROGER MILLER

Albert Roger Miller known as Roger Milla, is a Cameroonian former professional footballer who played as a forward. He was one of the first African players to be a major star on the international stage. He played in three World Cups for the Cameroon national team.

Milla was capped 77 times for the national team, scoring 43 goals. Milla made his first appearance for Cameroon in 1973 versus Zaire in a World Cup qualifier.

He made his World Cup debut in also what is considered to be the maiden World Cup appearance for Cameroon when they qualified for the 1982 FIFA World Cup after winning both their final round matches against Morocco at the 1982 FIFA World Cup qualification for the African Zone. Milla played an instrumental role in helping Cameroon to qualify for the 1982 World Cup by top scoring in the 1982 FIFA World Cup qualification for the African Zone competition.

He endured mixed emotions at 1982 FIFA World Cup having a goal disallowed against Peru in their first match. Cameroon went out with three draws from their three first-round games. Two years later, he was part of the squad competing at the 1984 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles, California.

Milla was also an integral member of the Cameroonian squad which won the 1984 African Cup of Nations where Cameroon defeated Nigeria 3-1 in the final to secure Cameroon's 🇨🇲 first ever continental title. He was a key member of the Cameroonian side which emerged as runners-up to Egypt in the final of the 1986 African Cup of Nations and he received the best player award in the tournament for being the top goal scorer with 4. He was also named in 1986 African Cup of Nations team of the tournament.

He was also the joint top goalscorer in the 1988 African Cup of Nations with 2 goals alongside Algeria's Lakhdar Belloumi, Abdoulaye Traoré of Ivory Coast and Gamal Abdelhamid of Egypt. He once again played a vital role in Cameroon's trumph at the 1988 African Cup of Nations and for his noteworthy performances throughout the tournament, he was adjudged as the player of the tournament and was also included in the 1988 African Cup of Nations team of the tournament.

In 1988, at the age of 36, Milla celebrated his early retirement from international football with a jubilee in Cameroon 🇨🇲.

However, in 1990, he received a phone call from the President of Cameroon Paul Biya, who pleaded with him to come out of international retirement and rejoin the national team. He agreed, and went to Italy with the Indomitable Lions for the 1990 World Cup, where he would cause a sensation. It was revealed that Paul Biya wanted Milla to play in the World Cup after watching Milla play in an exhibition charity match which was played at Douala where Milla went on to score two goals. Following the insistence of the Cameroonian President, Milla decided to make a comeback to international football by making an official announcement in May 1990.

It is also reported that most of the Cameroonian teammates and the national head coach Valery Nepomnyashchy who is a Russian did not want Milla to be part of the 1990 FIFA World Cup. Biya issued a decree summoning him to return to the national side and Biya officially signed the decree requesting and compelling the coach to pick him for the World Cup squad.

It was also reported that the renowned sportswriters in Cameroon along with fans began a campaign to recall Milla back to the national team following Cameroon's embarrassing display during the 1990 African Cup of Nations in Algeria where Cameroon crashed out from the group stage with defeats to The Gambia and Senegal.

1990 World Cup:

Milla scored all his four goals in the tournament as a substitute as he started every game of the tournament on the bench. He started in the second half in four out of five World Cup matches and appeared in the first half once. His two crucial goals came in the second half of the match against Romania within just two minutes in extra time where he once again appeared as a substitute and following his heroics, he was hailed as a hero in Cameroon.

It was the coach Valery Nepomnyashchy who decided to bring in Milla a bit earlier in the game against Romania knowing full well that a victory would secure Cameroon's spot in the knockout stages and the coach later acknowledged the importance of Milla after his important late cameo in Cameroon's remarkable upset victory over defending world champions Argentina. He was the oldest outfield player to feature in the 1990 FIFA World Cup and was the second oldest player during the tournament after England's Peter Shilton.

The 38-year-old Milla emerged as one of the tournament's major stars. He scored four goals in Italy, celebrating each one with a dance around the corner flag that has become a popular goal celebration ever since. Two of his goals came against Romania in Cameroon's second game, and two more came in extra time against Colombia in the last 16 to carry Cameroon.

Albert Roger Miller known as Roger Milla, is a Cameroonian former professional footballer who played as a forward. He was one of the first African players to be a major star on the international stage. He played in three World Cups for the Cameroon national team.

Milla was capped 77 times for the national team, scoring 43 goals. Milla made his first appearance for Cameroon in 1973 versus Zaire in a World Cup qualifier.

He made his World Cup debut in also what is considered to be the maiden World Cup appearance for Cameroon when they qualified for the 1982 FIFA World Cup after winning both their final round matches against Morocco at the 1982 FIFA World Cup qualification for the African Zone. Milla played an instrumental role in helping Cameroon to qualify for the 1982 World Cup by top scoring in the 1982 FIFA World Cup qualification for the African Zone competition.

He endured mixed emotions at 1982 FIFA World Cup having a goal disallowed against Peru in their first match. Cameroon went out with three draws from their three first-round games. Two years later, he was part of the squad competing at the 1984 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles, California.

Milla was also an integral member of the Cameroonian squad which won the 1984 African Cup of Nations where Cameroon defeated Nigeria 3-1 in the final to secure Cameroon's 🇨🇲 first ever continental title. He was a key member of the Cameroonian side which emerged as runners-up to Egypt in the final of the 1986 African Cup of Nations and he received the best player award in the tournament for being the top goal scorer with 4. He was also named in 1986 African Cup of Nations team of the tournament.

He was also the joint top goalscorer in the 1988 African Cup of Nations with 2 goals alongside Algeria's Lakhdar Belloumi, Abdoulaye Traoré of Ivory Coast and Gamal Abdelhamid of Egypt. He once again played a vital role in Cameroon's trumph at the 1988 African Cup of Nations and for his noteworthy performances throughout the tournament, he was adjudged as the player of the tournament and was also included in the 1988 African Cup of Nations team of the tournament.

In 1988, at the age of 36, Milla celebrated his early retirement from international football with a jubilee in Cameroon 🇨🇲.

However, in 1990, he received a phone call from the President of Cameroon Paul Biya, who pleaded with him to come out of international retirement and rejoin the national team. He agreed, and went to Italy with the Indomitable Lions for the 1990 World Cup, where he would cause a sensation. It was revealed that Paul Biya wanted Milla to play in the World Cup after watching Milla play in an exhibition charity match which was played at Douala where Milla went on to score two goals. Following the insistence of the Cameroonian President, Milla decided to make a comeback to international football by making an official announcement in May 1990.

It is also reported that most of the Cameroonian teammates and the national head coach Valery Nepomnyashchy who is a Russian did not want Milla to be part of the 1990 FIFA World Cup. Biya issued a decree summoning him to return to the national side and Biya officially signed the decree requesting and compelling the coach to pick him for the World Cup squad.

It was also reported that the renowned sportswriters in Cameroon along with fans began a campaign to recall Milla back to the national team following Cameroon's embarrassing display during the 1990 African Cup of Nations in Algeria where Cameroon crashed out from the group stage with defeats to The Gambia and Senegal.

1990 World Cup:

Milla scored all his four goals in the tournament as a substitute as he started every game of the tournament on the bench. He started in the second half in four out of five World Cup matches and appeared in the first half once. His two crucial goals came in the second half of the match against Romania within just two minutes in extra time where he once again appeared as a substitute and following his heroics, he was hailed as a hero in Cameroon.

It was the coach Valery Nepomnyashchy who decided to bring in Milla a bit earlier in the game against Romania knowing full well that a victory would secure Cameroon's spot in the knockout stages and the coach later acknowledged the importance of Milla after his important late cameo in Cameroon's remarkable upset victory over defending world champions Argentina. He was the oldest outfield player to feature in the 1990 FIFA World Cup and was the second oldest player during the tournament after England's Peter Shilton.

The 38-year-old Milla emerged as one of the tournament's major stars. He scored four goals in Italy, celebrating each one with a dance around the corner flag that has become a popular goal celebration ever since. Two of his goals came against Romania in Cameroon's second game, and two more came in extra time against Colombia in the last 16 to carry Cameroon to the quarter-finals, the furthest an African team had ever advanced at the World Cup (Senegal and Ghana matched this feat in 2002 and 2010 respectively, whilst Morocco surpassed it by reaching the semi-finals in 2022).

In the quarter-final match against England, Milla confirmed his super-sub legend by entering in the second half with Cameroon trailing 1–0 and drawing a penalty and then setting up a goal for Ekeke to give Cameroon a 2–1 lead, before England later scored two penalties, to win 3–2 after extra time. Due to his performances in Italy, he was once again named African Footballer of the Year.

His second goal celebration against Colombia became iconic across the world, and was used by Coca-Cola as seen in ads like the 2010 World Cup Coca-Cola advertisement.

1994 World Cup:

Milla returned to the 1994 FIFA World Cup at the age of 42, being the oldest player ever to appear in a World Cup until the 2014 tournament when Colombia's Faryd Mondragón entered in a group stage match versus Japan when 43 years and 3 days old. Mondragon's record in turn was beaten by Essam El Hadary in 2018.

Cameroon were knocked out in the group stages; however, Milla scored a goal against Russia, setting a record as the oldest goalscorer in a World Cup tournament, breaking the record he had set in 1990. His final international appearance came in a friendly against South Africa in December 1994.

At the time of his retirement, he was regarded as the all-time topscorer from African region in FIFA World Cup finals with five goals and his record was eventually surpassed by Ghana's Asamoah Gyan.

Was Ancient Egypt a “Black” Civilization? Let’s Look at the Facts

In today’s debates, many confuse geography with identity. It’s time to clarify what science, archaeology, and genetics actually tell us—beyond emotional claims or modern political agendas.

Yes, Egypt is in Africa.

But that doesn't mean it was a Sub-Saharan or “Black” civilization in the modern racial sense—nor was it European. Ancient Egypt was a unique Northeast African civilization, shaped by centuries of interaction with the Nile Valley, the Sahara, the Levant, and the Mediterranean.

What does DNA say?

A landmark 2017 genetic study published in Nature Communications (by the Max Planck Institute) analyzed mummies from Abusir el-Meleq, spanning 1,300 years of Egyptian history. The findings showed:

Ancient Egyptians were genetically closer to ancient Levantine and Anatolian populations (modern-day Middle East),

And had less Sub-Saharan African ancestry than modern Egyptians today—proving how much gene flow happened after ancient times.

What about Egyptian art?

The ancient Egyptians portrayed themselves with reddish-brown skin, different from both:

Nubians, who were painted with darker skin,

And Libyans/Asiatics, who were shown with lighter skin or different features.

→ They had a strong sense of distinct identity and consistently differentiated themselves from neighboring groups.

🌍 And “Kemet” doesn’t mean ‘land of Black people’.

The name Kemet refers to the black fertile soil of the Nile, not the color of the people.

→ The popular interpretation of it as a racial term is linguistically inaccurate.

So what’s the truth?

Egypt is African? Yes.

Ancient Egyptians were Sub-Saharan Black Africans? No.

Egypt had a distinct civilization, not defined by modern racial labels? Absolutely.

Respecting history means respecting the evidence.

Let’s honor Ancient Egypt as the extraordinary civilization it truly was—not as a tool for modern identity politics.

NEGRO JEWS

“King John II in 1492, expelled all the Jews to the island of St. Thomas, and to other Portuguese settlements on the continent of Africa; and from these banished Jews, the black Portuguese, as they are called, and the Jews in Loango, who are despised even by the very Negroes, are descended.”

SOURCE;

(The Critical Review, Or, Annals of Literature; Volumes 57-58; 1783)

In 1492, many Jews were forced to either convert to Christianity or leave Portugal. Those who left found refuge in Portuguese colonies, including places in Africa.

Over time, their descendants in regions such as Angola and other Portuguese colonies would become known as “black Portuguese,” signifying their mixed Jewish-Portuguese ancestry.

Loango, an area in West Central Africa, is mentioned here as home to Jews who were descended from the Portuguese Jews.

The phrase “despised even by the very Negroes” reflects the social prejudice faced by these Jewish descendants in the region, as they were considered outsiders by the local African populations.

“A remarkable fact in the history of Loango is that the country contains—according to a statement which was fully credited by Oldendorp, himself a writer of most correct judgment and of unimpeachable veracity, many Jews settled in the country, who retain their religious rites, and the distinct habits which keep them isolated from other nations”

“Though thus separate from the African population, they are black, and resemble the other Negroes in every respect as to physical characters”

SOURCE;

(James Cowles Prichard, Researches Into the Physical History of Mankind: Ethnography of the African races; 1837).

To put it another way, the black Portuguese Jews who settled in Loango appeared physically identical to the indigenous black Africans.

In the reign of John II of Portugal nearly 700 Jews were taken from their kin and deported to the island of São Tomé on the west coast of Africa.

This island is close to Nigeria, Cameroon, and Gabon.

Escaping from São Tomé the Jews emigrated to the coast of Angola between 1484 and 1499.

They must have settled in several Portuguese colonies and over the centuries mixed with the indigenous black population.

Near the Congo in Gabon in 1776 black Jews, called Bavumbu (or even Mavambo, Mayomba, May or Mavumbu), lived on the coast of Luango by the river named the Rio Muni.

SOURCE;

(Cambridge University Press, European Journal of Sociology; Vol 61; 2020)

OLAWALE ROTIMI

Olawale Gladstone Emmanuel Rotimi, best known as Ola Rotimi (13 April 1938 – 18 August 2000), was one of Nigeria's leading playwrights and theatre directors. He has been called "a complete man of the theatre – an actor, director, choreographer and designer – who created performance spaces, influenced by traditional architectural forms."

Rotimi was the son of Samuel Gladstone Enitan Rotimi a Yoruba steam-launch engineer (a successful director and producer of amateur theatricals) and Dorcas Adolae Oruene Addo an Ijaw drama enthusiast. He was born in Sapele, Nigeria; cultural diversity was a recurring theme in his work. He attended St. Cyprian's School in Port Harcourt from 1945 to 1949, St Jude's School, Lagos, from 1951 to 1952 and the Methodist Boys High School in Lagos, before travelling to the United States in 1959 to study at Boston University, where he obtained a BA in fine arts. In 1965, he married Hazel Mae Gaudreau; Hazel also studied at Boston University, where she majored in opera, voice and music education. In 1966 he obtained an MA from Yale School of Drama, where he earned the distinction of being a Rockefeller Foundation scholar in playwriting and dramatic literature.

Rotimi often examined Nigeria's history and local traditions in his works. His first plays, To Stir the God of Iron (produced 1963) and Our Husband Has Gone Mad Again (produced 1966; published 1977), were staged at the drama schools of Boston University and Yale, respectively.

Upon returning to Nigeria in the 1960s, Rotimi taught at the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University), where he founded the Ori Olokun Acting Company, and Port Harcourt. Owing, in part, to political conditions in Nigeria, Rotimi spent much of the 1990s living in the Caribbean and the United States, where he taught at Macalester College in St. Paul, Minnesota. In 2000 he returned to Ile-Ife where he lectured in Obafemi Awolowo University till his demise. Hazel (his wife) died in May 2000, only a couple of months before Rotimi's death.

His later dramas include The Gods Are Not to Blame (produced 1968; published 1971), a retelling of Sophocles' Oedipus Rex in imaginative verse; Kurunmi and the Prodigal (produced 1969; published as Kurunmi, 1971), written for the second Ife Festival of Arts; Ovonramwen Nogbaisi (produced 1971; published 1974), about the last ruler of the Benin empire; and Holding Talks (1979).

Later plays, such as If: A Tragedy of the Ruled (1983) and Hopes of the Living Dead (1988), premiered at the University of Port Harcourt and was a common play in Obafemi Awolowo University Drama Department. The radio play Everyone His/Her Own Problem, was broadcast in 1987. His book African Dramatic Literature: To Be or to Become? was published in 1991.

Rotimi, a patriot who shunned the attraction of the West and Europe and returned home to contribute his own quota to nation building, was a rare breed. Diminutive in size but a giant in drama in Africa, he was one of the best things that could have happened to the literary community.

His dream of directing a play of 5000 cast members materialised at the Amphi Africa Theater when he was being put to rest as the crowd was drawn to a manuscript of the day's program outline. People made dramatic entry and exit to the stage around his casket with the man turning his casket.

Rotimi spent the second half of his last creative decade reworking two of his plays – Man Talk, Woman Talk and also Tororo, Tororo, Roro – and the result, unpublished at the time of his death in 2000, have now been published under the title The Epilogue. were probably meant as an epilogue to both Rotimi's theatrical and comic careers, which span the entire spectrum of his career.

It is comical and the language used is a version of "Nigerian English" (for example: "Se you get?" "I called God on him").

The works are also a social satire and this publication will spur renewed interest in his satires. Rotimi is sure to be remembered as a model in the literary genre whose views have shaped the conduct of the theatre and whose plays have demonstrated the power of drama to shape the thinking of the society and attempted to solve some of the problems encountered in everyday living.

#Africa #Nigeria #World

President Donald Trump And President Cyril Ramaphosa

In a heated Oval Office meeting, U.S. President Donald Trump confronted South African President Cyril Ramaphosa with a controversial video promoting a far-right conspiracy theory about so-called “white genocide” in South Africa. The video, which has circulated in extremist media circles, falsely claims that white farmers in South Africa are being systematically targeted and killed in what amounts to racial persecution.

Trump used the video to attack South Africa’s land reform policies, accusing the Ramaphosa administration of enacting measures that discriminate against the white minority. He specifically criticized efforts to redistribute land—aimed at correcting centuries of colonial and apartheid-era dispossession—as a threat to white property owners. He also condemned the country’s affirmative action laws, portraying them as unjust and racially biased.

Observers have condemned Trump’s remarks as reckless and inflammatory. Human rights organizations and independent researchers have repeatedly debunked the “white genocide” myth, noting that while violent crime affects all South Africans, there is no evidence of a racially targeted campaign against white farmers. In fact, the majority of South Africa’s murder victims are Black, and the country’s violent crime crisis is deeply rooted in poverty, inequality, and historical injustice.

Ramaphosa, caught off guard by Trump’s aggressive posture, reportedly defended his government’s efforts to address land inequality—a legacy of colonialism and apartheid that left millions of Black South Africans dispossessed. South Africa’s land reform aims to restore dignity and economic opportunity to those historically denied access to land, not to incite division.

Trump’s decision to elevate a debunked and racially charged narrative in a formal diplomatic setting reflects his alignment with white nationalist ideologies, both during and after his presidency. Critics say this confrontation not only undermines U.S.-Africa relations but also inflames racial tensions and spreads dangerous misinformation under the guise of concern.

By bringing far-right propaganda into high-level diplomacy, Trump once again used his platform to legitimize conspiracy theories while ignoring the lived realities of systemic injustice and inequality faced by the majority of South Africans.

Africa Was Never Poor It Was Only Divided

Africa was never poor; it was only divided. This powerful statement reframes the narrative that has long been imposed on the continent. For decades, Africa has been described through a lens of poverty, conflict, and dependency. However, this portrayal ignores the continent’s immense natural, cultural, and human wealth. Africa is home to a vast array of resources from oil, gold, and diamonds to fertile lands and massive renewable energy potential. Its youthful population is the youngest and fastest-growing in the world, representing not a burden, but the greatest opportunity for growth and innovation.

The idea of African poverty is largely a myth reinforced by colonial and postcolonial structures that benefited from division. During colonization, artificial borders were drawn, splitting ethnic groups, communities, and resources across new “countries” without regard for indigenous connections. After independence, many African leaders continued to operate within these fractured systems, prioritizing national interest over continental unity. Ethnic, religious, and linguistic differences were politicized, creating mistrust among people who, in truth, had coexisted for centuries. As a result, unity became elusive, and the continent remained fragmented and vulnerable to exploitation.

Africa’s diversity is often portrayed as a challenge, but in reality, it is a powerful asset. Each ethnic group, language, and tradition holds a key to innovation, resilience, and identity. When harnessed through unity and collaboration, this diversity can lead to unmatched strength. The problem is not diversity, but disunity. Division has allowed foreign interests to exploit Africa’s resources cheaply, pit nations against each other, and prevent large-scale economic or political solidarity.

In this context, the role of the African youth becomes critical. Today’s young people are more educated, more connected through technology, and more aware of the global dynamics than any generation before them. They are increasingly rejecting the politics of division and recognizing their shared destiny. They understand that for Africa to thrive, it must rise together. Young people are building businesses that cross borders, using digital tools to connect and collaborate, and creating art, music, and literature that inspire unity and pride in African identity.

Africa’s path to greatness lies not in aid from the West or borrowed economic models, but in continental solidarity. If African nations united their markets, harmonized their policies, and spoke with one voice in global affairs, they would no longer be seen as weak. Instead, they would be respected as a powerful block with unmatched potential. A united Africa could develop its own technologies, manufacture its own goods, and feed its own people. It could trade internally, keep wealth circulating within the continent, and negotiate globally from a position of strength.

To change Africa’s story, we must first change our mindset. We must reject the lie of poverty and embrace the truth of abundance. We must teach our children that being African is not a disadvantage, but a source of pride and power. We must build systems that encourage cooperation, not competition, among our nations. We must celebrate our differences while striving toward a common goal: the complete liberation and renaissance of Africa.

The message is clear, Africa was never poor. It was divided by history, weakened by borders, and blinded by borrowed ideologies. But the time for awakening is now. When Africa unites, it will not only rise it will lead.

Rabee'u Garba Ruwan Godia

George Owino: Story of Man Behind Big G, Kenya's Biggest Chewing Gum

Meet Sir George Owino also known as Big George aka Big G. He was the brains behind the concept of the gum that became super famous in Kenya.He was the first employee at Wrigley East Africa when in started operations in Kenya in 1971.

In the aughts and approximately three decades prior, the Big G was the biggest chewing gum brand beloved by the old, the young and everyone in between. It was a household name.

Its distinct larger size (as compared to other pellets in the market), red cover branding, and yellow wording made the product conspicuously stand out from the fold.

Very few people, however, can put a face to the founding of the now-ubiquitous chewing gum named after the late Sir George Owino.

Owino's journey to the top began in 1971 when he broke history by becoming the first-ever Kenyan employee at the then newly launched Wrigley Company in the country. The company is the force behind some of the beloved chewing gums such as Juicy Fruit, Double Mint and Orbit

At his new workstation, he was hired as a marketer but according to reports, he was not entirely impressed by the pellets that formed a huge chunk of the chewing gum market.

Owino wanted a slightly bigger gum and so the Big G was born. At the time, it was the first gum to be manufactured in such a size in the world, differentiating itself in the market.

When the product hit the shelves, an intense marketing strategy to popularise it countrywide was launched and by 1983, it was already competing with the market leaders.

With the success came promotions. Sir George then grew up the ranks in the company which had then expanded its operations to several countries on the continent.

He later became the chairman of Wrigley’s in East Africa.

Born in 1941, Owino rose from a humble background as the only child of Patrick Owidh and Maria Obiero. He proceeded to Sega Primary School from where he proceeded to Shimo la Tewa Intermediate School.

He served as Wringley's Chairman to his retirement in 1998 and passed away in July 2004.

By Maxwell Macharia

Isaiah Kehinde Dairo: He blessed our souls with music

He was known as I.K. Dairo (1930-1996), the pioneering Nigerian musician often hailed as the "Father of Juju Music." He was the first African musician to receive the Member of the British Empire (MBE) honor from Queen Elizabeth II in 1963 for his cultural contributions.

I.K. Dairo was instrumental in popularizing Juju music both in Nigeria and internationally. He introduced the amplified accordion to the genre and blended traditional Yoruba rhythms with Western instruments and Christian themes. His band, the Blue Spots, achieved significant acclaim, performing at major international festivals and recording numerous hits. Dairo's influence paved the way for future Nigerian music icons and solidified his legacy in the global music scene.

OFARNYI KWEGYA

The Great Fisherman: Ofarnyi Kwegya, The Statue Of The Giant That Arrived From Ancient Egypt to Ghana Erected At Moree In The Central Region 🇬🇭 🇬🇭

Ofarnyi Kwegya was part of Asebu Amanfi and his group of people that arrived from Ancient Egypt to present day Asebu town in the Central Region of Ghana. Asebu Amanfi and Ofarnyi Kwegya were both giants according to oral traditional history.

Asebu Amanfi on his arrival moved inland and founded Asebu township. Ofarnyi Kwegya was a master fisherman who settled on the coast due to the abundance of Mɔrolɛ (Stingray) in the rivers, henceforth the name Mɔrolɛ or Moree.

The late Ofarnyi Kwegya was the greatest fisherman ever to have lived in Ghana. After his death, no fisherman has been able to equal his achievements. Ofarnyi Kwegya was a master fisherman who was able to capture huge number of fishes due to his size.

His fishing activities took him and his men to several parts of the coast of present day Central Region. He settled in Moree, Winneba and other parts of the coast due to his fishing activities.

#Africa #BlackHistory #Ghana #World

MODERN EGYPTIANS, DESCENDANTS OF ARABS & WHITE SLAVES (Mamlukes)

Egypt’s history has seen numerous waves of migration and conquest—from the Hyksos, Persians, and Greeks to the Arabs and Turks—leading to significant genetic mixing and population replacement over millennia.

Each wave introduced new genetic and cultural elements that diluted or replaced earlier populations.

• HYKSOS rule over Egypt: c. 1650–1550 B.C. (Second Intermediate Period).

• KUSHITE (25th Dynasty) rule over Egypt: c. 744–656 B.C.

• ASSYRIAN rule over Egypt: c. 677–655 B.C.

• PERSIAN rule over Egypt: 525–404 B.C. (First Persian Period) and 343–332 B.C. (Second Persian Period).

• GREEK (Ptolemaic) rule over Egypt: 332–30 B.C.

• ROMAN rule over Egypt: 30 B.C.–c. 641 A.D.

• ARAB rule over Egypt: c. 641 A.D.–868 A.D. (Following the Muslim conquest).

The first Turkish dynasty in Egypt was established by Ibn Tulun, who arrived in 868 A.D.

Since then, Turkish influence has been a prominent part of Egypt’s history.

• TURK (Mamluke) rule over Egypt: c. 1250 A.D. - 1516 A.D.

• OTTOMAN TURK rule over Egypt: c. 1516 A.D. - 1918.

It is estimated that over 90% of Egyptians identify culturally and linguistically as Arabs, a result of the Arabization that followed the 7th-century Muslim conquest.

As of August 2024, Egypt’s population is around 114.6 million, meaning approximately 103.1 million Egyptians identify as Arabs.

The genetics of modern Egyptian individuals comprises four distinct ancestry components that sum up to 75% on average.

Egyptians have a Middle Eastern, a European/Eurasian, a North African and an East African component with 27%, 24%, 15% and 9% relative influence, respectively.

27% Arab

24% Turk/Mamluke 

15% North African (Mozabite/Amazigh)

9% East African (Oromo, Somali, Punt, Cushitic, Nilotic, Real Egyptians)

mtDNA sequencing revealed that modern Egyptians have haplogroups most frequently found in Europeans (e.g., H, V, T,J, etc.; >60%), Africans (e.g., L with 24.8%) or Asians/East Asians (e.g., M with 6.7%)

SOURCE;

(https://www.nature.com/articles/s41467-020-17964-1?fbclid=IwAR1C9jJqaC2B3fSnwc-1gC2f62iK6_b3GgZ9ulT0h9Ppy0r9_0Frh14_Qm4)

According to the study, the genetic composition of modern Egyptians is predominantly Arab, with 27% of their genetic ancestry attributed to Arab heritage.

This is the largest single component of their genetic makeup, which places Arab ancestry at the forefront of their overall genetic identity.

The study’s data clearly establishes Arab ancestry as the dominant genetic influence in modern Egyptians.

The 24% Turk/Mamluk component in the genetic ancestry of modern Egyptians is an important factor.

A full 51% of modern Egyptians’ ancestry is directly attributed to Arabs and Turks, comprising 27% Arab and 24% Turk/Mamluk.

Robert Davis, in his book Christian Slaves, Muslim Masters, estimates that between 1 million and 1.25 million Europeans, mainly whites, were captured by Barbary pirates and sold as slaves in North Africa and the Ottoman Empire between the 16th and 19th centuries.

He also discusses the widespread practice of enslaving Europeans in North Africa, particularly from the 1530s to the 1780s.

The descendants of these white slaves (octoroons and quadroons) in North Africa often assert their ancestral ties to the region’s original inhabitants.

These assertions are utterly ridiculous, as the historical and genetic evidence clearly shows that their ancestors were either Arabs or captured and enslaved by Barbary pirates, not native to the region, making any claim of direct descent from the original inhabitants both unfounded and disconnected from the actual historical context. 

#Africa #BlackHistory #World

SHAKA ZULU

"Shaka Zulu: Warrior King and Founder of the Zulu Kingdom"

In the rolling hills and valleys of what is now South Africa, a fierce and brilliant military leader emerged from the Zulu tribe in the early 19th century, transforming the region and altering the course of history. His name was Shaka Zulu, and his legacy lives on as the founder of one of the most powerful kingdoms in African history.

Shaka Zulu was born in 1787 in present-day South Africa, the son of a Zulu chief and a Nguni-speaking woman.

In his early years, Shaka was exiled from his tribe, but his time spent among other tribes exposed him to different military strategies and weapons. This knowledge, combined with his natural intelligence and charisma, would later make him an unmatched military leader.

Returning to the Zulu, Shaka led a ruthless military campaign against neighboring tribes, uniting them under his rule and establishing the Zulu Kingdom in 1818.

Shaka Zulu's military tactics were as innovative as they were brutal. He introduced a new type of shield called the "iklwa," which was short, stabbing-like, and better suited for close-quarter combat. He also developed a new military formation called the "buffalo horns," in which his warriors encircled their enemies like the horns of a buffalo.

With these tactics, Shaka Zulu's armies were virtually unstoppable. He rapidly expanded the Zulu Kingdom, making it the most powerful state in Southern Africa during his reign.

Shaka Zulu's reign was marked by both incredible military victories and significant loss of life. His legacy has been the subject of much debate, with some portraying him as a cruel and tyrannical ruler while others celebrate him as a national hero and an inspirational leader.

One thing is certain—his impact on African history cannot be overstated. The Zulu Kingdom he founded would go on to inspire resistance movements against colonial rule, and his name continues to evoke pride and remembrance among the Zulu.

ADORNMENT AND IDENTITY: THE LANGUAGE OF TRADITIONAL AFRICAN CLOTHING

Traditional African clothing is far more than mere fabric and thread; it's a vibrant language, a visual narrative woven with threads of history, culture, and identity. Across the vast continent, diverse textiles, intricate patterns, and unique garment styles communicate a wealth of information about social status, ethnic affiliation, and cultural heritage. From the flowing robes of West Africa to the intricate beadwork of the East, each element tells a story, revealing the rich tapestry of African societies.

Textiles: The Foundation of Expression

The very materials used in African clothing speak volumes. Locally sourced materials like cotton, silk, wool, and animal hides form the foundation of many garments. In West Africa, handwoven cotton fabrics like Kente and Adinkra cloth are particularly significant. Kente cloth, originating from Ghana, is a brightly colored, patterned fabric with each design holding specific symbolic meanings related to historical events, proverbs, or spiritual concepts.

Similarly, Adinkra cloths are stamped with symbols that convey messages of mourning or other important occasions. In East Africa, colorful printed cotton garments known as Kanga and Kikoi are widely used. The choice of fabric often reflects the climate and available resources of a region, but it also carries cultural weight, with certain materials being associated with specific groups or ceremonies.

Patterns: A Visual Vocabulary

Patterns in African clothing are not merely decorative; they form a complex visual vocabulary. Geometric shapes like diamonds, triangles, and zigzags are common, often carrying symbolic meanings. For example, parallel zigzags can represent the difficult path of life, while chequerboard patterns symbolize the separation of knowledge and ignorance. Symbolic motifs, drawn from nature or everyday life, add another layer of meaning.

Animals, plants, and even abstract designs can represent proverbs, historical events, or social values. The Ashanti tribes of Ghana, for instance, are known for Adinkra robes stamped with motifs that tell stories or recount proverbs. The colors used in patterns also hold significance, with red often representing tension or spiritual moods, and green symbolizing growth and prosperity.

Garment Styles: Form and Function

The style of a garment, its cut, and its embellishments, further contribute to its communicative power. In West Africa, flowing robes like the Agbada, worn by men in Nigeria, signify wealth and status. The Buba and Iro, traditional garments for Yoruba women, reflect modesty and elegance. The Dashiki, a loose-fitting shirt, is popular across West Africa and symbolizes African pride.

In East Africa, the Maasai people are known for their distinctive clothing, including the Shuka, a rectangular cloth draped over the shoulders or wrapped around the body. Beadwork and jewelry are also integral to Maasai attire, with different colors and patterns conveying specific meanings. In Southern Africa, the Zulu people use colorful beadwork and elaborate headdresses to express identity and social status.

Clothing as Cultural Identity

Traditional African clothing serves as a powerful marker of cultural identity. It connects individuals to their heritage, their community, and their ancestors. Wearing traditional attire is a way of honoring one's roots and showcasing the diversity and richness of African cultures.

In many African societies, clothing is worn to mark special occasions, such as weddings, funerals, and religious ceremonies. These garments often feature specific colors, patterns, and styles that are unique to the event and the community.

Even in modern contexts, traditional clothing continues to be a source of pride and a way to express cultural affiliation.

Clothing and Social Status

Beyond ethnicity and cultural identity, clothing also communicates social status. Historically, certain fabrics, patterns, and garment styles were reserved for royalty or individuals of high rank. The quality of materials, the intricacy of designs, and the abundance of embellishments could all indicate wealth and power. For example, Kente cloth was originally worn by the Ashanti royalty and continues to be associated with prestige. In some cultures, specific garments or accessories are worn by married women or individuals who have achieved certain milestones, signaling their social position within the community.   

In conclusion, traditional African clothing is a rich and multifaceted language. It speaks through textiles, patterns, garment styles, and embellishments, conveying information about ethnicity, cultural identity, and social status. It is a testament to the creativity, ingenuity, and cultural depth of the African continent, a vibrant expression of heritage that continues to evolve and inspire.

#AfricanCulture #AfricanHistory #African #Africa #World